Thèses sur le sujet « Foreign power »
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1
Nowosad, Orest J. W. « Weak power-great power relationships : Sino-Khmer Rouge relations 1975-1989 ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110791.
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With the Khmer Rouge gaining control of Cambodia in 1975,
the further development of a relationship between a weak and
a strong power was to be seen.l The People's Republic of
China (PRC) would become associated with a regime which
would prove to be one of the most brutal and inhumane of the
modern age.
2
Parmar, Inderjeet S. « Think tanks and power in foreign policy ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2005. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:14682.
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3
Miliate, Brandon Joseph. « Small power : Mongolia's democratization and foreign policy objectives ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43714.
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Small states are in a unique position, where they cannot hope to meet their foreign policy and security objectives through hard power. Rather, small states must balance against large neighbors via more subtle and nuanced ways. Through a critique of soft power, the author presents a new analytical framework for understanding small power and new criteria for defining “smallness” in today’s international system. Small power attempts to explain small state foreign policy decision-making and the role that “attractiveness” plays in their relations with larger states. One potential source of small power- democratic governance- is explored through a detailed look at the Mongolian model of democratization as a foreign policy tool in its “third neighbor policy”. Successful democratic transitions in small states can attract more security-related, economic, and institutional support from leading democratic countries than their small size might initially suggest.
4
Sicuaio, Tomé Eduardo. « Knock Out Power Options in Foreign Exchange Markets ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Analys och sannolikhetsteori, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-223996.
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5
Chong, Chia Siong Alan. « Foreign policy in global information space : actualising soft power ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1667/.
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The contemporary practice of the internal-external divide in foreign policy is being challenged by globalization's non-territorial logic. This challenge is reformulated as information globalization; a border-crossing trend of social exposure to alternative ideas jointly precipitated by the global reach of information and communication technologies, global capitalism, and post-Cold War geopolitical fluidity. The agents and processes associated with it confound any orderly delineation of 'the foreign'. This can be understood as an ideational threat to the nation-state in terms of generating a public 'global information space' that reopens all borders to political struggle. For the nation-state to survive in this space, a reformulation of foreign policy as discourse is needed. This thesis argues that the ideational, in the form of information, is endowed with power relations in spite of its abstraction, hence creating a tangible enough 'target' for 'offence/defence' by foreign policy. In this regard, information is defined as the socially patterned relationship of events and symbols capable of politically inducing action, identity or community. Thus 'soft power', or the ability to produce outcomes through attraction instead of coercion, becomes a central focus of this examination of informational challenges to statist foreign policy. Two central research questions are posed. Firstly, how can foreign policy defend or project statist political communities using soft power within a global information space. Secondly, does soft power, when exercised in turn by non-state actors, affect foreign policy by undermining statist community within the same global information space. An answer to the first question is to actualise soft power through forms of Leadership, whether from 'Inside-Out' or 'Outside-In', which are derived from domestically proven communitarian discourses worthy of emulation abroad. Alternatively soft power can be exercised by non-state actors to the detriment of state interests trough processes I label the 'Intermestic Correlation of Forces', 'Socialisation' and the 'Demonstration of Ideas'. In this second hypothesis, foreign policy retains relevance by learning to accommodate itself to the demands of external parties with interests in the welfare of domestic political constituencies. Exercising soft power in the sense in a conflation of the international and the domestic (intermestic) spheres. The case studies of Singaporean and Chilean foreign policies respectively provide analytical illustrations of both hypotheses.
6
Kuadnok, Kuanhathai. « Pedagogies and power relations in Thai English foreign language writing classrooms : a critical ethnography ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2017. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/106915/1/Kuanhathai_Kuadnok_Thesis.pdf.
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Using critical applied linguistics, and drawing on the concept of power as theorised by Foucault, this study examines issues of power and pedagogical practices that influenced the teaching of writing to Thai English Foreign Language (EFL) primary students. Carspecken’s critical ethnographic approach was adopted to gather data. The research yielded findings concerning power relations that operated in the enactment of EFL pedagogies for teaching writing in Thai schools. The research has theoretical significance for understanding EFL writing education in Thailand in the context of the international spread of English in the twenty-first century.
7
Pinto, Pablo Martín. « Domestic coalitions and the political economy of foreign direct investment / ». Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3130413.
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Li, Gao Sheng. « Soft power in practice :China's public diplomacy towards America ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335241.
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9
Marshall, Helen. « Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.
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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active
role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam
and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's
minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests
with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained:
The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of
tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and
balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
10
Toraiwa, Tomoka. « Oscillations of Power : Conducting Qualitative Research in a Foreign Country ». 名古屋大学大学院国際言語文化研究科, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/14072.
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Slavíková, Kamila. « Soft Power and Foreign Policy Strategy : Do Only Democracies Count ? » Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194653.
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A part of academic work inspired by Nye's concept of "soft power" has adopted his conceptualisation without much reservation, while another part has contested it. Some authors describe Nye's conceptualisation of power as biased towards democracies, or otherwise challenge the concept as category of analysis. On the case study of the partial democracy of Singapore, through analysis of official discourse, the thesis explores whether Singapore's government acknowledges the idea and if so, how it interprets it. Secondly, the thesis aims to provide more insight into the use of soft power as category of analysis with the help of the selected case study.
12
Marian, Svetlana. « Russia's Foreign Policy in Eastern Europe : The Moldovan Question ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/79750.
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This thesis provides an empirical contribution to the existing literature regarding Russian foreign policy and its application in Russia's near abroad. The primary case study is Russian foreign policy instruments applied to the Eastern European country of Moldova. This thesis directly cites the Russian National Security Concept (RNSC) documents from 2000 and 2016 as the foundation for analysis of Russian foreign policy actions applied to both Eastern Europe and Moldova. A summation of the type of instruments used within Moldova, either "soft power" or "hard power" resources, citing specific examples of each, is included. The result of this thesis is a foundation for future research of Russian foreign policy based on Russian foreign policy documents, as it pertains to the former republics of the Soviet Union.Master of Arts
13
Strathman, Brent A. « Who advises ? power, politics, & ; persuasion in foreign policy decision making / ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1135002242.
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Trogstam, Marie. « The US Power Position : An Analysis of Foreign Policy Elite Interpretations ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1934.
