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1
CORDA, TIZIANA. « THE POLITICS OF SANCTIONS COMPLIANCE. EXPLAINING SANCTIONS EFFECTIVENESS THROUGH THE LENS OF DOMESTIC VETO PLAYERS. EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FROM THE CASES OF ERITREA, IRAN, AND SUDAN ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/918917.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Sanctions scholarship overwhelmingly expects that authoritarian states defy and resist the demands attached to sanctions imposed on them. In practice, however, authoritarian states do sometimes accommodate to sanctions-related demands and offer political concessions consistent with them. What explains their choice of compliance or defiance? When do they decide to offer political concessions aligned with sanctions-related demands, and why are those concessions sometimes short-lived and not robust, and why can they be more or less expedited? This research project argues the answer lies in the domestic configuration of institutional and political constraints, also called veto players, of the states under sanctions. As a contribution to the domestic-politics branch of the literature on international sanctions, which has become increasingly more relevant in light of the evolution of sanctions from comprehensive to targeted, this research project aims to investigate the under-researched application of a typically public-policy approach such as the veto player analysis to the literature on international sanctions and understand if and how domestic constraints such as veto players, who cut across regime type classifications that are frequently –but often inconclusively– used in the literature on sanctions, affect the effectiveness of sanctions in achieving the desired political concessions. Differently from previous studies, this project intends to examine this interaction along three different dimensions of the targeted state’s aggregate policy response to sanctions, that are the direction, robustness, and expedition of the policy change which together describe the overall effectiveness of sanctions. To test how three different elements of the configuration of the targeted state’s veto players such as the concentration of the agenda power, the congruence of policy preferences, and the internal cohesion, can affect those three outcome dimensions, the project adopts different methodological strategies. After performing some statistical analyses which expose some issues which remain largely unaddressed by the extant literature and probe alternative hypotheses, the project builds on those findings to develop a new theoretical framework and related spatial model which is applied to few selected comparative case studies to trace how veto power operates inside a state targeted by sanctions and test the hypotheses identified, one per dimension of the policy response to sanctions. This empirical part aims to verify the empirical support for the hypotheses and illustrate how the explanatory power of the veto player lens outperforms explanations that focus instead only on regime type classifications in decoding the politics of sanctions compliance.
2
Nylund, Mia-Lie. « A fully feminist foreign policy ? : A postcolonial feminist analysis of Sweden's Feminist Foreign Policy ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-339481.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is a postcolonial feminist discourse analysis of Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy. Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy is unique to the world, but it is not the only case of incorporating a gender perspective as a central part of national or international politics. Feminism and gender perspectives are increasingly receiving attention and space in global politics. The Swedish case could therefore inform us about where politics are heading. Previous research on the Feminist Foreign Policy has aimed mainly at examining what it means and what challenges it likely will face. The aim of the analysis is to examine whether and to what extent the discourse of the Feminist Foreign Policy interrelates with gendered postcolonial narratives. Feminist scholars have for decades argued for the need to recognize the ways in which gendered and postcolonial structures are interrelated. Excluding either a gender or postcolonial analysis will convey only part of the problem. The method used is discourse analysis, or more specifically, critical discourse analysis. Discourse is an essential part of our social world. It is both constituted by and constitutive of how we understand our surroundings. Critical discourse analysis in particular is a useful method to illuminate power relations in society and how they are reproduced or countered through discourse. Two opposing ideal types are developed based on ideas from postcolonial theory and postcolonial feminist theory: gendered postcolonial discourse and fully feminist discourse. The ideal types are used in order to measure whether, how and to what extent the Feminist Foreign Policy interacts with gendered postcolonial discourse. The analysis looks at official documents, statements and speeches of different forms issued or produced by the foreign office. Using several texts, with varied aims and settings, the material will arguably be representative of the Feminist Foreign Policy. The results show that the Feminist Foreign Policy cannot be placed exclusively in either ideal type. The texts interrelate with gendered postcolonial discourse, reproducing unequal relations of power. Conversely, other parts of the texts are fully feminist, both transforming discourse and contributing to knowledge about what it can look like when discourse manages to avoid gendered postcolonial narratives.
3
Rein, Hampus Carl Gustaf. « French Foreign and Security Policy Roles under François Hollande : A Role Theory Foreign Policy Analysis ». Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6582.
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This bachelor’s thesis in Political Science, is essentially a study of contemporary French foreign and security policy ‘roles’. Drawing on a doctoral thesis by Lisbeth Aggestam (2004), it investigates French National Role Conceptions, using Foreign Policy Analysis Role Theory. It thoroughly examines the nature of foreign policy-making and, notably, it explores the notions of foreign policy ‘roles’, ‘identity’ and ‘national role conceptions’. The study encompasses over twenty key foreign and security policy centred allocutions delivered by the present French President, François Hollande, between the years 2012-16. Primarily, it aims at answering whether French National Role Conceptions, as conceived of by Aggestam at the turn of the millennium, are still relevant for the understanding of current French foreign and security policy and action. Aggestam’s French national ‘role-set’ therefore serves as the eminent point of reference and comparison throughout the analysis. In a broader sense, the essay also aims at investigating the ideational basis to contemporary French foreign and security policy roles. More narrowly, a special consideration has been accorded the notion of ‘Europe de la défense’ (Europe of defence), a key idea in modern French foreign and security policy. The principal findings of the analysis show that most of the French National Role Conceptions identified by Aggestam, continue to be relevant. On the ideational level, France’s current self-image is arguably even more intimately suffused by the notion of ‘Europe’. On the foreign and security policy area, this is reflected in the continued French aim of constructing ‘Europe de la défense’, which is central to the general understanding of the French role-set. Lastly, the investigation supports the notion that French foreign and security policy roles are nourished by a ‘realistic idealism’, as advanced by Aggestam.
4
Cooper, Daniel. « Neoconservatism and American Foreign Policy : A Critical Analysis ». Thesis, Griffith University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367455.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis critically engages the dominant ideas, beliefs and strategic thought of neoconservative foreign policy intellectuals. Mush has been made in the dominant studies on neoconservatism of the ideological conversion neoconservatives underwent throughout the twentieth century. Understanding this conversion is certainly important if one is to develop an appreciation of neoconservatism's history. Yet this thesis argues that neoconservatism is best understood by critically engaging with a body of ideas and beliefs which should define the neoconservative approach to American foreign policy.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
Full Text
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Lee, Danielle. « What is Feminist Foreign Policy ? Analysis of Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy ». Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37379.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores what feminist foreign policy is and if this is evident in Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy. I conceptualize the essential purpose and elements of a feminist foreign policy through feminist theories and civil society research. I, then, examine Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy through critical discourse analysis to see if it embodies the essential characteristics of a feminist foreign policy. I argue that a feminist foreign policy is profoundly transformative in its conceptualization of security, power and implementation, and
that Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy is ineffective in embodying this
transformative potential for development and security. This thesis, thereby, situates Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy in the feminist framework, with the hope of contributing to better feminist policymaking and implementation.
