Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Foreign exchange – Government policy – Great Britain »

The coronavirus epidemic 2019-nCoV in China has already led to a slowdown in the country’s economic growth and the fall of the yuan exchange rate on the stock exchanges. The Russian government has banned visa-free tourist trips between Russia and China and the issuance of work visas to Russia for Chinese citizens; Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Pakistan, and Italy have imposed similar bans. Great Britain, South Korea, Singapore and New Zealand have imposed quarantine for arrivals from China. Military aircrafts of Russia, India and Thailand take their citizens out of China. The US authorities have declared public health emergency and ban on the entry of all foreign citizens who have visited China over the past two weeks. This article gives forecast, how these measures of the governments will affect on global academic mobility and economic growth.

The relevance of this study derives from the limited understanding of the mechanisms of public diplomacy that are activated when scholarship programs for international students are conducted by East Asian countries, particularly South Korea. Moreover, the relevance of the topic is also determined by the scarcity of research on the role of knowledge in public diplomacy mechanisms. The author of this article analyzes South Koreas international student exchange scholarship program, the KOICA Scholarship Program. This case study analyzes the contents of official documents adopted by the Government of the Republic of Korea, documents and materials published by subordinate organizations that administer scholarship programs for international students, as well as scholarly papers on the topic of knowledge diplomacy and related topics. The novelty element is that the concept of knowledge diplomacy, which is gaining popularity worldwide almost has not been used in the Russophone academia, and the studies on South Korean exchange programs as public diplomacy instruments are also poorly represented. The analysis of official documents has shown that the concept of knowledge in the official Korean interpretation differs from the existing academic interpretations accepted in the West (e.g., Great Britain, the United States). Also, the analysis of the scholarship program showed that it only partly complies with the knowledge diplomacy goals assigned by the Government. In particular, through this scholarship Korea successfully transmits knowledge about Korean history and culture, as well as professional knowledge, while the field of knowledge exchange in the program remains unattained. The author concludes with several practical recommendations on how to improve the effectiveness of the scholarship program as a tool for knowledge diplomacy.

Universities have historically merited a special place in world history as the locus of science, upbringing, humanism, and freedom of expression. However, modernity is routinely putting their tenacity and toughness to test by challenges of social existence, where every individual, government and society alike are transforming faced with globalization, communicative technologies, climate change and the new type of the world economy. The Institute of International Relations is therefore seeking to reiterate the irreplaceable value, virtues and vistas of a classical university in the ever-changing world of today. Since its inception, the IIR has come a long way from a small department to the major educational and methodological centre of Ukraine for training experts in international relations and foreign policy. Nevertheless, the life in the precincts of the Institute is not confined to research in the silence of laboratories or libraries. Thus, under interuniversity agreements, the IIR cooperates with more than 60 higher educational establishments from Belgium, Canada, China, Egypt, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Iran, Japan, Poland, the Republic of Korea, Spain, and the US. Within the framework of international cooperation attention is also attached to the matters of professional ethics: For four consecutive years, the IIR has taken part in the Strengthening Academic Integrity in Ukraine Project (SAIUP) under the aegis of the American Councils for International Education in collaboration with the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine backed by the US Embassy in Ukraine. In recent years, the Institute has set up an extensive network of international project activities, as amply demonstrated by the establishment of Ukraine’s sole Centre for Arabic Studies and the Youth Information Centre of the Ukrainian Red Cross Society. Capitalizing on the generated momentum, in 2019, the IIR won an overarching victory in the competition for the establishment of the Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence under the EU’s Erasmus + Programme to become the only such project in Ukraine. The Institute of International Relations is also mindful of employability and future careers of its graduates. Such initiatives as the Career Day, traditionally bringing together the world’s leading employers, the IIR Business School and the Memorandum of Cooperation between the Institute and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine are there to serve this purpose. Our Institute is an opportunity to open up to the world by virtue of new knowledge, academic exchange programs and internship in the best universities. This is the place not only to meet loyal friends and wise teachers, but also to unite the IIR traditions and achievements with the global perspective and break new ground of thinking. Keywords: the Institute of International Relations, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, joint degree, master classes of practitioners, case studies, language training, English-language master programmes.

The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.

This article analyzes the foreign policy of Great Britain to Ukraine in 1917-1921 years. Features of relations between England and the Ukrainian governments during national liberation movement are shown. The impact of Great Britain on the political formation and the development of Ukrainian statehood is revealed International, political and military background of the Ukrainian-British rapprochement in revolutionary days is clarified . It is indicated that an important factor shifted foreign policy orientation towards the Entente was the participation of the Ukrainian delegation under the leadership of I. Korostovetzin in the conference of Entente states in Iasi in early November 1918. It is established that interest in Ukraine and its struggle for statehood was shown by foreign diplomats accredited to the government of UРR. Consular offices of the Entente (including Great Britain) and neutral states continued their activities in Ukraine. It is shown that Great Britain and other Entente powers ignored the legitimate right of the Ukrainian people for national independence and the unity of its lands.

This article examines the role of British exchange and import controls in stimulating the dramatic increase in overseas (particularly American) multinationals in Britain from the end of the Second World War to the late 1950s, together with the ways in which the government used controls to regulate the foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow. Exchange controls were both an important stimulus to inward investment and a powerful and flexible means of regulating its volume and character. Government was relatively successful in using these powers to maximize the dollar balance and industrial benefits of FDI to Britain, given initially severe dollar and capacity constraints, and in liberalizing policy once these constraints receded and competition from other FDI hosts intensified.