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It is rather undisputed that the United States has maintained its position of global primacy since the end of the Cold War. According to the current Bush- administration and the US National Security Strategy, this power will be used to fight terrorists as well as to encourage free and open societies on every continent. With this position held by the government, it becomes essential to know more about the US power to better understand world politics. What opinions an American foreign policy elite has on international politics in general and on the US power in particular, can be consideredto have a certain influence on the US governmental policy making and is hence an interesting object of analysis for an improved knowledge of the US power position. This thesis aims to analyse different foreign policy elite interpretations, both of the present US situation and of what can be expected in the near future. In addition to opinions on the power position itself, the question addressed is whether there seem to be any impact of modern theories of international politics among the elite and if these theories are relevant at all for policy- orientated estimations. The result of the analysis indicates at least some impact of neorealism, neoliberalism and social constructivism, while there tend to be no influence of feminist IR-theory. However, as a base assumption in this thesis, most modern theories of international politics are conceived as partly related to a realist tradition in the field of academics, and this might diminish the influence of the separate theories among the elite. Accordingly, nor can extreme theoretical differences be confirmed, neither can the differences be disregarded. A majority of the foreign policy elite representatives describe the present US position as unrivalled in all critical dimensions, with an unsurpassed military, economic, technological and cultural power. The opinions on the expected power position in the near future are more diverging and suggest different courses of development. However, as long as the US keeps the precedence of interpretation and attracts others to American values and ideas, in addition to a solid base of economic and military strength, the US power position will most probably last for a foreseeable future.
15
Ndackson, Danjuma. « Response to foreign investment regulations in Nigeria : the bargaining power model ». Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1987. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21495.
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The interest for this research developed from the researcher's observation of host countries' policies (particularly developing countries) towards foreign direct investments. Available literature identify five main categories (though not mutually distinguishable) of host country policies: expropriatory, regulatory, receptive, promotional, and open-door policies. In this research, we are concerned with regulatory (control) policies. The response of MNCs to regulatory policies is identified to comprise of two stages: initial behaviour to 'conflict' (the policy), and the exploitation of (ownership) advantages. An MNC's initial behaviour could be competitive, collaborative, accommodative, compromising, or avoidant. Where the MNC adopts a compromising behaviour, bargaining as a means of resolving the 'conflict' is pursued. Whether this takes place or not in resolving the 'conflict', the MNC is likely to look back (assess) on what its ownership advantages are, vis-a-vis the host-country's location advantages, and then act on the basis of this assessment. Nigeria, like any other host country has economic policies, some of which affect MNCs. These include the Business Permit / Immigration Act, 1963; the Companies Decree, 1968; the Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decrees, 1972 and 1977; the Local Sourcing Policy; etc. This research considers the factors influencing the response of MNCs to three of these policies: indigenization of ownership; nigerianization of management; and the local sourcing of raw materials. Four host-country characteristics and five MNC characteristics were hypothetically chosen as influential in the firms' response to each of the policies. The host country characteristics are: Nigeria's market attractiveness, availability of needed raw materials in Nigeria, availability of required human resources in Nigeria, and competition in the firm's industry in Nigeria. The MNC characteristics are: the firm's technological intensity, export intensity, complexity of managerial and operational tasks, size, and age. The major research findings are: (a) Most of the firms in the sample were collaborative in their behaviour in all the policies. (b) The most important (actually, the only) host country characteristic that significantly influenced the response of firms to the policies was Nigeria's market attractiveness. (c) The most important MNC characteristic that influenced the firms' response to the policies was their technology. (d) Contrary to popular opinion, this research found that important MNC characteristics encouraged or made firms to remain in Nigeria as well as comply with government policy, rather than making them arrogant or delay compliance. (e) All the firms in the study indicated that they had complied with the policies. Survey results were complemented with case studies. And the findings from the cases support all the above.
16
Strathman, Brent A. « Who advises ? Power, politics, & ; persuasion in foreign policy decision making ». The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1135002242.
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Weinbrenner, John. « SOFT POWER AND HARD POWER APPROACHES IN U.S. FOREIGN POLICY : A CASE STUDY COMPARISON IN LATIN AMERICA ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3500.
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The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of soft power versus hard power in U.S. policy towards Latin America. In recent years America's unipolar moment has been challenged from populist leaders in the region to its inability to get a handle on the flow of illegal immigrants and illicit drugs that reach its shores. This thesis is a step to understanding the difference between power and influence as well as the effects of hard power and soft power in U.S. foreign policy. A historical comparative case study analysis has been conducted utilizing the cases of FDR's Good Neighbor policy and Reagan's contra war policies. This qualitative approach examined specific short-term and long-term goals of each policy and analyzed each strategy's ability to achieve those stated goals. The results of the study reveal that both soft and hard power approaches can have positive as well as negative effects on American influence in Latin America.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA
18
McCarthy, Daniel R. « Power, information technology, and international relations theory : the institutional power of the Internet and American foreign policy ». Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/31d00cb8-faee-462c-bec6-394ca740d162.
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This thesis examines the place of information communications technology (ICT) as a form of power in International Relations (IR) theory. Through an examination of the dominant approaches to ICTs in IR I outline the need to introduce a concept of technological power which can account for agency and culture in the process of technological design and development. Turning towards the critical theory of technology of Andrew Feenberg, the thesis argues that conceptualizing technology as biased but ambivalent provides the space within which agency may be considered alongside the structuring characteristics of technology to provide a more theoretically balanced and analytically productive account of the politics of technology. Building upon this foundation, the thesis outlines ICTs as a form of institutional power in international politics, acting upon agents at a distance in both space and time. This form of power is enmeshed in, and supported by, structural power relations and the interrelated discursive and ideological forms of power which maintain these structures. I examine the utility of these concepts through an extending empirical illustration of the role of the Internet in American Foreign Policy. This analysis argues that the Internet, as a product of American technological development, expresses a bias towards liberal capitalist values which forces other states to either alter their social practices or enact costly filtering regimes. The open networks of the Internet thereby facilitate the pursuit of an Open Door foreign policy by the United States government. Accounting for the technologically embedded cultural norms of the Internet casts a different light upon the nature of power in international relations, and requires that we take the constitution of an global material culture into account in our theories of international relations.
19
Tshipinare, Katso. « Purchasing power parity between Botswana and South Africa : a cointegration analysis ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_1984_1184669340.
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This paper tested the purchasing power parity hypothesis for Botswana and South Africa using cointegration analysis. The data used are the spot exchange rate between the two countries (rand and pula) and their consumer price indices.
20
Cooper, Daniel. « Neoconservatism and American Foreign Policy : A Critical Analysis ». Thesis, Griffith University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367455.
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This thesis critically engages the dominant ideas, beliefs and strategic thought of neoconservative foreign policy intellectuals. Mush has been made in the dominant studies on neoconservatism of the ideological conversion neoconservatives underwent throughout the twentieth century. Understanding this conversion is certainly important if one is to develop an appreciation of neoconservatism's history. Yet this thesis argues that neoconservatism is best understood by critically engaging with a body of ideas and beliefs which should define the neoconservative approach to American foreign policy.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
Full Text
21
Kim, Youngwan. « The Unveiled power of NGOs : how NGOs influence states' foreign policy behaviors ». Diss., University of Iowa, 2011. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1153.
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This research project is designed to understand the relationship between states and Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs), especially how they influence one another. In this study, I argue that the theoretical relationship between states' foreign policy behaviors and the behavior of NGO is dynamic and conditional, with the influence of NGOs on states' behaviors depending on the host states' regime type and the age of the influencing NGOs. I also argue that NGOs influence states' foreign policy behaviors toward other states both directly and indirectly, functioning as information providers, lobbying groups, agenda setters, and norm generators.
