Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Foreign economic relations - latin america »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Sommaire
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Foreign economic relations - latin america ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Foreign economic relations - latin america"
1
Yakovleva, Nailya. « LATIN AMERICA IN PORTUGAL'S FOREIGN ECONOMIC STRATEGY ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 3 (2022) : 158–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.07.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with the current and insufficiently explored issue of Portugal's international relations with Latin American countries. It is shown that after a series of crises, the Portuguese economy managed to reach a growth trajectory, change the image of a European outsider and gain the authority in the world community. Special attention is paid to the current stage of structural modernization, the characteristic of which is the innovatization and digitalization of production processes, the development of high-tech industries. The ongoing changes have led to significant edits in the foreign economic strategy of the Portuguese authorities and the transition to an offensive export policy. The growth of the economy, the course towards its internationalization by supporting exports and expanding foreign economic relations have contributed to the intensification of cooperation with other regions of the world, including Latin American countries. It is noted that the Latin American direction is an important element of the foreign policy activities of the Portuguese authorities. Historically, Portugal's relations with the countries of the region have been built in different formats: at the bilateral level and through participation in regional and interregional groupings. In recent years, there has been an increase in the expansion of Portuguese business in Latin America. And although the process of trade development of Latin American markets faces objective difficulties and develops relatively slowly, the region is assigned the role of a promising partner of Portugal in the implementation of the strategy of export diversification, increasing the share of innovative products of high processing in it. It is emphasized that in every Latin American country, Portugal is trying (sometimes very effectively) to find its trade and economic niche. At the same time, Brazil has a special status in Portugal's relations with Latin American partners.
2
Klochkovsky, L. « New World Economic Development Trends and Latin America ». World Economy and International Relations 60, no 4 (2016) : 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-4-48-60.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There are substantial changes in the evolution of world economy and world economic relations. The growth rates of international trade have diminished two-fold, the prices for oil and other commodities have fallen, and the competition on world markets has sharpened greatly. These new trends complicate fundamentally external conditions for the economic development of peripheral regions, especially Latin America. Latin American countries have reached a phase of considerable economic deceleration. Under these circumstances, there is an urgent need for reconsideration of key conclusions made by some Russian experts on the possibilities of the future economic and social growth of Latin America. The author examines the most discussed aspects of the Latin American modern economic situation – the deepening technological gap and slow rates of technological progress, the limited role of internal economic motive forces, the conservation of foreign economic dependence. The future of Latin America’s economic development is uncertain in many respects and will depend greatly on foreign economic conditions. The new world balance opened important additional possibilities for Latin America on world markets. China has converted into the second largest economic partner of the region. But there is a number of complicated problems in their relations that need an urgent regulation. At the same time, the strategic task for Latin America consists in finding of effective ways for further broadening of economic relations with the United States in terms of equality and mutual benefit.
3
Lopez Garcia, Ana Isabel. « The Myth of 9/11 in Latin America ». Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, no 1 (1 novembre 2008) : 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.340.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It is often argued that the first and most visible impact of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 has been the reordering of Washington’s priorities in its relations with Latin America. The United States (U.S.) has focused its attention outside the hemisphere and placed Latin America at the “bottom of U.S. terrorist agenda” (Youngers 2003). Various scholars argue that the U.S has returned to its Cold-War stance, in which it only notices those developments in Latin America that directly challenge U.S. interests (Hakim 2006). Accordingly, after 9/11 U.S. security demands have overshadowed other issues that Latin American countries consider priorities (Youngers 2003, 2). Susan Kauffman (2002), for instance, posits that: “once again the United States is looking at Latin America through a security lens, while Latin America wants the emphasis to remain on economic development.” The effects of U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America after 9/11 have not repeated the pattern of the Cold War. Although Latin America no longer is the overriding priority of American foreign policy, the U.S. has not neglected the region, nor, as many analysts have argued (Shifter 2004; Youngers 2003; Hakim 2006; Roett 2006), has it become disengaged from the hemisphere. The terrorist attacks did not introduce a different agenda for U.S.-Latin American relations from that of the post-Cold-War period. Free trade, illegal migration and the fight against drugs have continued to be the main issues of U.S.-Latin American relations. Even the trend towards militarization of U.S. foreign policy began in Latin America long before the terrorist attacks. U.S.-Latin America relations have been affected significantly not by the consequences of 9/11, but rather by the negative effects of the U.S-promoted economic model in the region. The failures of the so-called Washington Consensus are not linked to the terrorist attacks.