In the XVII century Great Britain became the first country in the world with a full-scale system of social support, which was regulated at the state level. The “Old Poor Law” of 1601 and the “New Poor Law” of 1834 are well-studied in both foreign and Russian science, but the solutions that preceded them are less known. The aim of this study is to describe the development of social policy in Great Britain up to 1834, when the system of assistance to people in need was redesigned according to the liberal logic of minimal interference of the state. The article is based on comparative and historic approach and analysis of legal documents. It demonstrates the evolution of institutions and practices of social support in Great Britain. In this country social policy grew from church and private charity and developed at local level under centrally defined rules. Consistent presentation of social policy history in Great Britain is valuable for studies of charity, local self-government and social policy.

The article analyzes the achievements of Western historical science in research of the problem of Britain’s participation in the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author classified scientific publications into three groups: 1) general works on the history of formation the EU’s CFSP; 2) publications on the history of participation the United Kingdom in European integration as a direction of European foreign policy of the state; 3) works, which devoted specifically to the topic of British participation in European foreign and security policy. The results of monitoring the leading foreign scientific publications, the most frequently published materials on European integration and European policy of the United Kingdom are presented. A list of leading scientific centers for the research of the identified issues is also presented. The historical experience of British involvement in the formation and implementation of the EU’s CFSP in Western historiography is mainly covered in general context of the British government’s position on European integration. It was stated that the United Kingdom’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union was included in the list topics of research of European (including British) and American scientists, but remains poorly developed. Major scientific developments by European continental and British researchers are presented. Instead, in American historiography, these issues, especially Britain’s role in the CFSP, haven’t been adequately researched. In British historiography, there is a marked opposition between the “Euro-skeptic” and “Euro-optimistic” (pro-European) paradigms. In the published works the analysis of theoretical and conceptual principles, strategic approaches of British governments to the foreign policy component of European integration prevails at different stages of its development. In all three historiographic groups preference is given to research the history of military-political cooperation within the EU, development of ESDP / CSDP. The issues of British participation in the EU CFSP in the period of D. Cameron’s government (2010-2016), practical foreign policy activities of the Community remain insufficiently researched. The topics of the role of British governments in shaping and developing the Eastern European policy of the EU and the Neighborhood policy remain though basically unexplored.

Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The British Council is a unique organization. Being technically independent, it actively and efficiently works on consolidating Great Britain’s interests in the world and contributes to the development of public diplomacy in Great Britain. The author studies the efforts of the British Council as a unique public diplomacy tool of the United Kingdom. Special attention is paid to the role of British Council, which is independent of the governing board and at the same time finds itself under the influence of the latter due to the peculiarities of the appointment of Board’s officials, financing etc. The author concludes that the British Council is a unique organization established in 1934, which is a non-departmental state body, charitable organization and public corporation, technically independent of the government. The British Council, thanks to its commercial activities covers the lack of public funding caused by the policy of economy conducted by the government. It has good practices in this field worth paying attention by other countries. It is also worth mentioning that the increment in profit was getting higher last year, however the issue of increasing the influence of the government on the activities of British Council is still disputable. Although the Foreign Minister officially reports to the parliament on the activities of the British Council, approves the appointment of the leaders of organizations, the British Council preserves its independence of the government, which makes it more popular abroad, and makes positive influence on the world image of Great Britain. The efficiency of the British Council efforts on fulfillment of targets of the United Kingdom public diplomacy is unquestionable, no matter how it calls its activities: whether it is a cultural relations establishment or a cultural diplomacy implementation. Keywords: The British Council, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cultural relations, Foreign Office, Her Majesty’s Government, official assistance for development

Around 1903' s, China faced the huge threat of Japan's full-scale invasion of China and the serious struggle against Japanese aggression. The "two-pronged" policy of unremitting struggle against Japan and seeking international assistance has become the focus of Nanjing National Government headed by Chiang Kai-shek. The Soviet Union had made great efforts to aid China, but because of Chiang Kai-shek's anti-Soviet policy and Britain and France's war in Europe, Chiang Kai-shek only hoped for the support of the United States. In 1938, after the negotiation between China and Britain on the British loan to China failed, Chiang Kai-shek decisively adjusted his wartime foreign policy, recalled Wang Zhengting, who was not very popular with the United States, reused pro-American people, and appointed Hu Shi, a famous international scholar with high prestige, as ambassador to the United States. As the only legitimate government in China at that time, the Chinese Kuomintang government, in addition to establishing the national anti-Japanese national united front on the basis of Kuomintang Communist cooperation in politics, cooperated militarily with the front battlefield of the Kuomintang and the battlefield behind the enemy opened and led by our party to jointly resist the enemy and fight against the Japanese aggressors. In terms of diplomacy, the Kuomintang government also actively carried out diplomatic activities and sought assistance from the international community to support China's cause of anti-Japanese war.

This thesis explores the dynamics involved in shaping the Anglo-Syrian relationship. It argues that to understand UK relations towards Syria over the past century, they have to be viewed in the broader context of British policy on Middle East regional issues, and wider foreign policy priorities. With no direct interests invested in Syria, it is both Britain's continued involvement in Middle East affairs and Syria's standing as a key regional power that assures a continuing relationship. Consequently, the stance of leading UK politicians on the issues of post-World War regional order, international terrorism, military interventionism, arms sales, dictatorship and democratisation have circumscribed UK policy options in relation to Syria. Using the tools of Neoclassical realism this study considers British foreign policy behaviour, in terms of Britain's attempt to mobilize the power to protect its interests. It reviews Britain's international behaviour in part by how it is affected by changes in the international system, as Britain has declined from being a great imperial power, to a European power. Alliances are a key tool Britain has used to manage its decline, and this study identifies the impact that this has had on Anglo-Syrian relations with particular reference to the US and EU. Finally, it demonstrates that understanding how the foreign policy process works in Britain is key to understanding its international behaviour. In this it takes into account elite perceptions both of what these interests are and how best Britain can achieve them. This adds a layer of understanding as to why foreign policy outcomes do not always conform with what would be predicted purely in terms of the pursuit of the national interest.

Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU. The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed. The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.

Defence date: 3 June 1999
Examining Board: Kirti Chaudhuri, European University Institute (supervisor) ; Prof. Robert Holland, Institute for Commonwealth Studies London (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute ; Prof. Clemens Wurm, Humboldt-Universität Berlin
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Examine the views of the Empire and Commonwealth held by British policy makers during the two decades after World War II, arguing that the institutional framework of the formal and informal empire and the Commonwealth was considered necessary and useful to promote British interests.

Матревич К. К. Роль аналітичних центрів у формуванні механізму зовнішньополітичного курсу Великобританії у 2010-2019 рр. : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 291 "Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії" / наук. керівник С. С. Черкасов. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2020. 166 с.
UA : Об’єктом дослідження є аналітичні центри Великобританії. Предметом дослідження є роль аналітичних центрів Великобританії у формуванні механізму зовнішньополітичного курсу держави у період з 2010 по 2019 рр. Мета дослідження – проаналізувати та визначити роль британських аналітичних центрів у формуванні механізму зовнішньополітичного курсу Великобританії. Наукова новизна одержаних результатів зумовлена недостатнім висвітленням цієї проблематики в українських та закордонних політологічних та аналітичних роботах. Через необхідність її наукової розробки та детального вивчення, було удосконалено та узагальнено знання як про аналітичні центри Великобританії та сучасну зовнішню політику Великобританії, так і про вплив представлених британських аналітичних центрів на проведення політики, зокрема зовнішньої, владою Великобританії. Основні висновки, до яких дійшов автор такі: Розглянувши структуру, функції та ключові напрямки діяльності аналітичних центрів Великобританії у сфері зовнішніх відносин, було розглянуто основні типи аналітичних центрів Великобританії як урядові, партійні та незалежні аналітичні центри. Було визначено головні завдання даних аналітичних центрів та напрямки їх дослідницької діяльності. Аналітичні центри співпрацюють з британськими та закордонними органами влади, а також приватними особами та установами, які також є фінансовими донорами центрів. За чисельністю, аналітичні центри є відносно невеликими формуваннями, але є виключення. За видами державної реєстрації, аналітичні центри в основному є благодійними організаціями, але також можуть бути неінкорпорованими членськими асоціаціями чи компаніями з обмеженою відповідальністю. Проаналізувавши роль британських аналітичних центрів у формуванні зовнішньополітичних пріоритетів урядів Великобританії у 2010-2019 р. було досліджено зовнішню політику Консервативного уряду за прем’єрства Д. Кемерона, Т. Мей та Б. Джонсона, і те, яким чином аналітичні центри Великобританії реагували на зовнішньополітичну діяльність. Розглянуті в дослідженні аналітичні центри активно висвітлювали та аналізували політику Прем’єр-міністра Д. Кемерона. Відносно зовнішньої політики уряду Терези Мей, аналітичні центри були більш прихильними до аналізу її політики через складне політичне становище держави після попереднього уряду. Щодо політики уряду Б. Джонсона, ми дійшли висновків, що за рік діяльності його на посту прем’єр-міністра, більшість дослідників вважають, що він недостатньо приділяв уваги зовнішньополітичним питанням. Щодо співпраці британських аналітичних центрів з органами державної влади та управління, було досліджено інституційне та законодавче забезпечення діяльності британських аналітичних центрів Великобританії, зокрема через такі Закони як «Про благодійну діяльність та благодійні організації» (2011), «Про довірче управління» (2000), «Про компанії» (2006). Фактор участі професійних політиків у діяльності британських аналітичних центрів є ознакою авторитетності та впливовості центру, прямим фактом взаємодії з владою Великобританії. Досліджуючи аспект впровадження рекомендацій британських аналітичних центрів у дипломатичну та зовнішньополітичну практику урядів Великобританії, було доведено, що вплив аналітичних центрів Великобританії на політику влади здійснюється шляхом надання рекомендацій та необхідних документів, які згодом використовуються у офіційних документах уряду.
EN : Relevance of the research. Today, there observed the processes of political processes complication and the emergence of new public trends all around the world which require expert and analytical support of political leaders by special organizations. In the modern world, a think tank serves as an information support for state policy and influences decision-making by the authorities. It provides high-quality analytics by conducting research by leading experts from research centers. Think tanks are an alternative platform for solving foreign policy problems and issues. Most research centers exist and function independently of the state's governing structures, which increases the level of confidence in the results of centers' activities and recommendations. The activities of think tanks help to interact with the public in the state and promote the interests of both the population and the state justifying their importance and necessity. The list of the UK think tanks is one of the largest in Europe and the world. Their status and influence is confirmed by the world ratings of think tanks. In recent years the UK think tanks have only improved their own indicators and are moving towards increasing their presence on the state's political arena. As a result, the influence of think tanks on British foreign policy is growing as well as their integration into the authorities is also being traced. Targeted promotion of recommendations developed by think tanks researchers means their effectiveness and importance among UK politicians. Therefore, the role of the UK research centers in the process of British foreign policy's formation is a relevant area of the research. The relevance of this research for Ukraine is due to the presence of a large number of Ukrainian research centers among which there are those that have leading positions in world rankings. Thus, Ukrainian government officials and think tanks can learn from the experience of the United Kingdom to unite efforts on the way to implementing an effective policy of Ukraine. The research object is think tanks in the UK. The subject of this research paper is the role of the UK think tanks in the process of state foreign policy's formation in the period from 2010 to 2019. The aim of the research is to analyze and determine the role of the UK think tanks in the process of British foreign policy's formation. For achieving the above set goals we are to investigate the following specific research objectives: − to analyze the source base, the state of scientific development of the problem and research methods; − to characterize the structure, functions and activities of the UK government-affiliated think tanks; − to analyze the structure, functions and activities of the UK political-party affiliated think tanks; − to study the structure, functions and activities of the UK independent think tanks; − to figure out the role of think tanks in the strategic foreign policy planning of the David Cameron government (2010-2016); − to determine the role of think tanks in the strategic foreign policy planning of the Theresa May government (2016-2019); − to research the role of think tanks in the strategic foreign policy planning of the Boris Johnson government (since 2019); − to find out the institutional and legislative support for the activities of British think tanks in the UK; − to highlight the participation of professional politicians in the activities of the UK think tanks; − to analyze the implementation of the British think tanks recommendations in the diplomatic and foreign policy practice of the UK governments. The geographical boundaries of the study mainly cover the territory of the United Kingdom, but the author reserves the right to refer to other countries in order to achieve the aim and fulfil the objectives of the study. The chronological frames of the study include the period from 2010 to 2019. That is, with the coming to power of Cameron's Conservative cabinet and the change in foreign policy priorities after a long stay in power of the Labour Party. However, in order to logically present the material, the study may go beyond the defined chronological frames. The scientific novelty of the obtained results is due to a lack of information on the issue in Ukrainian and foreign political science and analytical works. Due to the need for its scientific development and detailed study, the knowledge of both British think tanks and modern British foreign policy, and the influence of the represented British think tanks on the policy, in particular foreign policy, of the British government was improved and generalized. The theoretical significance of the research consists in the multi-faceted coverage of aspects of the master's degree thesis and the integrity of the presented material. The results of the study can be used to improve the general theoretical level of research in the field of international relations, as well as to optimize the study of the role of research centers in the process of shaping the state foreign policy's formation on the example of the United Kingdom. The applied significance of the research and its results consists in the possibility of their use teaching students of higher education institutions, by representatives of think tanks to improve the activities of their organizations and expand the directions of influence on government bodies and their policies, as well as by civil servants to consider research centers as sources of new and alternative policy ideas. The thesis' notions were tested at the IV International Scientific and Practical Conference «Science and the Present», which was held on September 29-30, 2020, Kyiv, with the publication of the brief outline report «British political-party affiliated think tanks and their influence on UK foreign policy», at the All-Ukrainian Scientific Online Conference «Actual problems of international relations and international law», which was held on October 29, 2020, Kyiv, with the publication of the brief outline report «Research