By applying these theoretical arguments to the field of international development, the influence of NGOs on states' decisions about foreign aid is analyzed with the case of the United States. A new time-series cross-sectional dataset of the activities of US-based NGOs in developing countries is constructed by utilizing annual reports of NGOs, websites, and through personal communication with NGO officers. In addition, another new dataset is constructed about the number of New York Time articles. With constructed datasets, the quantitative studies are conducted. The quantitative studies show that as number of US-based NGO field operations in developing countries increase, that country is significantly more likely to receive higher amounts of aid from the United States. NGOs that have longer operations in developing countries are also more effective at lobbying the United States to provide more foreign aid. Furthermore, empirical analyses show that as number of US-based NGO activities increase in a country, the media coverage of that country increases. The qualitative analyses of NGOs' influence on states' foreign policy behaviors are also conducted. Interviews with NGO workers, governmental officials, and a reporter from the New York Times provide insight about how NGOs interact with the US government. In addition, these interviews show that NGOs function as information providers, lobbying groups, agenda setters, and norm generators.
The theoretical understand of NGO-state relationships will contribute to the study of NGOs and NGOs' interaction with states. In addition, empirical analyses with newly constructed dataset and interviews with people in the field will become an important asset to social scientists in this field. The study also has a great potential to be expanded by including more NGO data, issue areas, and other countries' NGOs.
22
Unkovski, Goran. « Purchasing power parity and Reserve Bank intervention in the foreign exchange market ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/5681.
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Includes bibliographical references.This paper tests the behaviour of the PPP relationship in South Africa between 1993 and 2003 using cointegration techniques. The period under review is divided into two sub-phases. The first, from January 1993 to May 1998, encompasses the changing political situation and the initial effects of global integration for South Africa. It is found that the PPP relationship holds during this time frame.
23
Mattiacci, Eleonora. « The Determinants of Foreign Policy Volatility ». The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1408964976.
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24
Ducke, Isa. « Status as a factor in Japanese foreign policy making toward Korea ». Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2000. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326232.
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Abdurahmonov, Ahad. « The role of energy resources in foreign policy behavior of small states a comparative study of Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan / ». Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=2065747431&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Stellmann, Lars. « Germany's energy demand and supply until 2020 : implications for Germany's foreign energy policy ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FStellmann.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Robert E. Looney, Maria Rasmussen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-57). Also available online.
27
Hudáková, Miriama. « Foreign aid effectiveness : case study of Haiti ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-191966.
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My master's thesis deals with a form of soft power and foreign policy, the development aid. In the three chapters I provide an analysis of the potential impacts of such financial flows in the particular case of Haiti. This country has become an exemplar of the fact that even billions of dollars do not have to contribute to improving the economic and living conditions, on the contrary, aid in combination with incorrectly set policies can become an instrument of destruction. Using econometric models and policy analysis I examine the impact of official development assistance on the political, economic, environmental and social sector. At the end of the work I list recommendations for the future, which could contribute to improving the situation.
28
Zhang, Jia Xuan. « China in Africa : another neocolonial power or a new type of strategic partner ? » Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595543.
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Cronin, Jason William. « Soft power and its impact on U.S. influence in Latin America ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1276.
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Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.The role of Latin America in U.S. foreign policy has ebbed and flowed for over 100 years. Over the last 15 years, the relationship between the United States and Latin America has seen a precipitous drop in both cooperation and cordiality. The amicable relationships that the United States once enjoyed with Brazil and Venezuela specifically have become acrimonious. With the United States' increased interest in completing a Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement by January, relations with Brazil are vital. The United States' continued dependence on imported petroleum from Venezuela and America's concern over Venezuela's growing relationship with Cuba make this country also important to U.S. foreign policy. The thesis focuses on the United States' ability to use its cultural influence (soft power) to positively effect U.S. relations with Brazil and Venezuela. By analyzing past and present effects of U.S. cultural influence in these two countries, the U.S. can better understand and appreciate the influence it wields as the world's only remaining super power. This thesis finds that despite historic evidence, the U.S. has had and continues to have a propensity to use soft power influence tactically, diminishing the effectiveness of its innate power and influence as being the global leader in military, economic, cultural, and technological matters. Conversely, the U.S. attempts to use its hard power (military and economic) strategically, thereby only breeding anti-Americanism globally.
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy
30
Clary, Eric Michael. « Using the Syrian Civil War to Measure Hierarchy : Regional Power Transition in the Middle East ». PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4359.
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In 2018, the Syrian Civil War will enter into its ninth year of conflict. From an international relations perspective there are few, if any, studies on state actors in regional sub-state systems. What can an intrastate conflict teach us about future dynamics of the regional interstate hierarchy? It is worthwhile to examine The Syrian Civil War for three reasons. First, Syria lies in the heart of the Middle East lending proximity to regional actors. Second, the breakdown of order in Syria represents a microcosm of the global anarchic environment. Third, Syrian Civil War is an intrastate war that encapsulates both state and non-state actors. This paper intends to provide a clear regional hierarchical analysis with future possibilities and perspectives.
For the last century realism then neorealism dominated the field of international relations, yet they are unfit theories for analyzing the Middle East's hierarchy. To address anomalies realists and neorealists incorporated preference and satisfaction, which undermined the core tenets of their theories. Power Transition Theory (PTT) incorporates satisfaction while maintaining structural organization. The addition of power and satisfaction give PTT the necessary tools to assess regional hierarchies and estimate the likelihood of conflict. This PTT theoretical framework will be used to assess the global hierarchy, the status quo set by the United States, and Syria's relation to the status quo. A synopsis of the Syrian Civil War will be provided to contextualize the actors and dyadic comparisons between actors before and after the Iranian-Russian-Syrian victory in Aleppo. The dyadic comparison indicates power and satisfaction among interested parties and if they change during the course of the conflict.
Conclusions indicate that the actors and the environment in the Syrian theater are suitable for Power Transition Theory and the data acquired by researching the Syrian Civil War affirms Yeşilada and Tanrikulu's assessment that Russia tops the Middle East's hierarchy with Turkey and Iran following at near parity. The findings reveal the veracity of Lemke's claim that PTT can be utilized for intrastate conflict. The findings substantiate my claim that intrastate conflict can inform us of a region's hierarchy.
31
Nová, Šárka. « Soft power Tchajwanu v diplomatické praxi ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124848.
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Due to its fragile position in the international community, Taiwan has used soft power projection and public diplomacy tools to present its values and to enforce its national interests. This work identifies and examines principal sources and instruments of soft power implemented in Taiwan's diplomatic practice. Taiwan is attractive to other countries especially for its values, culture and economic strength. It currently enhances its influence mainly via cultural projects, educational programs, foreign policy practice, economic soft power, gastrodiplomacy and media, specifically focusing on development and humanitarian aid, active participation in international bodies and clarifying its standpoint towards PRC, celebrity diplomacy, and on publishing foreign language books and informational texts about the country. It will be crucial for the future of Taiwan's public diplomacy to either focus on areas that have not been attractive so far, or to use the strategy of niche diplomacy. With better institutional coordination, well-targeted public diplomacy strategy and national brand making, Taiwan can continue in making its world image better.