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Lager, Elin. « Swedish Exceptionalism in Foreign Policy Discourse : An Analysis of the Swedish Government's Statements of Foreign Policy 2002-2018 ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-185681.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to determine if there is a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism in the Swedish Government’s Statements of Foreign Policy between 2002 and 2018. Discourse analysis have been used to analyze eight statements, based on a constructivist framework and the theoretical concept of Swedish exceptionalism. Swedish exceptionalism is the idea of Sweden having a self-image of being superior to others, mainly based on the country’s understanding of itself as being a “moral superpower”. The research question formulated was: Are the Swedish Government’s Statements of Foreign Policy, between 2002 and 2018, articulated through a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism? To determine if there was a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism in the Statements of Foreign Policy, seven key representations of the concept were established. Those were Sweden: 1. being military non-aligned 2. having an active foreign policy 3. being pioneering or “leading the way” 4. bringing security, stability, and peace 5. being a champion of human rights and democracy 6. acting as mediator and/or a bridge builder 7. showing solidarity with “less fortune states” (developing, vulnerable and/or small) The results of the empirical study were that all key representations were present in all of the statements analyzed, which lead to the conclusion is that the Statements of Foreign Policy between 2002 and 2018 were articulated through a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism.
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Okumu, Frederick W. « Ethnic groups and U.S. foreign policy : An analysis on the African American influence on congressional foreign policy initiatives toward South Africa ». DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1992. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3226.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The general thrust of this research was to determine to what degree and how ethnic groups in the United States influence Congressional foreign policy-making process. To do this, the research focused on the African-Americans' influence on Congressional foreign policy initiatives toward
South Africa. Specifically, the research determined, measured, and analyzed the statistical significance between the African-American policy preference and in-puts, and the
Congressional roll-call votes on the Anti-Apartheid legislations of 1985 and 1986.
In summary, this research followed this pattern: (a) We first looked at the group under study by identifying its interests and policy preferences; (b) We described the linkages between the group and the policy makers; (c) We analyzed the decision making process and activities of the group in attempting to affect that process; (d) We described the decision/policy output and compared it to the interests and policy preferences of the African-Americans; {e) We also described and analyzed other factors which might have influenced the policy output; and (f) We concluded that the African-Americans influenced Congressional foreign policy initiatives toward South Africa.
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Olson, Eric Thor. « The United States and Tunisia : a foreign policy analysis ». Thesis, Monterey, California. U.S. Naval Postgraduate School, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/24246.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Distinguished Alumni Award Program author. ADM Eric T. Olson, USN (Presented 4 Sept 08). NPS Hall of Fame author (November 30, 2012)Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
The Republic of Tunisia is an Arab Muslim nation whose primary orientation since achieving independence nearly thirty years ago has been towards Westernization and modernization. Its political stability and economic progress have been remarkable. The coming decade, however, promises to be a period of turmoil for Tunisia, as a number oof social and political forces are creating an atmosphere of disunity and dissension which can be expected to undermine the national equilibrium. For the United States, the development of events in Tunisia is a matter of concern. The loss of Tunisia as a voice of moderation in Arab affairs would cause America to lose one of its strongest allies in the region and suffer a loss of prestige and influence in the North Africa/Middle East area. Further, the concept of Westernization as a means to promote human development would be weakended. This study analyzes the current situation in Tunisia and its implications for the United States in the context of its economic, political and strategic dimensions. American policy goals and options are examined and recommendations for future U.S. policy toward Tunisia are made. (Author)
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Vuorelma, Johanna. « Losing Turkey ? : narrative traditions in Western foreign policy analysis ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91976/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is about Western foreign policy analysis on Turkey as a second-order representation that is narratively constructed. The thesis argues that the scholarly field contains ideological antagonisms related to the West and is influenced by narrative traditions that offer apt metaphors and cultural resources to turn random foreign policy events into meaningful narratives. The thesis examines how Turkey is narrated in Western foreign policy analysis and how these narratives impact on debates over the idea of the West with the use of three theoretical approaches: the aesthetic approach is about representation, the narrative approach about the method of representation, and the interpretative approach about the relationship between representation and reality. There are two methodological foundations upon which the thesis is built: Hayden White’s tropology and the interpretative approach of Mark Bevir and R.A.W. Rhodes that focuses on beliefs, traditions, and dilemmas. The thesis also employs Kenneth Burke’s rhetorical tools as well as George Lakoff’s seminal work on foreign policy metaphors. In the thesis, White’s four master tropes are teased out with the use of three organising metaphors – the ‘losing Turkey’ metaphor, the ‘Turkey at a crossroads’ metaphor, and the ‘Erdogan-for-Turkey’ metaphor – that have been deduced from the data set using qualititative text analysis. Employing a paradigmatic method, the thesis identifies manifestations of the debate on the West in the data set, which includes over one hundred foreign policy analysis articles especially in Foreign Affairs, The National Interest and Foreign Policy but also in other journals, blogs, and books. The thesis follows the debate on Turkey to wherever it is taking place with the condition that the narrator speaks from a Western perspective, is familiar with the scholarly tradition of studying Turkey, and puts forward interpretations that resonate so widely that they have turned foreign policy imagination into facts and common sense.