centers in the process of British foreign policy's formation during 2010-2019». Conclusions. The United Kingdom ranks fourth in the world by the number of think tanks which hold leading positions in the world rankings of think tanks. Such indicators are justified by the fruitful interaction of think tanks with the state authorities and their influence on the UK foreign policy's formation. Having characterized the structure, functions and activities of the UK government-affiliated think tanks, we found out that the Royal United Services Institute should be considered as such. It was established in 1831 as an independent think tank, a charitable organization. But over the years of its activity, it has begun to be regarded as part of a government body. The main form of its activity is to conduct research on international and national security issues. It cooperates with British and foreign state bodies, such as Ministries, as well as with individuals and institutions which are also financial donors to the centre. The Royal United Services Institute has more than 1500 employees including the military, diplomats and politicians. Based on the analysis of the structure, functions and activities of the UK political-party affiliated think tanks, we can distinguish left-wing and right-wing analytical centres. The Fabian Society (1884) and the Centre for Labour and Social Studies (2012) are bright examples of the «left-wing» think tanks. By state registration type, the former is an unincorporated membership association and the latter is a limited liability company. The research centres aim to conduct research in the social, economic and political fields. They also serve as a platform for promoting the interests of the Labour Party. The «left-wing» think tanks have relatively few employees, except for the Fabian Society. They pursue a relatively open financial policy. For example, the Institute for Public Policy Research has the largest funding among the «left-wing» think tanks from Labour representatives. The centres' activity especially began to be supported by the Labours with the coming to power of the Conservative government in 2010. The Policy Exchange (2002), the Centre for Social Justice (2004) and the Reform (2001) should be mentioned among the «right-wing» think tanks. By state registration type, these centres are a charitable organization, a non-profit limited liability company, and an educational charitable organization, respectively. The research centres generally aim to conduct research on reforming the political, economic and social fields. They also serve as a platform for promoting the interests of the Conservative Party. There are such centres that pursue an open financial policy, such as the ResPublica, and such centres that do not disclose their financial receipts, such as the Policy Exchange. After studying the structure, functions and activities of the UK independent think tanks, the Adam Smith Institute (1997), the International Institute for Strategic Studies (1958) and the Chatham House (1920) can be identified as the most influential and outstanding ones. By state registration type, these centres are a non-governmental organization, a charitable organization and a non-profit non-governmental organization, respectively. The centres’ activities are mainly focused on political reforms, international issues, problems of disarmament and nuclear weapons, and geopolitics. Due to their independent activity and authority, the centres have a large list of professional and experienced researchers. The independent think tanks are characterized by a significant influence on state policy due to the impartiality of research results. The independent think tanks pursue both an open financial policy, such as the Chatham House, and a hidden financial policy, such as the Adam Smith Institute. Having figured out the role of think tanks in the strategic foreign policy planning of the David Cameron government (2010-2016), we came to the conclusion that the think tanks under research actively covered and analysed the Prime Minister's policy. Having considered the main foreign policy achievements and failures of D. Cameron, the Chatham House paid special attention to the situation in Syria and the role of Great Britain in resolving the Middle East conflicts. According to the researchers, the UK should insist on using against Syria such leverage as international condemnation, loss of influence on the political arena and business in most activity areas. The Fabian Society sharply criticized the D. Cameron's activity. The centre's researchers stressed the priority of the party interests, not the state, for D. Cameron, criticized the use of the Labourism rhetoric, and also opposed the UK's exit from the European Union due to possible serious and negative consequences for the state. Having determined the role of think tanks in the strategic foreign policy planning of the Theresa May government (2016-2019), we concluded that think tanks paid more attention to the T. May's policy than to D. Cameron's policy due to the state's difficult political situation after the previous government. The Royal United Services Institute was interested in considering Britain's relationship with India as a strategic partner in the Asian region, as a result of geopolitical changes in the region and China's growing influence. The Cesran International and DEMOS mainly focused on the «Brexit» proposing actions to mitigate the consequences of «Brexit» during the rule of T. May, emphasizing on the need to resolve differences with both the European Union and the UK people. The Fabian Society, in turn, condemned the May government activities to support the conflict in Yemen by selling weapons to UK-partner states and advocated a political solution to the war. After researching the role of think tanks in the strategic foreign policy planning of the Boris Johnson government (since 2019), we came to the conclusion that during the year of his activity as Prime Minister, most researchers believe that he did not pay enough attention to foreign policy issues. During B. Johnson's premiership, a historic event took place – the exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union. Therefore, the activity of think tanks was focused on studying the real consequences of «Brexit» and possible foreign policy challenges for the UK. According to the researches of the European Council on Foreign Relations, in the context of «Brexit», the UK was isolated due to US protectionism, internal differences in the European Union and the disinterest of British post-colonial states in returning to the past. Having found out the institutional and legislative support for the activities of British think tanks in the UK, we determined that depending on the state registration type of the think tank, its activities are regulated by the relevant law or document. The activity of think tanks registered as charitable organizations or non-governmental organizations is regulated in accordance with the Charities Act, 2011, the Trustee Act, 2000, and the Charities (Protection and Social Investment) Act, 2016. In addition, their activities are monitored by the UK Charity Commission. This type of registration provides certain advantages in financing and benefits; therefore this state registration is the most common. The activity of think tanks registered as an unincorporated association with a charitable status is regulated by the Charities Act, 2011, and an unincorporated association without a charitable status is regulated by its own Charter. The activity of think tanks registered as a limited liability company is regulated by the Companies Act, 2006. Additionally, their activities are monitored by the UK Companies House. This type of state registration reduces the responsibility of the think tank's leaders, so this explains the type's attractiveness. Having highlighted the participation of professional politicians in the activities of the UK think tanks, it can be noted that the involvement of professionals into the ranks of researchers by think tanks is a sign of the authority and influence of the centre, a direct fact of interaction with the British authorities. In comparison with other centres, the Royal United Services Institute, the Chatham House and the International Institute for Strategic Studies have a large list of politicians, diplomats and military confirming the fact of their authority and influence. Such personalities conduct researches in accordance with their interests, experience in a particular field and professional qualification. The political-party affiliated think tanks due to their involvement in the political life of the state also have the corresponding party representatives of the state structures in centres' teams, but their number is relatively small. Having analysed the implementation of the British think tanks recommendations in the diplomatic and foreign policy practice of the UK governments, we proved that the influence of British think tanks on government policy is carried out by providing recommendations and necessary documents which are, subsequently, used in official government documents. The examples are the development of the political ideology of the «Big Society» by the ResPublica and the Cameron government, the inclusion of the Institute for Public Policy Research political proposals in the election manifestos of the UK parties. Think tanks voluntarily or at the request of the government provide written recommendations which are included in the relevant documents of the UK Parliament. The most popular recommendations are provided by the Chatham House and the Royal United Services Institute. Thus, determining the role of the UK think tanks in the process of state foreign policy's formation is a promising area of research in the modern world. The interaction of think tanks with the UK authorities can be an example of the influence of non-political structures on the adoption of effective foreign policy decisions by the state authorities, as well as an example of the integration of such structures into government bodies, both for most states of the world and for think tanks.