32
Liu, Yi. « The determinants of Western Australia’s foreign investment in China ». Thesis, Curtin University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/880.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The growing economic importance of China with its major economic power in the East Asia region has become a popular host destination for receiving foreign investment from Hong Kong, Korea, and Taiwan. With China’s growth and development, this nation has over time become one of Australia’s main trading partners. As new investment opportunities have emerged, Australian companies, especially from Western Australia have shown interest in the Chinese marketplace. Despite the popular consensus that Australian companies are increasingly investing in China, to date relevant literature examining this notion is limited. Specifically, studies of elements that motivate or deter owners / managers of Australian companies, especially from Western Australia to invest in China are restricted. Consequently, the purpose of this study was to investigate the likely relationships between four independent constructs (1. market size, 2. labour cost, 3. infrastructure, and 4. business ethics) in China and the intensity of foreign investment from Western Australia, and to evaluate if and how these relationships are mediated by personality attributes (i.e., gender), organisational properties (i.e., size), and networking.To empirically investigate the determining factor for undertaking investment in China, this study employed both quantitative and qualitative approaches. The use of the quantitative method positivist approach is deemed as a suitable, partial approach, which assists in determining the statistical relationships between the investigated variables. Moreover, a qualitative approach was used in a complementing context to understand the quantitative results. Given the dynamic business environment in China, the use of a qualitative approach has potential for gaining a more comprehensive understanding of quantitative findings as well as providing rich information for further interpretations.This study was conducted with 43 respondents of Western Australian companies. A salient feature of the study companies is that they either have capabilities to invest or are already investing in mainland China (People’s Republic of China, in this study identified as China). The targeted companies are involved in manufacturing and services industries, such as mining, education, banking, and telecommunication. Although collecting primary data appeared to be a challenge, the data were robust for statistical analysis. In addition, the data were from decision makers of the study companies, which further indicate the richness of the sample.The findings of this study revealed that China’s large market size plays a positive role in attracting investments from WA to China. Similarly, the adequate level of infrastructure and the level of familiarity of business ethics in China tend to somewhat encourage WA investors to conduct business in China. In contrast, China’s cheap labour cost was not the primary driver that motivates WA companies to invest in China. In relation to the mediating effects of personality attributes (e.g., gender), organisational properties (i.e., size), and networking the study findings revealed that networking plays a significant mediating role in the investment decision. However, due to the relatively small sample size, personality attributes and organisational properties were established to provide insufficient analytical rigor in the decision to invest in China by WA companies.The implications for this study may offer insightful information to enrich the understanding of the determinants of Australian foreign investment in general, and in the Chinese marketplace in particular. In addition, by empirically investigating the perceptions of the decision makers of WA companies in relation to their investment decisions in China, the findings of this research may assist foreign companies to undertake better planning of their investment decisions. More specifically, this study may offer additional insight to those companies that are operating or planning to invest in the Chinese marketplace. For example, this study may be particularly useful for international managers or owners, as it may provide some fruitful information to assist a better understanding of the issues that relate to business ethics with Chinese operations. In addition, the phenomenon of guanxi in China has been considered as a major determinant for facilitating business engagement in the Chinese marketplace. It may, therefore, be argued that the phenomenon of guanxi in assisting business operations in China has become increasingly important, and international managers or owners may need to gain a deeper understanding of this phenomenon.
33
Svensson, Jenny. « Foreign Aid as a Cause of War ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403376.
Texte intégral
34
Dix, J. M. « The power to persuade ? : U.S. foreign policy towards Indian non-alignment, 1947-1957 ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.636451.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is a detailed historical reconstruction and analysis of official American attitudes and policies towards Indian non-alignment between 1947 and 1957, explaining policy development and change in the broader context of the Cold War. This case study highlights the shortcomings of certain popular images of the period, namely the bipolar model and the perception of the US as a powerful, persuasive state able to manipulate others, especially much weaker countries. After ten years of trying to persuade India to become an ally, Washington realised that not only was this impossible, but also not even in American interests. American policy-makers faced major problems with Indian non-alignment during this period. First, India's very public position on US-Soviet hostility as traditional great power rivalry undermined American attempts to establish and maintain the free world's unity. Second, whilst the Truman administration recognised the Cold War's complexities, Truman's bipolar rhetoric restricted US flexibility on policy regarding Indian non-alignment. Thus, the US adopted a negative stance on Indian foreign policy and tried to align India with the West and draw it into regional collective defence measures. However, as the Cold War developed Truman found India had a very useful role to play precisely because it was non-aligned, especially during the Korean War when India acted as a channel of communication between the US and the People's Republic of China. Eisenhower faced similar problems with India, especially regarding collective defence, and at first he was hostile towards Indian non-alignment. However, he decided that it was America's policy that had to change, not India's. Gradually he moved attitudes from intolerance to acceptance, realising that the US should take full advantage of non-alignment. By 1957 Eisenhower looked upon non-alignment as a constructive position in world politics, and as a result US-Indian relations entered a new, positive phase.
35
Barqueiro, Carla. « Canada's human security foreign policy : illuminating the role of ideas in soft power ». Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/b47c42e8-58f0-4db7-93c9-ac919994f257.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study entitled, Canada’s Human Security Foreign Policy: Illuminating the Role of Ideas in Soft Power, investigates the role of ideational factors in explaining foreign policy outcomes. Specifically, it examines the context of Canada’s human security foreign policy development from 1996-2001 under former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lloyd Axworthy. Viewing human security as an idea or political leitmotif allows a more profound understanding of policy, its connection to soft power strategies, and the successful adoption of international human security treaties. To date, most research on human security has asserted the wide depth and scope of its conceptual boundaries make it problematic as a policy tool. Opposing claims have been forwarded as to Canada’s success in human security policy creation and implementation. The study seeks to interrogate these opposing claims in order to push the debates that exist in the literature forward. It is argued that Canada’s human security foreign policy serves to throw into question claims concerning the ineffectiveness of human security as a policy tool, whereby Canada’s use of soft power strategy in pursuit of specific human security issues has allowed it to gain greater power in international affairs. Moreover, a focus on ideational factors that allow for power enhancement to occur serve to push Joseph S. Nye’s initial conceptualization of soft power forward within a wider taxonomy of power dynamics. Illustrated through efforts in developing and implementing its human security foreign policy, the explicit connection between ideas and soft power becomes paramount to understanding the Canadian case. Albeit an idea that informs policy in bounded issue-based contexts, human security and its connection to soft power informs both policy research and academic literature.
36
Gao, Yuqun. « Chinese society, the missionary enterprise, and foreign power in rural Fujian, 1842-1900 ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 2018. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.752806.