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David, Maxine. « Understanding Russian foreign policy after 1991 : a contextual analysis ». Thesis, University of Surrey, 2009. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/843824/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to understand Russia's foreign policy behaviour since the end of the Cold War. The primary objective is to discover whether there are grounds for considering Russia to be a values actor. A review of the Foreign Policy literature reveals the necessity of grounding any foreign policy analysis within the international and domestic contexts. Perceptions of Russian behaviour, however, too often lack any understanding of the specific circumstances of the Russian situation and this can result in a flawed analysis that reveals more about prejudices of Russia than Russia itself. This thesis seeks to correct this by providing a fully contextualised analysis. This objective requires new ways of analysing Russia. I first of all consider the possibility of applying a values approach to any actor. In a chapter on Values, I consider the role that values play in any actor's foreign policy, how they are formulated and at what level and what happens when there is a conflict between the values of the international community and those of one actor. With the significance of context already established, the research there shows that international-level values today cannot be understood without reference to the debate on whether we are now living in a modern or post-modern era. In another chapter, therefore, I juxtapose the values of the modern world with those of the post-modern and attempt to answer the question of whether Russia is modern or post-modem. These two chapters lead to a third one on Marginality. The Marginality framework is treated crucial to understanding the choices that lie before Russia and the West. Here, I show that despite its weakness and the failure of many of its post- Cold War objectives Russia has won gains that we would not normally associate with a 'defeated' state. Despite attempts to marginalise Russia within the European space, Russia has found much room for manoeuvre. In its relations with the EU particularly it has shown itself capable of adhering to certain standards of behaviour, which suggests the values gap between the EU and Russia is not as insurmountable as some analysis suggests. Finally, I apply each of these to Russia's behaviour throughout the Kosovo Crisis, testing hypotheses raised in the previous chapters to conclude that Russia does indeed show that it can be an important partner for Europe and that a discernible value set underpins many of its actions. The analysis is important in the context of perceptions of a stronger, more aggressive Russia that resulted in 2007-8 in much talk about whether a New Cold War was occurring. Since 1991, too many opportunities have already been lost to ensure that Russia commits to western values and conducts itself in a manner consistent with that of a European actor. This thesis shows that, when properly engaged, Russia has proved itself capable of being a reliable and cooperative partner and even of adhering to post-modern, European values.
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Şirin, Başar [Verfasser]. « The Influence of News Frames on Foreign Policy : A Neoclassical Realist Analysis of German Foreign Policy Towards Turkey / Başar Şirin ». Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1219508292/34.
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Rapp, Christian [Verfasser]. « European foreign policy - A new framework for analysis / Christian Rapp ». Wuppertal : Universitätsbibliothek Wuppertal, 2017. http://d-nb.info/112884205X/34.
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Gaskarth, Jamie Barrow. « Locating the ethics in British foreign policy : a discourse analysis ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.434747.
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Lee, Ergene. « The 1993 North Korean Nuclear Crisis : A Foreign Policy Analysis ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33477.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this paper I apply the Rational Actor model to the 1993-1994 North Korean
Nuclear Crisis. I begin with two hypotheses: 1) North Korea attempted nuclear armament
because of its perception of threat from South Korea and the United States; 2) North
Korea attempted nuclear armament because it wanted to use its nuclear program as
leverage to obtain economic assistance from the United States. I conduct a diplomatic
historical analysis based on the Rational Actor model to determine which was North
Koreaâ s primary objective, and conclude that the primary objective of North Korea was
obtaining economic concessions, but that threat perception did seem to play a role in the
decision to start the nuclear program. In this process, I show that the Rational Actor
model was insufficient in the analysis and that it must be complemented by cultural
factors, â thickeningâ the rationality.Master of Arts
15
Furlan, Eleonora <1994>. « Sweden's Feminist Foreign Policy - A postcolonial feminist critical discourse analysis ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/20037.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nel 2014, il governo della Svezia ha stabilito la prima Politica Estera Femminista (PEF) al mondo, il cui obiettivo è la promozione ed il raggiungimento dell’uguaglianza di genere e dei diritti umani di donne e bambine a livello globale.
Questo studio effettua un’analisi critica del discorso della Politica Estera Femminista svedese, con l’obiettivo di analizzare se e come il discorso governativo riproduca o, al contrario, sfidi narrazioni e relazioni di potere di natura neocoloniale di genere. Nel contesto di questo studio, con “discorso neocoloniale di genere” si indica un discorso radicato in relazioni di potere ereditate dal periodo coloniale, nonché caratterizzato da essenzialismo di genere, ovvero dal presupposto che “donne” e “uomini” siano due categorie di genere monolitiche ed intrinsecamente diverse l’una dall’altra.
La cornice teorica utilizzata da questa tesi si basa sulla teoria femminista postcoloniale, sul femminismo intersezionale e sulla teoria postcoloniale classica. La tesi utilizza l’approccio metodologico dell’analisi critica del discorso.
L’analisi effettuata dimostra che il discorso della PEF svedese non rientra completamente né nella definizione di discorso neocoloniale di genere, né in quella di discorso femminista postcoloniale ed intersezionale. Infatti, all’interno dei testi analizzati si trovano elementi riconducibili ad entrambi i tipi ideali. Si può concludere che la PEF della Svezia, pur non sovvertendo completamente le narrazioni neocoloniali di genere e le relative relazioni di potere, offre degli importanti esempi di come una politica estera possa incorporare elementi postcoloniali ed intersezionali nel proprio discorso.
16
Siddi, Marco. « Divisive identities, divided foreign policy ? : policy makers' discourses on Russia in Germany, Poland and Finland ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/16226.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Numerous academics and foreign policy practitioners have argued that relations with Russia are one of the most divisive issues within the European Union (cf. Leonard and Popescu 2007, Mandelson 2007). Mainstream explanations highlight that this is due to the different interests and security concerns of EU member states (David et al. 2011). This dissertation proposes an alternative understanding that focuses on national identity construction and Russia‘s role therein. Germany, Poland and Finland, three EU member states that traditionally have different stances towards Russia, are selected for in-depth analysis. The key argument is that divergent national discourses on Russia are due to the different ways in which the country was constructed in national identity. In order to show this, the thesis elaborates on social constructivist scholarship studying the relationship between identity and foreign policy. It argues that constructivist models theorising a causal link between identity and foreign policy (eg Wendt 1999, Katzenstein 1996) are insufficient to fully explain the complexity of this relationship. Drawing on the work of scholars such as Ted Hopf (2002), Richard Ned Lebow (2008, 2008a) and Ole Waever (2002), this thesis develops an interpretive theoretical framework in which national identity and foreign policy are conceptualised as mutually constitutive and studied at the level of discourses. Dominant identity and foreign policy narratives are examined in a longue durée perspective, which allows for an exploration of their deep historical roots. The research conducted through this model highlights the relevance of long-standing narratives on Russia to current foreign policy discourses. However, the thesis also shows that national identity is malleable and top national officials can reformulate dominant discourses in order to achieve particular foreign policy goals. This is illustrated in the case studies, which focus on official narratives concerning the building of the Nord Stream pipeline, the Russian-Georgian war of August 2008 and the mass demonstrations in Russian cities in the winter of 2011-2012. The empirical analysis shows that gradual convergence took place across national discourses as national constructions of Russia were reformulated in order to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy towards Moscow. Finally, through the comparison of national discourses in the EU discursive arena, the dissertation assesses the prospects for the emergence of shared EU foreign policy narratives on Russia.