DE : Die Aktualität des Forschungsthemas. Bis heute gibt es in der Welt Komplexität der politischen Prozesse, die Entstehung neuer gesellschaftlicher Trends, die eine fachkundige und analytische Unterstützung für politische Führer von speziellen Organisationen erfordert. In der modernen Welt spielen analytische Zentren die Rolle der Informationsunterstützung der staatlichen Politik und beeinflussen die Entscheidungsfindung der Regierung, denn sie bieten qualitative Analyse durch Forschungen von führenden Experten der analytischen Zentren. Die analytischen Zentren sind eine alternative Plattform für Lösung außenpolitischer Probleme. Die meisten analytischen Zentren existieren und funktionieren unabhängig von den Regierungsstrukturen des Staates, was das Vertrauen in die Ergebnisse ihrer Aktivitäten, Empfehlungen erhöht. Die Aktivitäten von den analytischen Zentren tragen dazu bei, mit der Gesellschaft des Staates zu interagieren und die Interessen sowohl der Bevölkerung als auch des Staates zu fördern, was ihre Bedeutung und Notwendigkeit betont. Die Liste der analytischen Zentren in Großbritannien ist eines der größten in Europa und in der Welt. Ihr Status und Einfluss werden durch die Weltrangliste von analytischen Zentren bestätigt. In den letzten Jahren haben die britischen analytischen Zentren nur ihre eigenen Indikatoren verbessert und bewegen sich in Richtung, ihre Präsenz im politischen Bereich des Staates zu erhöhen. Infolgedessen nimmt der Einfluss von analytischen Zentren auf die britische Außenpolitik zu und auch es wird ihre Integration in die Regierung bemerkt. Die gezielte Förderung von Empfehlungen, die von Forschern von analytischen Zentren entwickelt wurden, zeigt ihre Wirksamkeit und Nachfrage unter den Politikern Großbritanniens. Deshalb ist die Rolle der britischen analytischen Zentren bei der Bildung des Mechanismus des außenpolitischen Kurses von Großbritannien ein wichtiges Forschungsgebiet. Das Objekt der Forschung sind analytische Zentren Großbritanniens. Der Gegenstand der Forschung ist die Rolle der britischen analytischen Zentren bei Bildung des Mechanismus des außenpolitischen Kurses des Staates im Zeitraum von 2010 bis 2019. Das Ziel dieser Forschung ist es, die Rolle der britischen analytischen Zentren bei Bildung des Mechanismus des außenpolitischen Kurses von Großbritannien zu analysieren und zu bestimmen. Zur Erreichung des gestellten Ziels sind folgende Aufgaben zu lösen: - die Quellenbasis, den Stand des wissenschaftlichen Forschungsproblems und Forschungsmethoden zu analysieren; - die Struktur, Funktionen und die Richtung der Aktivitäten der britischen regierungsnahen analytischen Zentren zu charakterisieren; - die Struktur, Funktionen und die Richtung der Aktivitäten der britischen analytischen Parteizentren zu analysieren; - die Struktur, Funktionen und die Richtung der Aktivitäten der britischen unabhängigen analytischen Zentren zu untersuchen; - die Rolle der analytischen Zentren in der strategischen außenpolitischen Planung der Regierung von David Cameron (2010-2016) zu klären; - die Rolle der analytischen Zentren in der strategischen außenpolitischen Planung der Regierung von Theresa May (2016-2019) zu bestimmen; - die Rolle der analytischen Zentren in der strategischen außenpolitischen Planung der Regierung von Boris Johnson (ab 2019) zu untersuchen; - die institutionelle und legislative Unterstützung der britischen analytischen Zentren in Großbritannien zu klären; - die Teilnahme von professionellen Politikern an den Aktivitäten der britischen analytischen Zentren zu untersuchen; - die Umsetzung der Empfehlungen der britischen analytischen Zentren in die diplomatische und außenpolitische Praxis der britischen Regierungen zu analysieren. Die geographischen Grenzen der Forschung erstrecken sich hauptsächlich auf Großbritannien. Es werden auch andere Länder in Anspruch genommen, um die Ziele der Forschung erreicht zu werden. Die chronologischen Rahmen der Forschung umfassen den Zeitraum von 2010 bis 2019, d.h. mit der Machtübernahme vom konservativen Camerons Kabinetts und mit der Änderung der außenpolitischen Prioritäten nach einer langen Amtszeit der Labour-Partei. Um jedoch eine logische Darstellung des Materials zu erstellen, kann die Forschung über die festgelegten chronologischen Grenzen hinausgehen. Die wissenschaftliche Neuheit der erhaltenen Ergebnisse wird durch die unzureichende Forschung dieser Problematik in den ukrainischen und ausländischen politischen und analytischen Arbeiten verursacht. Aufgrund der Notwendigkeit der wissenschaftlichen Entwicklung und der detaillierten Analyse des Forschungsproblems wurden das Wissen von den britischen analytischen Zentren und von moderner britischer Außenpolitik sowohl von Auswirkungen der britischen analytischen Zentren auf die Politik, als auch vom Einfluss der vertretenen britischen analytischen Zentren auf die Politik, insbesondere auf die Außenpolitik von britischen Behörden zusammengefasst. Die theoretische Bedeutung dieser Forschungsarbeit besteht in vielseitiger Erfassung von Aspekten der Magisterarbeit und der Integrität des vorgestellten Materials. Die Untersuchungsergebnisse können berücksichtigt werden, damit das allgemeine theoretische Forschungsniveau auf dem Gebiet der internationalen Beziehungen verbessert wird und die Untersuchung der Rolle von analytischen Zentren bei der Gestaltung der Außenpolitik des Staates am Beispiel Großbritanniens optimiert wird. Die praktische Bedeutung der Studie und ihrer Ergebnisse besteht in ihrer möglichen Verwendung im Unterricht an Hochschulen, für Verbesserung der Aktivitäten von analytischen Zentren und für Ausweitung der Auswirkungen auf Regierungsbehörden und ihre Politik sowie für Beamte als Quelle von neuen und alternativen politischen Ideen. Das erste Kapitel «Stand des wissenschaftlichen Forschungsproblems, die Quellenbasis und Forschungsmethodik» ist dem Stand der wissenschaftlichen Forschungsthemen, den Quellen und der Literaturanalyse des Forschungsproblems und der Bestimmung von methodologischen Grundlagen gewidmet. Im zweiten Kapitel «Die Struktur, Funktionen und die Richtung der Aktivitäten der britischen analytischen Zentren im Bereich der Außenbeziehungen» werden solche Haupttypen von britischen analytischen Zentren, wie regierungsnahe (Royal United Services Institute), Parteizentren (Fabian Society, linke Ideologie, oder Policy Exchange, Rechte Ideologie) und unabhängige (International Institute for Strategic Studies und Chatham House) untersucht. Die Hauptaufgaben dieser analytischen Zentren und Richtungen ihrer Forschung wurden identifiziert, darunter Fragen der internationalen und nationalen Sicherheit, Probleme der Abrüstung und des Einsatzes von Atomwaffen, Reformen des politischen, wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Bereichs und andere. Sie verfügen aufgrund ihren unabhängigen Aktivitäten und ihrer Autorität über eine große Menge professioneller und erfahrener Forscher. Die analytischen Zentren arbeiten mit den britischen und ausländischen Behörden sowie mit Einzelpersonen und Institutionen zusammen, die auch finanzielle Spender für die Zentren sind. Die «linken» analytischen Zentren verfolgen eine relativ offene Finanzpolitik, während die «rechten» analytischen Zentren ihre eigenen Einnahmen nicht veröffentlichen. Nach der Zahl sind die analytischen Zentren relativ kleine Gruppen von bis zu 100 Mitarbeitern, aber es gibt Ausnahmen (Fabian Society – mehr als 7000 Mitarbeiter). Nach der Art der staatlichen Registrierung sind die analytischen Zentren Wohltätigkeitsorganisationen, Nichtregierungsorganisationen, nicht-korporierte Mitgliedsverbände, Gesellschaften mit beschränkter Haftung. Im dritten Kapitel «Die Rolle der britischen analytischen Zentren bei der Gestaltung der außenpolitischen Prioritäten der britischen Regierungen in Jahren 2010-2019» wurde die Außenpolitik der Konservativen Regierung unter den Premierministern D. Cameron, T. May und B. Johnson analysiert. Die in der Arbeit untersuchten analytischen Zentren beleuchteten und analysierten aktiv die Politik von Premierminister D. Cameron (2010-2016). Zum Beispiel, das analytische Zentren von Chatham House schenkt eine große Aufmerksame auf die Situation in Syrien und auf die Rolle Großbritanniens bei der Lösung der Konflikte im Nahen Osten. Laut der Meinung von Forschern sollte Großbritannien in Bezug auf Syrien internationale Verurteilung verwenden, was zum Verlust des Einflusses auf die politische Arena und auf Geschäftskontakte in meisten Bereichen zur Folge haben wird. Gleichzeitig wurde das analytische Zentren Fabian Society von D. Cameron Aktivitäten scharf kritisiert. In Bezug auf die Außenpolitik der Regierung von T. May (2016-2019) waren die analytischen Zentren der Analyse ihrer Politik durch die schwierige politische Lage des Staates nach der ehemaligen Regierung eher förderlich. Zum Beispiel, das Royal United Services Institute war daran interessiert, damit die Beziehungen Großbritanniens mit Indien als strategischer Partner in der Asiatischen Region betrachtet wurden, dass zu den geopolitischen Veränderungen in der Region führte. Was die Politik der Regierung von B. Johnson (ab 2019) angeht, sind wir zum Schluss gekommen, dass die meisten Forscher der Ansicht sind, dass B. Johnson als Premierminister den außenpolitischen Fragen nicht genügend Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt hat. Denn bei B. Johnson fand der Austritt Großbritanniens aus der Europäischen Union statt, die Aktivitäten die analytischen Zentren konzentrierten sich auf die Untersuchung der realen Auswirkungen von «Brexit» und auf mögliche außenpolitische Herausforderungen für Großbritannien. Im vierten Kapitel «Die Zusammenarbeit der britischen analytischen Zentren mit den Behörden und der Verwaltung» wurde die institutionelle und legislative Unterstützung der britischen analytischen Zentren in Großbritannien untersucht. Laut der staatlichen Registrierung des analytischen Zentrums wird seine Aktivitäten durch Gesetz oder Dokument geregelt. Bei der Betrachtung der Beteiligung professioneller Politiker an den Aktivitäten britischer analytischer Zentren lassen sich folgende Ergebnisse anführen: die Einbeziehung von Fachleuten in den Kreis der analytischen Zentren von Forschern ist das Zeichen der Autorität und des Einflusses des Zentrums und die Tatsache der Zusammenwirkung mit der britischen Regierung. Solche Fachkräfte arbeiten an der Forschung nach ihren Interessen, ihren Erfahrungen in einer bestimmten Richtung und beruflichen Qualifikationen. Nach der Analyse der Umsetzung der Empfehlungen von britischen analytischen Zentren in die diplomatische und außenpolitische Praxis der britischen Regierungen wurde nachgewiesen, dass der Einfluss der britischen analytischen Zentren auf die Regierungspolitik durch Empfehlungen und erforderliche offizielle Dokumente erfolgt.