Texte intégral
37
Greenlees, Donald. « The Origins of Nonalignment : Great Power Competition and Indonesian Foreign Policy 1945-1965 ». Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147895.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis analyses Indonesia’s foreign policy, specifically
its alignment behavior, in the 20 years after it declared
independence in 1945. It investigates the origins of
Indonesia’s enduring bebas-aktif (independent and active)
foreign policy and its manifestation in an official policy of
neutrality and then nonalignment during the Cold War. It then
follows the evolution of alignment policy via Indonesia’s
interactions with the great powers of the era – the USA, the
Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China. The case study
period provides a detailed account of a series of episodes that
engaged the Cold War’s great powers, including the Asia- Africa
conference, US-sponsored regional rebellions in Indonesia, the
campaign to wrest control of West New Guinea, and the attempt to
“crush” the formation of Malaysia under a policy of
Konfrontasi.
In trying to account for patterns in Indonesian alignment, the
thesis challenges conventional approaches to alignment that
explain changing behavior as purely a response to either the
capability or intentions of other powers. Instead of seeing
alignment as the result of a balance of power or a balance of
threat, the thesis finds that Indonesia’s alignment policy
during the period is better understood as a balance of risk
between competing domestic and international demands and
objectives. Policymakers are viewed as placing especially high
priority on maintaining policy autonomy, which they compromise
only when the objective that alignment serves is regarded as
critical to the state.
The analysis highlights a deep vein of Realpolitik and pragmatism
in Indonesia’s alignment behavior, which prompted it to abandon
neutrality when the international and domestic objectives of
policymakers outweighed their commitment to the bebas-aktif
policy. But the thesis found Indonesia’s most common approach
to alignment was the use of a range of ‘smart’ strategies
designed to maximise the benefits and minimise the risks of
alignment. The principal risks could be placed in two categories:
first, the risk of losing policy autonomy and, second, the risk
of alignment choice provoking a domestic or international
backlash. The thesis also reviewed methods of analysing decisions
under conditions of risk. Comparing a rational actor model with a
psychological model of choice, it found policymakers were prone
to depart from the precepts of rational choice under conditions
of crisis and uncertainty when the risk of critical loss to the
state was is high.
38
Rahman, Noorashikin Abdul. « Negotiating power : a case study of Indonesian foreign domestic workers (FDWs) in Singapore ». Thesis, Curtin University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/692.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the complex power structures that underscore the migration and employment of Indonesian women as foreign domestic workers (FDWs) in Singapore. The main objective is to highlight the power of individual Indonesian FDWs and the collective power of these women in negotiating these structures of power in the context of a migration study as well as a `resistance' study. I argue that Indonesian FDWs are active agents who exercise individual agency and collective `resistance' in the migration system. As labour migrants they exert power in shaping the nature of the migrant institution. One of the means in which they do so is by perpetuating the informal networks of migration. Individual Indonesian FDWs are also capable of exerting power in circumventing elements of exploitation and domination they encounter during their migration process and employment in Singapore. Crucial to this capability is the ability to have access to a network of agents within the migrant institution. Some Indonesian FDWs are also active in exerting power as a group to present a collective resistance against negative stereotyping of their identities as the immigrant other in Singapore. They do so via a formal religious based social group. This group encourages other Indonesian FDWs to portray the image of the disciplined worker couched within the moralising discourse of Islam by participating in productive activities on rest days. The aim of this is so that Indonesian FDWs can be treated with respect and dignity in Singapore. In general, my data show that Indonesian FDWs as active agents of the migration system do not attempt to challenge the overall structures that underscore their subordination and domination as overseas contract workers (OCWs) in Singapore.The power exerted by individual Indonesian FDWs is focused at ensuring their continued employment as FDWs under more desirable employment conditions. Their individual agency aimed at improving their work conditions is at a personal level and is based on personal goals that are thus too fragmented to challenge the institutionalised structures of employment. Moreover, my case studies reveal that some Indonesian FDWs endure more restrictive work conditions in order to achieve desirable aspects of working in Singapore. Their collective `resistance' against condescending treatment by the host society project an image of the disciplined FDWs desired by employers, maid agents and Singaporeans. Their subjective ambivalence and the ambivalence in their individual and collective acts of `resistance' in challenging aspects of subordination and domination show the complexity of the power relationships in which they are caught. I draw upon two bodies of theory to provide a framework for my analysis and argument. First, I draw upon the `migrant institution' framework espoused by Goss and Lindquist (1995) that is based on Giddens' structuration theory to illustrate the power exerted by individual Indonesian FDWs within the field of migration studies. I also draw upon Foucault's notion of power as a framework to examine collective ,resistance' displayed by Indonesian FDWs in Singapore. The data presented in the thesis are drawn from two sources, ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Singapore as well as relevant newspaper and other media accounts.
39
Rahman, Noorashikin Abdul. « Negotiating power : a case study of Indonesian foreign domestic workers (FDWs) in Singapore ». Curtin University of Technology, Department of Social Sciences, 2003. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=14135.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the complex power structures that underscore the migration and employment of Indonesian women as foreign domestic workers (FDWs) in Singapore. The main objective is to highlight the power of individual Indonesian FDWs and the collective power of these women in negotiating these structures of power in the context of a migration study as well as a `resistance' study. I argue that Indonesian FDWs are active agents who exercise individual agency and collective `resistance' in the migration system. As labour migrants they exert power in shaping the nature of the migrant institution. One of the means in which they do so is by perpetuating the informal networks of migration. Individual Indonesian FDWs are also capable of exerting power in circumventing elements of exploitation and domination they encounter during their migration process and employment in Singapore. Crucial to this capability is the ability to have access to a network of agents within the migrant institution. Some Indonesian FDWs are also active in exerting power as a group to present a collective resistance against negative stereotyping of their identities as the immigrant other in Singapore. They do so via a formal religious based social group. This group encourages other Indonesian FDWs to portray the image of the disciplined worker couched within the moralising discourse of Islam by participating in productive activities on rest days. The aim of this is so that Indonesian FDWs can be treated with respect and dignity in Singapore. In general, my data show that Indonesian FDWs as active agents of the migration system do not attempt to challenge the overall structures that underscore their subordination and domination as overseas contract workers (OCWs) in Singapore.The power exerted by individual Indonesian FDWs is focused at ensuring their continued employment as FDWs under more desirable employment conditions. Their individual agency aimed at improving their work conditions is at a personal level and is based on personal goals that are thus too fragmented to challenge the institutionalised structures of employment. Moreover, my case studies reveal that some Indonesian FDWs endure more restrictive work conditions in order to achieve desirable aspects of working in Singapore. Their collective `resistance' against condescending treatment by the host society project an image of the disciplined FDWs desired by employers, maid agents and Singaporeans. Their subjective ambivalence and the ambivalence in their individual and collective acts of `resistance' in challenging aspects of subordination and domination show the complexity of the power relationships in which they are caught. I draw upon two bodies of theory to provide a framework for my analysis and argument. First, I draw upon the `migrant institution' framework espoused by Goss and Lindquist (1995) that is based on Giddens' structuration theory to illustrate the power exerted by individual Indonesian FDWs within the field of migration studies. I also draw upon Foucault's notion of power as a framework to examine collective ,resistance' displayed by Indonesian FDWs in Singapore. The data presented in the thesis are drawn from two sources, ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Singapore as well as relevant newspaper and other media accounts.