17
Dai, Ke. « Theoretical analysis of US's foreign aid ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595544.
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Debroux, Tatsuro. « Japan's foreign policy under the Abe Administration : a role theory analysis of Japan's foreign policy initiatives between 2006-2007 and 2012-2016 ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/587195.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis shows the result of the research on foreign policy during the first and second
Abe administration. It focuses on the relations with the US, China, India, Australia, the
Philippines, the New Komei Party and the Japan Conference. Role theory, centered on its
key concept of national role conceptions (NRC) is used as a theoretical framework. Using
Japanese and foreign political leaders’ statements, NRC analysis gives the opportunity to
grasp the degree of consistency between those of Japan and those of the targeted countries
and domestic political groups. Then, the results are interpreted to assess the possible
changes in foreign policy originating from role inconsistency and conflicts. Four Japan’s
key NRCs of reliable security partner, country putting emphasis on multilateralism, non
military pacifist country and world/regional leader, are utilized as grid of analysis. This
thesis argues that Prime Minister Abe’s attempts to reinforce the assertiveness of Japan’s
foreign policy have yielded limited results. Still, this outcome has not significantly altered
his initial strategies: the later decisions and actions of his government seek to build a more
assertive foreign policy. He has proceeded with them by adjusting NRCs and
accommodating role expectations.Esta tesis es el resultado de la investigación realizada sobre la política exterior de las dos administraciones de Abe en el Japón, en especial, frente a las relaciones con Estados Unidos, China, India, Australia, Filipinas, el Nuevo Partido Komei y la Conferencia japonesa. La teoría de roles, y en especial, su concepto de las concepciones del rol nacional (NRC) -entendido como las expectativas intersubjetivas compartidas frente a los viii roles apropiados del Estado en el mundo- es utilizada como marco teórico. A partir de las declaraciones de los políticos japoneses y extranjeros, el análisis de las NRC permite apreciar el grado de consistencia entre las expectativas del Japón y terceros países y los grupos políticos a nivel interno. Estos resultados son interpretados con el fin de identificar posibles cambios en la política exterior causados por la inconsistencia de los roles o por los conflictos existentes. El análisis se realiza tomando como referencia cuatro NCR claves en el Japón: la conveniencia de tener un aliado en seguridad confiable, la preferencia por el multilateralismo, una concepción pacifica no militarista del país y la pretensión de ser un líder regional o mundial. Esta tesis concluye que los esfuerzos del primer ministro Abe para reforzar la asertividad de la política exterior japonesa han tenido resultados limitados. Pese a ello, no se ha cambiado la estrategia. Las acciones y las decisiones posteriores adoptadas por su gobierno dejan en evidencia su intención de construir una política exterior más asertiva, no obstante, ha procedido a ajustar los NCR y las expectativas de los roles.
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Eun, Yong-Soo. « Foreign policy analysis : developing a theoretical scheme for fuller causal explanations of foreign policy behaviour and undertaking in-depth, comparative case study ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/45163/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Why do states behave as they do in world politics? Put differently, how can analysts develop a more precise and complete explanation of the causation of foreign policy behaviour? Drawing upon the insights of actor-specific Foreign Policy Analysis scholarship, this thesis argues that we need an approach which posits a human agent as an important analytical category in its own right. However, this thesis also emphasises that the state‘s foreign policy behaviour cannot be fully explained solely in terms of the actions and intentions of individual human agents. While it is indeed conscious human agents who make foreign policies, the parameters of their capacity to do so are constrained and/or facilitated by the structural conditions with which their nations are confronted. The key point here is that structural and agential sources of the state‘s foreign policy behaviour should neither be deemed exclusive nor be granted explanatory priority a priori. In this regard, this thesis presents rationales and guidelines for why and how one should pursue a multicausal approach to the study of foreign policy behaviour. Relatedly, it explores the structure-agent problem in international relations and rethinks currently dominant conceptions of causation in the field of IR. Then this thesis establishes a multicausal framework for the analysis of foreign policy behaviour. The framework consists of three factors associated with human (agential) elements and international structural conditions. With the aim of discerning the fruitfulness of the multicausal approach advocated here and of producing the empirical evidence that shows causation of complex foreign policy actions, this thesis undertakes intensive and comparative case study. The specific question that the case study aims to answer is why South Korea and Australia reacted to the US-led war in Iraq as they did: these two cases have neither received appropriate empirical attention nor been provided with any satisfactory theoretical explanation. The empirical findings gained from the case study leads to a testing and refinement of existing leading IR theories. Also, based on the case study findings and on the multicausal analytical framework built, this thesis creates an integrated theory of a particular type of foreign policy behaviour (i.e. weaker state behaviour vis-à-vis a dominant power) which encompasses both structural and agential perspectives. In a related vein, it discusses the role of theory for IR scholarship and modes of construction of IR. Ultimately it is suggested that a multicausal approach can contribute to the cumulative development and refinement of predictions and generalisations about why states behave as they do on the world stage.
20
Lüddecke, René. « The impact of the European common foreign and security policy on national foreign policy making in Britain and Germany a comparative analysis ». Taunusstein Driesen, 2003. http://d-nb.info/993926606/04.
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Graff, David. « Ethics and Arms Sales : A Discourse Analysis of Canadian Foreign Policy ». Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/42200.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since 2015, the Canadian government has made recurrent assertions that Canada has a feminist foreign policy. A policy, according to certain critics, that is hypocritical because of the government’s continuation of arms exports to countries deemed unsavory from a human rights standpoint. This context makes for a fertile exploration of the nexus between ethical foreign policy aspirations and the realities of foreign relations policy implementation and impact. By assessing these circumstances, I attempt to understand how hypocrisy functions within Canadian foreign policy. Through a method of discourse analysis, I evaluate the official discourses from the government and responses by civil society in relation to the Liberal Government’s handling of the Canada – Saudi Light Armoured Vehicle contract. In addition, by analysing Canadian foreign policy, via departmental reports, I highlight how the government attempts to infuse Canada’s foreign policy with ethical considerations. By tracing the rise of ethical considerations in Canada’s foreign policy, I argue that hypocrisy is intertwined with ethical considerations, thus systematically embedding hypocrisy within established Canadian institutions. Moreover, I show that Canada is committed to the concept of risk transfer, the doctrine of double effect and need for ‘proof grounded in evidence’ when assessing arms exports. These concepts shift the risks associated with hypocritical action away from the government and onto the people it purports to aid.