Abstract The British delegation was led by her Foreign Secretary, Lord Curzon, formerly Viceroy of India. He stayed on despite a change of government in London. The fall of Lloyd George ensured that Britain would not risk going to war in defense of her just-defeated Greek ally. Curzon succeeded in achieving three objectives. He internationalized the Straits; he separated the new Turkey from an alliance with the Soviet Union, and he postponed the final disposition of the city of Mosul until the League of Nations would deal with it a year later, as it happened in a manner favorable to Britain. But the reconfiguration of imperial power at Lausanne disclosed how deeply wounded Britain was by the costs of war and by the clear separation of the foreign policy of France and Italy from that of Britain.

The inability of British policy-makers in the 1930s to sustain the benign international system which contributed so much to the security of the British Empire in the 1920s was only partly because the powers challenging that system in the 1930s, Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and imperial Japan, were much more powerful than those which challenged it in the 1920s, Weimar Germany, Soviet Russia, and Kemalist Turkey. But it is not the complete explanation. In the 1920s British policy-makers believed that they could construct a peaceful and stable world resting on two pillars: a carefully managed process of multilateral disarmament would leave Britain with sufficient hard power to maintain the security of their empire, while British, and international, prosperity would be built on the restoration of peace and stable international exchange rates. But between 1930 and 1933, at the very moment when policy-makers most needed to feel confident of their power, that confidence evaporated. The Great Depression threatened to undermine the economic basis of the post-war world order, and the failure of the World Disarmament Conference destroyed the belief that future peace could be ensured if sensible men of goodwill could be brought together to settle their differences by discussion and compromise. The emergence of Japan as a threat to stability in the Far East and the advent to power of Adolf Hitler in Germany compelled British policy-makers, for the first time since 1918, to contemplate the possibility that they might soon be involved in a great power war.