40
Coetzee, Andre Francois. « Barack Obama : a new precedent in foreign policy ? » Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6819.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis aims to measure President Barack Obama’s level of presidential agency in foreign policy, in order to determine whether he will be able to achieve his ambitious goal of renewing US leadership in foreign affairs. To do so, this thesis will make use of a two-level analysis: The primary level of analysis will focus on the office of the president, and the constitutionally determined formal powers it confers on the president. It will also study the constraints placed on the president by the powers conferred on other branches of government, as well as the institutional and societal context in which the president must function. The second level of analysis will focus on the president as an individual, and the role that a number of personality traits and informal powers play in presidential agency. The central hypothesis of this thesis is that while all presidents are exposed to roughly the same set of institutional constraints, an individual president’s level of agency depends on their utilisation of a number of informal powers. In order to measure this hypothesis, a five-point framework will be developed by abstracting from the existing literature on informal powers. This framework will consist of five criteria believed to be a prerequisite for a high degree of presidential agency: (1) a favourable disposition to foreign affairs; (2) the ability to provide strong leadership in policy formulation; (3) a command over Pennsylvania Avenue politics; (4) the utilisation of the role of public opinion maker; (5) and the utilisation of the role of global statesmen. While Obama will be shown to do well against the framework, his lack of tangible accomplishments will be shown to stem from the magnitude of the challenges he faces; the larger foreign policy context in which he came to office; and the deep-seated distrust of the motives underlying US foreign policy in certain regions. Furthermore, the time constraints he faces, and the impact of the election cycle, will be identified as a limit to the pace of implementation and the extent of the changes he is able to make.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis is om President Barack Obama se vlak van presidensiële agentskap in buitelandse beleid te meet om te bepaal of hy sy ambisieuse doelwit om die VSA se leierskap in buitelandse sake te hernu, sal bereik. ’n Tweevlakkige analise sal vir hierdie doel aangewend word. Die analise sal op ’n primêre vlak fokus op die president as ampsdraer, en die formele magte wat deur die grondwet aan hom toegeken word. Dit sal ook die beperkinge wat op die president geplaas word as gevolg van die magte wat aan die ander takke van die regering toegeken word, bestudeer. Verder sal die institusionele en maatskaplike konteks waarin die president moet fuksioneer in ag geneem word. Die tweede vlak van analise sal op die president as individu fokus, en die rol wat sekere informele magte en persoonlikheidseienskappe in presidensiële agentskap speel. Die sentrale hipotese van hierdie tesis, is dat alhoewel alle presidente deur dieselfde institusionele beperkinge geaffekteer word, ’n spesifieke president se vlak van agentskap afhang van sy gebruik van informele magte. Hierdie hipotese sal gemeet woord deur ’n vyfpuntraamwerk te ontwikkel wat gebruik maak van die bestaande literatuur op presidensiële agentskap. Dié raamwerk bestaan uit vyf kriteria wat benodig word om ’n hoë vlak van agentskap te handhaaf: (1) ’n positiewe gesindheid teenoor buitelandse sake; (2) die vermoë om sterk leierskap in die beleidsformuleringsproses uit te oefen; (3) meesterskap oor Pennsyvanie Avenue politiek; (4) die gebruik van die rol van openbare ’n opinie maker; (5) en die gebruik van die rol van ’n globale staatsman. Die tesis sal wys dat alhoewel Obama suksesvol is wanneer hy teen die raamwerk gemeet word, sy tekort aan prestasies toegeskryf kan word aan die omvang van die probleme wat hy moet oplos; die groter buitelandse konteks waarin hy verkies is; en die wantroue in die VSA se onderliggende motiewe in sekere streke. Verder sal die tydsbeperkinge op sy presidentskap en die impak van die verkiesingsiklus geïdentifiseer word as ’n bepreking op die spoed waarteen hy veranderinge kan implementeer.
41
Nilsson, Linnea. « Russia's exercise of power : A comparative case study of Russia's use of command power, soft power and smart power in Georgia and Ukraine ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85574.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Despite a vast research of Russia’s means of power, including its military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine, no comprehensive comparison of Russia’s exercise of power in Georgia and Ukraine has been accomplished, even though they are the most prominent cases of post-Soviet states that have been subjects for Russian military aggression. This study compares the forms of power Russia has been using to implement its foreign policy objectives in Ukraine and Georgia, in order to identify Russia’s power-related behavior and strategies, through an abductive qualitative approach with a comparative method. Russia’s means of power are analyzed through the glasses of the analytical framework of Joseph Nye’s concepts of command power, soft power and smart power. The findings suggest that Russia’s main foreign policy objectives, related to the post-Soviet space, are to prevent the establishment of a pro-Western orientation in the region, make its neighboring countries dependent on Russia, establish closer ties with its neighbors and incorporate them in the Eurasian Customs Union (ECU), but also to achieve military supremacy in the region. It is further apparent that Russia uses similar strategies and means of power in Georgia and Ukraine, both through military actions and economic pressures, that can be categorized under command power, but also through diplomatic means, other economic means, informational tools and co-optation. However, in order to achieve its foreign policy objectives most efficiently, Russia combines command power and soft power. This study can contribute to the research of other dominant countries and unequal relationships; and from the learnings of this study, early warning signs or scenarios with certain foreign policy moves can be detected in other dominant countries’ exercise of power towards less powerful states.
42
Garn, Eric M. « Death, Power and Sexism in "Temblor" by Rosa Montero ». University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1352921304.
Texte intégral
43
Chovanová, Ľubica. « Smart power v zahraničnej politike Brazílie ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165351.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In my thesis I have been working theory bases of smart power, while trying to apply this theory to the foreign policy of Brazil. Theoretical and practical part of the thesis is based on three pillars: soft power, economic power and military might. The paper attempts to answer the question: What are the sources of brazilian power? Wha instruments are these sources turned to? How effectively can Brazil persuade another international actor about its interests or does it rely on coercive power? In trying to answer these questions, I focused mainly on the identification of the most important foreign policy actions in Brazil, which define its current position on the international scene. The application of smart power theory on Brazil's foreign policy is performed through the analysis of the Brazilian operations in peacekeeping mission in Haiti since 2004. The situation in Haiti is an unprecedented challenge for Brazil, under which it can draw on soft power, economic power and military resources.