22
Turner, Matthew David. « Venezuela's changing foreign policy towards the United States :a holistic analysis ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA401608.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 2001."December 2001". Thesis advisor(s): Trinkunas, Harold A ; Knopf, Jeffrey W. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-103). Also available online.
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Trogstam, Marie. « The US Power Position : An Analysis of Foreign Policy Elite Interpretations ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1934.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It is rather undisputed that the United States has maintained its position of global primacy since the end of the Cold War. According to the current Bush- administration and the US National Security Strategy, this power will be used to fight terrorists as well as to encourage free and open societies on every continent. With this position held by the government, it becomes essential to know more about the US power to better understand world politics. What opinions an American foreign policy elite has on international politics in general and on the US power in particular, can be consideredto have a certain influence on the US governmental policy making and is hence an interesting object of analysis for an improved knowledge of the US power position. This thesis aims to analyse different foreign policy elite interpretations, both of the present US situation and of what can be expected in the near future. In addition to opinions on the power position itself, the question addressed is whether there seem to be any impact of modern theories of international politics among the elite and if these theories are relevant at all for policy- orientated estimations. The result of the analysis indicates at least some impact of neorealism, neoliberalism and social constructivism, while there tend to be no influence of feminist IR-theory. However, as a base assumption in this thesis, most modern theories of international politics are conceived as partly related to a realist tradition in the field of academics, and this might diminish the influence of the separate theories among the elite. Accordingly, nor can extreme theoretical differences be confirmed, neither can the differences be disregarded. A majority of the foreign policy elite representatives describe the present US position as unrivalled in all critical dimensions, with an unsurpassed military, economic, technological and cultural power. The opinions on the expected power position in the near future are more diverging and suggest different courses of development. However, as long as the US keeps the precedence of interpretation and attracts others to American values and ideas, in addition to a solid base of economic and military strength, the US power position will most probably last for a foreseeable future.
24
Geron, Leonard. « Soviet foreign economic policy under NEP and perestroika : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306720.
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Patterson, Jay Reynolds Medhurst Martin J. « Testing foreign policy apologia a rhetorical analysis of the Hainan Incident / ». Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5333.
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Barling, Joseph Kurt. « The politics of British and French foreign aid : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389635.
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Ip, Yee-cheung, et 葉以暢. « An analysis of government policy on importation of labour ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1992. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31964059.
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28
Slater, Graham. « Foreign Policy Evaluation and the Utility of Intervention ». FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3217.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation identifies and explains the factors contributing to the presence and severity of U.S. foreign-policy blunders, or gross errors in strategic judgment resulting in significant harm to the national interest, since the Second World War. It hypothesizes that the grand strategy of preponderance and the overestimation of military power to transform the politics of other states have precipitated U.S. foreign-policy blunders since 1945. Examining the Vietnam War and Iraq War as case studies, it focuses on underlying conditions in the American national identity and the problematic foreign policy decision-making (FPDM) that corresponds to this bifurcated hypothesis, termed the overestimation/preponderance theoretical model (OPM). Four indicators operationalize the OPM: (1) how U.S. foreign policymakers estimated the capacity of military power to transform the political dynamics of the target state through intervention; (2) and (3) how U.S. actors and institutions affected the capacity of the partner state and hostile state and nonstate actors; and (4) how the foreign policy was justified and rationalized within the leadership of government and to the general public as it encountered disconfirming information.
In each case, the grand strategy of preponderance instituted a bounded rationality of mission in the FPDM stage and the operationalization stage that precluded the inclusion of an unfavorable outcome. In each case, U.S. foreign policymakers greatly overestimated the capacity of the partner state to establish security and legitimacy and underestimated the capacity of hostile actors to mobilize and threaten the partner state. However, these preference-confirmation biases diametrically contradicted the assessment that victory would be easy to achieve; U.S. foreign policymakers promulgated this corresponding overestimation/underestimation even while inflating the threat far beyond what the actual threat to the national-security element of the national interest represented. The subsequent implementing of this inverted calculation created a national-security national interest where none was extant, then significantly harmed that new interest via intervention. This tactical application of the grand strategy of preponderance facilitated the strategic-tactical gap in U.S. foreign policy by creating monsters in order to have monsters to slay, consistent with the ideological tradition of the imperative of crusade in the modern history of American foreign relations.
29
Blumel, Christina M. « A comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy in Iran and the Philippines ». PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4295.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper is a comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy towards Iran and the Philippines. The question which prompted this research topic was simple: why was the outcome for the United States so different in terms of subsequent relations with each state after the downfall of the Shah and Ferdinand Marcos? Both leaders were important U.S. allies in strategic states that had benefited from foreign aid. Opposition groups in each state resented this support of their repressive leaders. Unlike Iran, good relations with the Philippines continued during the Aquino presidency, without the resentment and mistrust which prevented good relations after the Shah's departure.
30
Slavíková, Kamila. « Soft Power and Foreign Policy Strategy : Do Only Democracies Count ? » Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194653.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A part of academic work inspired by Nye's concept of "soft power" has adopted his conceptualisation without much reservation, while another part has contested it. Some authors describe Nye's conceptualisation of power as biased towards democracies, or otherwise challenge the concept as category of analysis. On the case study of the partial democracy of Singapore, through analysis of official discourse, the thesis explores whether Singapore's government acknowledges the idea and if so, how it interprets it. Secondly, the thesis aims to provide more insight into the use of soft power as category of analysis with the help of the selected case study.