The chapter touches upon issues related to the history of Athos and the position of Orthodox monasticism in the second quarter of the 19th century, when, after the Greek war for independence from the Ottoman Empire, Athos begins to be perceived by the great powers as an important Orthodox outpost in the Christian East. Particular attention is paid to such little-studied issues as the role of European diplomacy in the normalization of the situation on the Holy Mountain after the Greek Revolution of 1821, the Russian-Turkish war of 1828/1829, the recognition of the independence of Greece (1830); the reaction of European diplomats to the growth of Russian monasticism on Athos; “British” factor in the development of Russian-Greek relations. The author traces the measures of the British government and the public organizations for the study of Athos, indicating that starting from the 1830s the Holy Mountain was perceived in British political circles as an important strategic foothold, which was associated with the inclusion of Mount Athos in the general naval strategy of Great Britain in the Eastern Mediterranean. Russian-British foreign policy rivalry, which led to confrontation in the ecclesiastical sphere, characterizes the policy of Britain in relation to the Ecumenical Patriarchs, which is shown by the example of the activities of Constantinople Patriarchs Constanty I (1830–1834) and Gregory VI (1835–1840) and the participation of the latter in the “case Ionian Islands”, when British patronage over the Ionian Islands was used as a pretext for the intervention of British diplomats in the affairs of Orthodox Athos. These facts indicate that the “ecclesiastical” vector of the foreign policy of the great powers in the Eastern Mediterranean leads to the need to consider the “Athos question” in the context of the Eastern question as an important and organic component of it.