44
Gul, Murat. « German Foreign Policy : Change And Continuity (1949-2000) ». Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1267681/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to analyse the change and continuity issue in German Foreign Policy. In this study, the basic aim is to identify the basic parameters of the West German foreign policy during the Cold War and identify the implications of the reunification on foreign policy of Germany. Actually, after the reunification, the economically giant Germany has started to pursue a more self-reliant foreign policy course but there is not a radical shift from the basic parameters and the core values. The concept of ‘
civilian power&
#8217
and the international climate within which the foreign policy is formulated, will be given priority. It is argued that from the Gulf War in 1990-1991 to the Kosovo War of 1999, German contribution to military operations has increased. However, Germany has done this within a multilateral context and the aim has been to keep the values of respect for democracy and human rights. Thus, continuity dominates over change in German foreign policy, with regard to its policy record during the 1990s.
45
Chen, Renjie. « Using PPP deviations as a trading rule : an indirect joint test of PPP and foreign exchange market efficiency ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this thesis an international investment filter rule is used to test both the tendency for
Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) to hold in the long run and the hypothesis of foreign
exchange market efficiency for the four most actively traded currencies in the world
vis-a-vis the United States dollar: the British pound, the Japanese yen, the Germany
mark, and the Canadian dollar. One way to examine whether there is a tendency for
PPP to hold in the long run and whether the foreign exchange market is efficient, is to
place more money in the 'undervalued' currency according to PPP deviations or to invest
according to PPP deviations, putting more money into interest bearing securities in the
'undervalued' currency, the more this currency is undervalued. The return can then be
compared with a reference rule which does not use this filter, but instead puts an equal
value of money into the currencies or the securities of each country.
This thesis has produced three results. First, using the PPP filter in the exchange
money market yields no significantly abnormal rate of return compared with the reference
rule. The result suggests that we can not reject the hypothesis that the tendency for PPP
to hold in the long run does not exist. Second, using the PPP filter to invest in securities
also yields no significantly higher rate of return compared with the reference rule. And
third, when comparing the domestic (or foreign) interest rates with the rates of return
for the domestic (or foreign) investor who uses the PPP filter, there is no significant
difference between these rates in the long run. The last two results suggest that we can
not reject the hypothesis that the foreign exchange-market is efficient.Business, Sauder School of
Graduate
46
Prifti, Bledar. « Continuation in US Foreign Policy : An Offensive Realist Perspective ». Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5384.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation is a study of US foreign policy that aims at maintaining its regional hegemonic status and preventing the emergence of another regional hegemon by implementing the offshore balancing strategy. US intervention during the 2003 Iraq War, strained US-Iran relationship, and the establishment of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in early 2014 compel a reevaluation of US foreign policy. Two major claims of this dissertation include: (1) US foreign policy is consistent with offensive realist theoretical claims; and (2) US foreign policy is characterized by continuity when it comes to issues related to America's strategic interests. Utilizing a case study and comparative case study methodology, this dissertation outlines the following findings.
The first finding of this dissertation is that US foreign policy actions under the Bush Doctrine, which led to the 2003 Iraq War, were dictated by the anarchic status of the international system, the possession by Iraq of military capabilities that could harm or destroy America, fear from and suspicion of Iraq's intentions, the need to ensure survival in an anarchic system, and the need to maximize relative power vis-à-vis other states. All these factors led to three main pattern of behavior: fear, self-help, and power maximization. Because there was no other regional great power capable and willing to balance Iraq, the US was forced to rely on direct balancing by threatening Iraq to take military actions, creating an anti-Iraqi alliance, and maximizing its relative power by destroying Iraq's military capabilities.
Second, US foreign policy under the Bush Doctrine was a continuation of the 20th century foreign policy. US foreign policy during the 20th century was dictated by three major patterns of behavior: fear, self-help, and power maximization. In realizing its foreign policy goals, the US had to rely on buck-passing and balancing strategies. Whenever there was no regional great power able and willing "to carry the buck", the US would rely on direct balancing by either threatening the aggressor, creating alliances with other regional states, or utilizing additional resources of its own. Four major presidential doctrines and related occurrences were utilized to test the claim: the Roosevelt Corollary, the Truman Doctrine, the Carter Doctrine, and the Reagan Doctrine.
The last finding of this dissertation is that US foreign policy toward Iran constitutes continuity and is dictated by US need to maintain regional hegemony by acting as an offshore balancer. In addition, the US and Iran share mutual strategic interests in several occasions, and a strategic win or loss for one state is a win or loss for the other. Like that of the US, Iran's foreign policy is guided by rationality. The Iran-Contra affair, the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, and the Russia-Chechnya conflict support the claim that Iran's foreign policy is based on rationality instead of religious ideology as argued by many scholars. Also, the 2001 Afghanistan war, the 2003 Iraq war, and the establishment of the ISIL support the claim that the US and Iran share mutual strategic interests. Cooperation is often desirable and in some cases inevitable. Despite this strong claim, US-Iran relationship has its own limitations because neither the US nor Iran would accept a too powerful other that could establish absolute dominance in the region.
47
Liu, Yi. « The determinants of Western Australia’s foreign investment in China ». Curtin University of Technology, School of Management, 2008. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=119755.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The growing economic importance of China with its major economic power in the East Asia region has become a popular host destination for receiving foreign investment from Hong Kong, Korea, and Taiwan. With China’s growth and development, this nation has over time become one of Australia’s main trading partners. As new investment opportunities have emerged, Australian companies, especially from Western Australia have shown interest in the Chinese marketplace. Despite the popular consensus that Australian companies are increasingly investing in China, to date relevant literature examining this notion is limited. Specifically, studies of elements that motivate or deter owners / managers of Australian companies, especially from Western Australia to invest in China are restricted. Consequently, the purpose of this study was to investigate the likely relationships between four independent constructs (1. market size, 2. labour cost, 3. infrastructure, and 4. business ethics) in China and the intensity of foreign investment from Western Australia, and to evaluate if and how these relationships are mediated by personality attributes (i.e., gender), organisational properties (i.e., size), and networking.To empirically investigate the determining factor for undertaking investment in China, this study employed both quantitative and qualitative approaches. The use of the quantitative method positivist approach is deemed as a suitable, partial approach, which assists in determining the statistical relationships between the investigated variables. Moreover, a qualitative approach was used in a complementing context to understand the quantitative results. Given the dynamic business environment in China, the use of a qualitative approach has potential for gaining a more comprehensive understanding of quantitative findings as well as providing rich information for further interpretations.
This study was conducted with 43 respondents of Western Australian companies. A salient feature of the study companies is that they either have capabilities to invest or are already investing in mainland China (People’s Republic of China, in this study identified as China). The targeted companies are involved in manufacturing and services industries, such as mining, education, banking, and telecommunication. Although collecting primary data appeared to be a challenge, the data were robust for statistical analysis. In addition, the data were from decision makers of the study companies, which further indicate the richness of the sample.
The findings of this study revealed that China’s large market size plays a positive role in attracting investments from WA to China. Similarly, the adequate level of infrastructure and the level of familiarity of business ethics in China tend to somewhat encourage WA investors to conduct business in China. In contrast, China’s cheap labour cost was not the primary driver that motivates WA companies to invest in China. In relation to the mediating effects of personality attributes (e.g., gender), organisational properties (i.e., size), and networking the study findings revealed that networking plays a significant mediating role in the investment decision. However, due to the relatively small sample size, personality attributes and organisational properties were established to provide insufficient analytical rigor in the decision to invest in China by WA companies.