31
Sirigu, Giulia. « Continuity and change in Mexican foreign policy under Fox : a strategic-relational analysis ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/continuity-and-change-in-mexican-foreign-policy-under-foxa-strategicrelational-analysis(1181d7bb-a332-4793-8200-ccd37b8809b5).html.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis presents a Strategic-Relational (SR) analysis of the processes ofchange and continuity in Mexican foreign policy during the Fox government. In2000, the election of President Fox determined the victory of a new party after71 years of Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) rule, producing thedemocratisation of the country. Domestic and international changes generatedby the end of the Cold War, and the presence of new actors in the Mexicanscenario created momentum for the country, helped also by the introduction ofa new foreign policy paradigm. Despite the significance of these elements, thestudy of their reciprocal influence in foreign policy has been neglected. Thesetransformations and the discrepancy between the discourse of change and itsimplementation are considered an ideal scenario for the study of continuity andchange in foreign policy-making. This research focuses on the application ofJessop and Hay’s Strategic-Relational Approach (SRA), considered able togenerate an understanding of this complex process of interaction. However,although the SRA theorises the impact of these interplays in policy-making,scarce consideration has been given to this approach in the study of foreignpolicy change. Therefore, the thesis aims to understand the dynamicsgrounding Fox’s foreign policy, employing the SRA to identify those conditionsnecessary for the implementation of change and appreciate how the interplayamong different elements was manifest. After explaining the SRA and its relevance to the study of change in foreignpolicy, the thesis provides a historical framework explaining Mexico’s evolutionin the years up to 2000. Building on these chapters, three empirical casestudies presenting different degrees of foreign policy change are then analysedthrough the SRA. They respectively consider Mexico’s approach topeacekeeping operations, its participation in the United Nations SecurityCouncil and its refusal to support the Iraq War, and Mexico’s internationalapproach to human rights. The thesis compares how, in the presence ofconsistent general conditions, the processes of change and continuity weredifferently implemented. The interplay established among the fundamental SRelements is interpreted as pivotal in every empirical chapter for its capacity toaccount for the complexity of the foreign policy process and the generation ofconcrete change in foreign policy.
32
Matukhno, Natalia S. « U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Russia : Agenda-Setting Time Series Analysis (1945-2004) ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1125780999.
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Casarini, Nicola. « A critical analysis of European Union foreign policy towards China (1995-2005) ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1922/.
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ALVES, LEONARDO PACE. « ANALYSIS OF AMERICAN LITERATURE REGARDING THE CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE 1980S ». PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2000. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=2646@1.
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CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICOA dissertação aborda a literatura estadunidense sobre a política externa chinesa durante a década de 1980. Seis autores são analisados no debate sobre as variáveis explicativas do comportamento internacional de Pequim através da categorização em três diferentes grupos: os especialista que trabalham com o nível de análise do Estado- nação;os que lidam com o nível de análise do sistema internacional e aqueles que incorporam os dois níveis anteriores.
The thesis works on the American literature regarding the Chinese foreign policy during the 1980s. Six authors are analyzed in a debate about the explicative variables of Peking-s international behavior. They are categorized according to three different groups: the ones focusing on the nation-state level of analysis; those who concentrate on the international system level of analysis, and finally, those who incorporate both levels.
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Da, Fonseca Costeira Tais <1994>. « Obama and Russia : A Foreign Policy Analysis in Terms of Grand Strategy ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16561.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The United States has applied several strategies in implementing its foreign policy, known as grand strategies. These strategies change with the ruling of transition and/or events in the international environment, as the outbreak of wars, revolutions and economic recessions. The globalized world presented new challenges for the United States, asking for a renewed grand strategy, which would consider these variables. For that, the evolution of the grand strategy theory is presented to perceive how it was conceived and what is its importance for the foreign policy of the United States. That being said, the main purpose of this paper is to identify the elements of grand strategy used by the Obama administration (2008-2016) and therefore investigate them more specifically. Finally, this paper analyzes in detail the grand strategy formulated by the United States toward Russia in the Obama’s administration to understand how the priorities were perceived, in what implications it failed, proving that despite the good intention in the rapprochement with said country, it lacked a greater mutual commitment to consolidate this bilateral relationship.
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Strathman, Brent A. « Who advises ? Power, politics, & ; persuasion in foreign policy decision making ». The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1135002242.
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Ip, Yee-cheung. « An analysis of government policy on importation of labour ». [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1992. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1323643X.
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Pettersson, Emelie. « An analysis of foreign involvement within the Syria conflict. : Why had the United States and Russia a foreign interest in Syria ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90883.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study offers an alternative analysis of the current literature regarding foreign involvement in the Syria civil war. The initials briefly describe the current situation in Syria, international relations and why the conflict is interesting to analyse from a scientific standpoint. The relevant actors and theoretical construction are also introduced. In the previous research chapter, the current research is presented concerning the global superpowers as well as the interventions that have taken place in Syria. In the theory chapter realism and liberalism are presented, and a number of important factors are discussed. In the result, the decisions and events that have taken place during the conflict in Syria is analysed through the lens of previous named theories. The actors studied are the USA and Russia. There are both realistic and liberalist elements in the decisions made by the actors. The final part of the essay discusses the result. The underlying interest of the players largely determines which decision is ultimately taken. Moreover, there are underlying tones of realism even in clearly liberalistic decisions.
39
Taneja, Sehr. « Making Policy on the Front Page : How the National Media Shape Indian Foreign Policy Toward Pakistan ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/197.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explains how national media shape Indian foreign policy toward Pakistan. I use empirical research to explore the contribution of national media to the formulation of policy during the 1999 Kargil War and 2001 Agra Summit between India and Pakistan. I created a database of news articles in the leading national English newspapers—The Times of India and Hindustan Times and then coded and analyzed them. I analyze the media’s role by identifying trends in media strategies such as framing, agenda setting, and manufacturing consent. In addition, I analyze government documents and parliamentary debates to gather information on the policy processes and on government- media relations. I suggest that the media’s role in shaping policy depends on the level of internal dissent, understood as disagreement between the government and the opposition parties. I argue that national dissent allows the media to emerge as an independent actor, influencing the formulation of foreign policy by presenting their own opinions and policy suggestions. This was the case during the Agra Summit. On the other hand, as seen in the case of the Kargil War, during times of national consensus, the media echo the government’s voice and garner public support for the government’s actions. As such, this thesis contributes to existing scholarship and primary fieldwork by providing an original analysis of the intersection of media and foreign policy.
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Dersan, Duygu. « Responses To International Changes:a Neoclassical Realist Analysis Of Syrian Foreign Policy, 1990-2005 ». Phd thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615043/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This work aims to analyze the responses of Syria to two international changes comparatively. After the end of the Cold War, US initiated a foreign policy doctrine based on American hegemony. This policy was firstly manifested in the war on Iraq as a response to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on January 17, 1991. It was noteworthy to see Syria aligning with the US during the Gulf War (1990-1991), as the country had been allied against the US during the Cold War period. Syria was also the first state accepting US proposal for a peace conference known as Madrid Peace Conference. All these developments reveal that Syria had been cooperated with the US in the aftermath of the Cold War. The second international change analyzed within the framework of this study is the September 11 events. Following the September 11 attacks, the US declared a &ldquowar on terror&rdquo
to recover its superpower position and intervened in Afghanistan and then Iraq. In that process, Syria opted for countering the US and became the leading critique of the invasion of Iraq. This study examines the different responses of Syria to the end of the Cold War and the post-September 11 period through using neoclassical realism as a model.