This film considers the ways in which in this period foreign (and domestic) policy was determined via elite personality clashes and sexual intrigue. Religious differences were the professed determining factor in political decisions during the period but are given little consideration in the film. What is being explored, again, is the struggle for power within a socio-economic elite. The severe political instability of the period within Great Britain centres on this contest to define the established order within the nation. Insurrection (as in the Monmouth Rebellion of a few years previous) is a constant threat, and machinations between Tories and Whigs (and between factions within these parties) creates a continual source of intrigue within both the court and the wider government.

The reasons for writing the paper are grounded on the basis that the integration of Ukraine into the intercultural space, the expansion of economic ties necessitate the modernization of the training of masters of tourism in the field of time to improve the theoretical and methodological foundations for effective intercultural interaction. In this regard, higher education institutions face a responsible task – to provide al spheres with highly professional competitive workers in order to build an economically strong democratic state. This requires from future professionals not only high qualification, but also the ability to work at the appropriate professional cross-cultural level. As a result, the aim of the study is to identify the main innovations in approaches to learning English in Ukraine, based on the European experience. Methodology. The methodological basis of the study is demonstrated by the operational and methodological tools of foreign language education of future professionals. Based on this, the components of this toolkit, called as eight methodolodies were such as: the first methodology is «Flipped classroom», the second methodology is «Project learning», the third methodology is «Cooperative learning: together stronger», the fourth methodology is «Gamification», the fifth methodology is «Problem-based learning», the sixth methodology is «Design thinking», the seventh methodology is «Learning, based on thinking «, the eighth methodology» Learning based on competencies». Outcomes of the survey witnessed that the main innovations in approaches to teaching English in Ukraine, based on the: European experience; compliance with the content of the European recommendations on language education, unification of levels of education in Ukraine and the world, compliance with modern European standards of language education in accordance with the descriptors that determine the levels of English language proficiency (from A1 to C2); competence approach in teaching foreign languages, development of competencies in all four types of speech; minimization of the use of the native language in the process of communication, interactivity of learning, dynamism and variety of tasks in the classroom; maximum involvement of each student in the process of language acquisition; language learning with the help of educational and methodological complexes developed by groups of methodological specialists from Great Britain and the USA on the basis of the latest research; focus on international English language exams (FCE, CAE, IELTS, TOEFL,); clearly defined criteria for assessing the level of language proficiency. Practical implications. The ongoing research is grounded on the activity-oriented approach, which: determines the learning of material as close as possible to real life situations and user needs; tasks for the development of critical thinking; changing the role of the teacher and the introduction of partnership pedagogy; active use of multimedia tools, audio and video materials, the Internet to create a speech environment for students, the use of modern devices for searching and processing information; organization of project work of students, application of non-standard and creative tasks; involvement of students in cultural and educational activities conducted in foreign languages in extracurricular time; participation of future specialists in exchange programs; promoting lifelong learning and self-development. Value/originality. One of the key indicators of education reform is the study of foreign languages as a priority of Ukraine’s domestic policy on EU integration. One of the tasks in the program is «ensuring the increase and optimization of Ukraine’s presence at international events and platforms, presence in the international academic, cultural and social environment». The implementation of this task requires a qualitatively new level of teaching foreign languages at universities, in particular English as the language of international communication.

The global crisis which started in September 2008 adversely affected many global economies and also Kyrgyzstan economy. Kyrgyzstan economy which declined and experienced a severe recession in 2009 due to the crisis started recovering from the adverse effects of the crisis after 2010. What lie beneath this positive development is increased foreign exchange revenues abroad and vigor experienced in construction industry and industrial production. The recovery experienced in economies of Russia and neighbor Kazakhstan resulted in increased exports and thus increased revenues in foreign currencies obtained from foreign countries. The political disturbances experienced in Bishkek in April 2011 and ethnic conflicts experienced in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2011, created an adverse effect on the economy. The crisis resulted in degradation of investment environment, adversely influenced the foreign investments and increased the current account deficit. These developments adversely influenced the banking sector too. The government attempted to diminish effects of the crisis through financial incentives. The budget deficit emerged as a result of crisis was attempted to be closed through support secured from International Monetary Fund (IMF). IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank lent great support to invigorating Kyrgyzstan economy after events of April and July. According to IMF, if political instability goes on in Kyrgyzstan in medium and long term, economic problems shall continue. Uncertainties in banking sector are amongst the main factors which increase the economic risks. Recovery of Kyrgyzstan economy is dependent on medium term financial policy measures to be applied to the economy and balancing the foreign trade.