The implications for this study may offer insightful information to enrich the understanding of the determinants of Australian foreign investment in general, and in the Chinese marketplace in particular. In addition, by empirically investigating the perceptions of the decision makers of WA companies in relation to their investment decisions in China, the findings of this research may assist foreign companies to undertake better planning of their investment decisions. More specifically, this study may offer additional insight to those companies that are operating or planning to invest in the Chinese marketplace. For example, this study may be particularly useful for international managers or owners, as it may provide some fruitful information to assist a better understanding of the issues that relate to business ethics with Chinese operations. In addition, the phenomenon of guanxi in China has been considered as a major determinant for facilitating business engagement in the Chinese marketplace. It may, therefore, be argued that the phenomenon of guanxi in assisting business operations in China has become increasingly important, and international managers or owners may need to gain a deeper understanding of this phenomenon.
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Morris, Katherine-Anne. « Oil, power, and global hegemony ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97090.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the impact of primary energy on the measurement of state power and hegemony. Through an examination of British and American hegemonies, the role of coal, oil and petroleum on the hegemonic cycle is assessed, and the argument is presented for the inclusion of energy as a primary element underpinning the state power base. Utilising the Hegemonic Stability Theory approach to the study of global hegemony, a framework for the assessment of the role of energy on international hegemony is constructed. The Hegemonic Stability Theory approach employed in this study is augmented through the incorporation of several complimentary theoretical approaches, in order to improve the theory’s applicability to multiple cases. Through an examination of the economic, financial, and military/naval ‘pillars’ of the respective hegemonic powers, the study determines that energy has had a marked impact on both British and American hegemonies. Technological developments, notably the steam engine, and the subsequent conversion of the Royal Navy, the cornerstone of British hegemony, from sail to steam, made coal vital to the British Empire. In contrast, the use of oil and petroleum during the United States hegemonic reign indicate that access to oil and petroleum not only benefitted the United States material power base, but has become vital to sustaining American hegemony. This study makes a plausible case for the inclusion of energy as a factor in the assessment of state power, and draws attention to the importance of ensuring energy security and maintaining technological leads.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die impak wat grond-energie het as maatstaf op staatsmag en hegemonie. Na afleiding van ‘n gevalle studie van beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies - die rol wat steenkool, olie en petroleum speel op die hegemoniese siklus – stel hierdie navorsingstuk voor dat grond-energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n kriterium van hoe staatsmag gemeet word. Hierdie tesis wend Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aan om internasionale hegemonie te ondersoek. ‘n Raamwerk om die belang van energie te meet in internasionale hegemonie word opgestel. Die Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aanslag word aangepas deur verskeie komplimentêre teoretiese benaderings te inkorporeer en sodoende die teorie meer toepaslik te maak op verskeie gevallestudies. Deur die ekonomiese, finansiële en militêle/vloot ‘pilare’ van die onderskeie hegemoniese magte te ondersoek, bevind hierdie verhandeling dat energie ‘n bepalende invloed gehad het op beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies. Tegnologiese ontwikkelings, mees opmerklik die stoomenjin en die gevolglike oorgang van die Koninklike Vloot (die hoeksteun van Britse hegemonie) van seil- na stoomenjins, was die gevolg dat steenkool van uiterse belang geword het vir die Britse Ryk. In kontras word aangedui dat die gebruik van en toegang tot olie en petroleum tydens die hegemoniese bewind van die Verenigde State van Amerika nie net die materiële magsbasis bevoordeel het nie, maar asook bepalend geword het om Amerikaanse hegemonie te handhaaf. Hierdie verhandeling maak die aanneemlike voorstelling dat energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n faktor om staatsmag te meet, en dui die belang daarvan aan om tegnologiese vooruitgang te onderhou en sodoende energie sekuriteit te verseker.
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Taher, Nadia Adel. « Foreign aid and power relations : the government of Egypt, USAID and housing in Helwan ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1462/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Foreign aid, power and housing are the three key issues covered in this thesis. The focus of the thesis is on aid and the relationships that it triggers, and the role that power plays in shaping these relationships. This will be examined in the context of housing. The thesis explores the way in which power impacts on inter and intra donor- recipient relations. While the economic relation in aid has been often the preoccupation of those engaged in this debate, the political relationship has been often overlooked. This research shows that an appreciation of the role that politics in general, and power in particular plays in aid, is necessary for an understanding of the aid process. In order to form a complete picture of this process, both the planned intervention (policy-planning-implementation) and the community side, were covered by the research. This included the examination of the interactions between and amongst different collective actors as well as the impact of such interactions. The research thus examines the particular relationship between the government of Egypt (GOE) and the United State Agency for International Development (USAID), which has gone through numerous changes over the last two decades, highlighting the way in which it had been predominantly a political relationship. A housing project, co-funded by the GOE and USAID, targeting factory workers in Helwan, an industrial suburb of Cairo, was studied. The uniqueness of this case is that it was an attempt by USAID to change GOE housing policy. On the one hand, the analysis looks into the inter-and intra relationship between the different actors involved in the project. On the other hand, these various and complex relationships are examined in terms of their impact on two communities who were involved in the project.
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Cleaver, Nicholas. « Rise to power ? : the foreign policy of the second Grover Cleveland administration, 1893-1897 ». Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2012. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/40456/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the role played by the second presidential administration of Grover Cleveland on the evolution of United States foreign policy in the mid-1890s. Coming at the end of a period of rapid industrialisation and national growth for the United States – and culminating in the War of 1898 – the mid-1890s has generally been portrayed as either the end of the post-Civil War era or a precursor to American empire. The second Cleveland administration in particular has often been overlooked by foreign policy historians, but it forms an anomaly in the narrative of a nation preparing to acquire an overseas empire. At a time when much of American politics and society was increasingly in favour of an assertive and expansive foreign policy, Cleveland and his Secretaries of State, Walter Q. Gresham and Richard Olney, enacted a policy which opposed overseas expansion and sought to limit the United States’ involvement in the affairs of other nations. This thesis argues that, confronted by the same changing circumstances for the nation on the world stage which had created the public demand for a more aggressive foreign policy, Cleveland, Gresham and Olney set out a new template for how the United States should conduct itself in global affairs. This template rejected imperialist expansion and proposed a more limited interaction with other nations based upon legalist principles. It also included elements of moral duty and a belief that the United States should be an example to other nations. The template was formulated on a largely ad hoc basis through several foreign policy incidents throughout the term, but its underlying values were present throughout and Cleveland would ultimately propose it to the nation as a future direction for American foreign policy in his final Annual Message. As such, Cleveland’s template for foreign policy stands as an alternative vision for the evolution of U.S. foreign policy in the 1890s.