41
Demir, Mustafa. « Turkish foreign policy towards the Kurdistan Regional Government (2003-2013) : a globalist analysis ». Thesis, Keele University, 2015. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/2500/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Despite the shadows cast by their history, Turkey has developed relations with the Kurdish government to the level of a strategic partnership within the last decade, following the 2003 invasion of Iraq. This thesis contextualizes this unexpected rapprochement from a globalist perspective. To do so, the research first identifies and analyses important developments taking place during 2003-2013, then it seeks the motives that led to the emergence of this strategic partnership between these two regional actors, first at regional, then at global level. In conclusion, it argues that it was mainly the power shift in global political system that led Turkey to abandon its traditional policy towards the Kurdish Region of Iraq.
42
Tuke, Victoria. « Japan’s foreign policy towards India : a neoclassical realist analysis of the policymaking process ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49539/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses the formation of Japanese foreign policy through the case study of relations with India. The study concentrates on three streams of Japanese diplomacy; namely economic relations, nuclear policy and security issues through the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism (NCR). This approach, considered the ‘third generation’ of the mainstream paradigm, utilises neo-realism’s focus on structural factors and ultimately places primacy on systemic forces. Yet NCR seeks a more nuanced appraisal of foreign policy and incorporates internal structures into analysis. The dissertation argues that structural factors including India’s economic growth, the rise of China and facilitation provided by the US, initiated interest in India and continues to shape the development of policy. ‘China-hedging’ does not provide the only rationale. Furthermore, whilst structure is vital, with differing influential weight dependent on policy, it is unable alone to explain the exact nature and timing of policy decisions. In order to achieve this, the domestic ‘black box’ needs to be explored through analysis of unit-level variables such as policymakers’ perceptions, business interests, public opinion and norms. Elites in Japan have been particularly slow to appreciate India’s strategic worth despite favourable environmental conditions. The business community is noted as an important influence but whilst public opinion plays a minimal role overall, the prevalence of norms is able to dictate how policy is framed. The scope of the research project is confined to approximately the past two decades, though attention is given to historical relations to place contemporary analysis in context. Empirical data was sourced from academic, government and media outlets in addition to extensive interview fieldwork in Tokyo, Delhi, London and Washington DC. This thesis contributes to a nascent literature on an increasingly important area of not only Japan’s diplomacy but the regional dynamics of region no scholar of international relations can ignore.
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Safdari, Ghandehari Roozbeh. « Systems Thinking and Culture in International Relations : A Foreign Policy Approach ». Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34829.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The mainstream theories of international relations (IR) can be categorized under two approaches: Cultural and Systems. Although the two approaches appear to be at the opposite ends of the spectrum, this paper aims to evaluate both approaches, and to provide a systemic approach to foreign policy: The systems thinking and culture (STC).
STC attempts to incorporate domestic culture, a unit-level force, in analyzing states’ behavior in the international system, while still preserving the structure, as emphasized in systemic theories like neorealism. The STC model shows how the domestic culture as a unit-level force, and the structure as a systems-level force, can shape a state’s behavior and policies in the international political system.
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Riebsame, Patrick James. « Russia's Foreign Policy Strategy, A New Approach or More of the Same : A Comparative Historical Analysis ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/98845.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines Russia's foreign policy within a comparative historical framework and theorizes that Russian foreign policy while briefly deviating from its historical pattern following the collapse of the Soviet Union, has realigned its current trajectories with its more traditional foreign policy strategies. This correction is largely consistent with Soviet notions of great power status and is rooted in a desire to secure its own national interests and achieve geopolitical objectives.
This thesis is divided into six chapters. For context, chapter one provides an historical overview of the traditional challenges faced by the Russian state, many of which remain today. Chapter two examines several core theories of foreign policy, providing a theoretical foundation from which the following chapters will routinely reference. Chapter three offers an historical synopsis of three discrete periods of Russian foreign policy and hypothesizes that the modern Russian state implements its foreign policy within a Defensive realist framework consistent with that of the former Soviet Union. Chapter four demonstrates how periods one and three are similar and fit within a consistent theoretical framework while concurrently demonstrating that period two was a temporal anomaly in the Russian approach to foreign policy. Chapter five addresses the implications associated with the continuation of Defensive realist foreign policy actions conducted by the Russian state. Finally, chapter six revisits the central theme of the work and contends that based on all demonstrated evidence the foreign policy of Russia today is in fact consistent with its historical patterns of behavior.Master of Arts
This thesis examines Russia's foreign policy across three distinct periods of time and theorizes that Russian foreign policy while briefly deviating from its historical pattern following the collapse of the Soviet Union, has realigned its current trajectories with its more traditional foreign policy strategies. This correction is largely consistent with Soviet notions of great power status and is rooted in a desire to secure its own national interests and achieve geopolitical objectives. This thesis compares the Soviet Union's foreign policy strategy throughout its intervention in Afghanistan from 1979 - 1989, the Russian Federation's objectives prior to, and immediately following the collapse of the Soviet Union from 1989 - 1993, and modern Russia's objectives in Syria from 2015 to the present. Russia's modern foreign policy shares many parallels with that of the former Soviet Union and should be considered a return to, rather than a divergence from its traditional approach to international relations. The main goal of this thesis is to determine, "What is Russia's modern Foreign Policy strategy and how has it changed over time?" This thesis compares each period by focusing primarily on the Russian state's actions and its leaders' perceptions regarding threats to their regional and global objectives throughout each period.
45
Amir, Alia. « Doing Language Policy : A Micro-Interactional Study of Policy Practices in English as a Foreign Language Classes ». Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Avdelningen för språk och kultur, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-100202.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study investigates foreign language classroom talk and micro-level language policy-in-process from an ethnomethodological conversation analytic perspective. The study is based on 20 hours of video recordings from 20 lessons in an English as a Foreign Language classroom (EFL) in grades 8 and 9 of an international compulsory school in Sweden between the years 2007 and 2010. The main purpose of the study is to shed light on some of the distinguishing features of how a target-language-only policy is materialised in situ in a foreign language classroom. The study demonstrates the relative ease with which teachers and pupils uphold a strict language policy in the classroom, but also the considerable interactional work that is done, by both teachers and pupils, in cases where upholding the policy becomes problematic. An interactional phenomenon which arises in such cases is language policing, where the teacher or pupils restore the policy-prescribed linguistic order. Such sequences are analysed in detail. The study increases our understanding of how language policy is lived out in practice, through interaction in the classroom.I denna studie undersöks klassrumsinteraktionen i undervisning i främmande språk och språkpolitisk praktik på mikronivå i ett etnometodologiskt och samtalsanalytiskt perspektiv. Studien bygger på 20 timmars videoinspelningar av 20 lektioner i engelska i årskurs 8 och 9 i en internationell grundskola i Sverige. Inspelningarna utfördes mellan 2007 och 2010. Studiens huvudsyfte är att belysa några särdrag i hur en målspråksexklusiv språkpolitik materialiseras in situ i undervisning i främmande språk. Studien påvisar att en sådan språkpolitik är förhållandevis enkel att upprätthålla i den dagliga interaktionen men den dokumenterar också det betydande interaktionella arbete som utförs, av både lärare och elever, i problematiska fall där språkpolitiken äventyras. Ett interaktionellt fenomen som uppträder i sådana fall är language policing, interaktiva sekvenser där lärare eller elever återupprättar den språkpolitiska ordningen. Sådana sekvenser analyseras i detalj. Denna studie bidrar till att öka vår förståelse av hur språkpolitik görs i praktiken, i den dagliga interaktionen i klassrummet.
46
Sangkogian, Markar. « Exploring Constraints to Russia’s Foreign Policy in the Baltics and the South Caucasus ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185110.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis is an explorative study of the notion of constraints to Russia’s foreign policy. The explorative attempt investigates Moscow’s external behaviour vis a vis the states of the Baltics and the South Caucasus from 2013 to 2020. The analysis argues that the notion of constraints, under the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, can offer a certain degree of explanatory power in terms of foreign policy variance. The operationalization of the notion, based on Foreign Policy Analysis Theory, proposes specific factors for inspection. Initially, a thematic analysis of Russia’s Foreign Policy Documents of 2013 and 2016, illustrates that the notion of constraints and regionalism is lacking from the perception of the actor. The two documents understand the external world more in terms of threat/risk instead of constraints. Consequently, an examination of the constraints on the level of the international system, and the regional actors demonstrates that the notion holds analytical value under certain circumstances, however, it overlaps with existing frameworks such as that of Tsygankov’s constructivist version, and Structural Realism. The explorative research brings forward fields where the literature on Russia’s foreign policy can be enriched. One of the suggestions is associated with inspecting the notion of fear conditioning in the policy documents of the country.
47
Siedberg, Marie. « Do ideologies matter ? : Idea analysis of foreign policy in the United States of America ». Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2516.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this essay is to clarify if there is an ideological difference within the political area of foreign policy of the United States. The question that will be answered is: Is the American foreign policy coloured by different ideologies, or has that area of politics become an arena without ideology differences?
In order to answer the question, the method used in this essay is idea analysis using ideal types as analytical instrument. The texts that are being analysed are the State of the Union Addresses of four American presidents. The presidents are Carter, Reagan, Bush and Clinton and each president give this speech once a year. The presidents are chosen due to the fact that their presidencies follow each other and are as recently in time as possible.
After analysing all of the speeches and considering the surrounding circumstances, like the Cold War, I came to the conclusion that there is no ideological difference within foreign policy of the United States of America. Some areas of foreign policy, however, show more or less connotations to either idealism or realism. Even tough ideology plays a part; there is no difference between the liberal party and the conservative party.
48
Millan, Valencia Daniel. « The status of Latin America in US foreign policy, 1946-2008 : an empirical analysis ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.572808.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis studies the shifting status of Latin America in U.S. foreign policy. Historically, the region has been considered America's sphere of influence and reportedly constituted the main focus of US. policy during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. However, since the emergence of the U.S. as a global superpower in 1945, its position on Washington's agenda has been described as one that waxes and wanes. This thesis addresses the research questions of when and why does Latin America become a salient topic of U.S. foreign policy. The research employs both quantitative and qualitative methods. Firstly, it develops and examines various indicators of saliency: citations in presidential speeches; congressional hearings; citations in The New York Times; and numbers of questions in polls. These indicators have been successfully used in other studies of US. policy, but never applied to Latin America. Secondly, the thesis also advances a qualitative explanation, based on elite interviews. Both approaches are used to test the existing theories available in the literature. The thesis finds evidence of a recurring pattern of U.S. attentiveness to Latin America. That is, for most of the period under analysis (1946-2008), the cycles of increased and decreased visibility of Latin America at the highest levels of policy- making are associated with security crises, and particularly those crises which play a role in US. global strategy. This pattern, however, appears to break down during the • \ '.' • j"" ," , interim period between the end of the Cold War and the commencement of the War . -:', on Terror, when the sources of U.S. Latin American policy seem to depart from their traditional security focus. The thesis finds that this unique period in the U.S.-Latin American relationship is embedded in and made possible by a unique period in recent American history, one in which the US. pursues no global strategies and temporarily retreats from the international scene.
49
Wilson, Kiri Anna. « David Lange and the ANZUS Crisis : An Analysis of Leadership Personality and Foreign Policy ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science and Communication, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/956.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The New Zealand Labour Party's election victory on 14 July 1984 resulted in an official rejection of the global strategy of nuclear deterrence. This action was the most fundamental challenge to the defence relationship between New Zealand and the United States since the signing of the ANZUS Treaty on 1 September 1951. This thesis is concerned with the effect of Prime Minister David Lange's personality on the resulting dispute between the two nations. This qualitative study utilises a theoretical framework articulated by Margaret G. Hermann which seeks to demonstrate the relationship between the idiosyncratic characteristics of leaders and the foreign policy behaviour of their respective nations. In order to effectively conduct this study, a number of key individuals involved in various aspects of the ANZUS dispute were interviewed by this author. It should be noted that David Lange was seriously ill throughout the course of this study and was unable to be interviewed by the author. Sir Geoffrey Palmer declined to be interviewed for this study. Following the introductory chapter of this study, a review of the literature concerned with the analysis of leadership and personality is undertaken. The powers of the Prime Minister in the New Zealand political system are examined as are the events surrounding the execution of New Zealand's anti-nuclear policy and the ANZUS dispute. This thesis then assesses the effect of Lange's personality on the dispute through an examination of situational factors, and a variety of aspects of his personality. This thesis finds that Lange's personality was instrumental in determining the course of events in the ANZUS crisis. Furthermore, this study concludes that Hermann's theoretical framework is a useful tool in determining the effect of a leader's personality on a particular foreign policy outcome.
50
Sarmiento, Oddveig Nicole. « A postcolonial analysis of Cuban foreign policy towards South African liberation movements, 1959-1994 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4300.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.