4
Molokoedov, Daniil Igorevich, et Syatsin Sun'. « US-China Rivalry in Trade and Economic Relations with Latin American Countries ». Конфликтология / nota bene, no 1 (janvier 2023) : 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.1.39613.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article is devoted to the analysis of trade and economic relations between the United States and China with Latin American countries. This region is a sphere of competitive confrontation between the two countries not only for foreign policy ties, but also for trade and economic ones. The authors in this article show the peculiarities of the bilateral relations between China and the United States with Latin America and describe the process of changing US policy towards Latin America after 2017, when it radically changed after the Trump administration came to power, and Beijing, taking advantage of this opportunity, began to compete with Washington in this region. Also, in this article, the authors provide a comparative analysis of the indicators of trade and economic relations between China and the United States with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the fact that, using the example of the transition of leading positions towards China, the authors, within the framework of the theory of "power transit" (Power transition theory), describe the competitive struggle of states in this region in trade and economic terms, which is inextricably linked with political relations. The main conclusions are that the United States is still an external force that cannot be ignored in Latin American international relations, while China has every chance of gradually displacing the United States from the foreign market in Latin America thanks to its economic projects with the introduction of leading Latin American countries in the economic sphere. The United States of America, in turn, is trying to maintain its position in this region by easing its economic and financial constraints and, thereby, inclining the political leadership of Latin American countries to its side.
5
Chirkin, S. A. « NEW NON-R EGI ONAL PARTNERS OF LATIN AMERICA : CHALLENGES AND LESSONS FOR RUSSIA ». International Trade and Trade Policy 8, no 1 (15 avril 2022) : 66–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2022-1-66-83.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the trade and economic relations of Latin American countries with individual non-regional partners represented by Japan, South Korea, India and Turkey. The main focus is on the evolution of the foreign economic relations of these countries with the Latin American region and the efforts of the governments of these states to develop them. The main features and trends of bilateral economic cooperation are revealed. The main indicators of trade and economic interaction of the studied countries with the Latin American region are given. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the situation with the conclusion of bilateral trade agreements. There is a clear desire on the part of Turkey to develop a dialogue with Latin American countries in the field of military-technical cooperation. A comparative analysis of the level and content of foreign economic relations with Latin America of the mentioned countries and Russia is carried out. It is concluded that recently there has been a noticeable intensification of trade and economic cooperation between Latin America and Japan, South Korea, India and Turkey, which creates certain challenges for the Russian Federation in terms of increasing the supply of export products to the region. In conclusion, a number of recommendations are formulated to increase the pace of cooperation between Russia and Latin-American countries in the context of increasing competition in the region from other states.
6
KARPOVICH, Oleg. « PROSPECTS FOR ECONOMIC GROWTH IN LATIN AMERICA AT THE PRESENT STAGE ». Russian Journal of Management 7, no 4 (28 janvier 2020) : 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/2409-6024-2019-7-4-111-115.
Texte intégralRésumé :
. In the XXI century, cardinal changes continue in the financial and economic situation of Latin America. New influential non-regional partners besides the US and the EU, China, Iran, India, Russia, have come to the fore, significantly expanding the range of foreign relations of Latin American and Caribbean countries, which significantly increases the role of Latin America in the international arena. In economic terms, Latin America is experiencing a period of increased international dynamics, characterized by the intensification of intraregional interactions and the search for new non-regional partners and markets.
7
Yakovlev, Petr Pavlovich. « USA and China in Latin America : Contours of Competition ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no 1 (15 décembre 2019) : 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-1-47-58.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the last decade Latin America in trade, economic and financial terms turns out to be increasingly “sandwiched” between the United States and China, which accounted for more than half of the total trade of Latin American countries, and also a crucial part of entering the region investment and credit resources. This circumstance has the strongest impact on the structure and orientation of foreign economic relations and foreign policy contacts. In the foreseeable future one of the complexities of foreign policy of the Latin American countries will be delaying action between the United States and China, are becoming involved in hybrid war for dominance in the global economy and trade. In Latin American capitals the USA-Chinese rivalry at the global level are watched with suspicion and fear. It is connected not only with the current situation, but with the dynamics of relations between Washington and Beijing, the intensification of contradictions at the global and regional levels. Latin Americans believe that initiation of trade wars and other kinds of American-Chinese confrontation could harm the development of the world economy and harm the crucial interests of the region, which is critically dependent on international goods and financial markets. The main challenge is the diversification of international relations of the Latin American States, the broadening of their economic and political partners. Only in this way can be weakened the hyper dependence of Latin America from Washington and Beijing, and reversed the negative effects of the ongoing protectionist policies and trade wars initiated by the administration of Donald Trump.
8
Klochkovskii, D. « Latin America : Problems of Economic Modernization ». World Economy and International Relations, no 12 (2013) : 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-12-47-55.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Latin American nations badly need to undertake a dramatic turn to modernization and innovative way of development. However, low growth rates of 1980-s and second half of 1990-s, marginal level of accumulation and investment, low investment activity of the governments, slow growth of productivity and several other reasons of economic and political nature prevent an effective modernization process in the region. In order to solve these problems Latin American countries should map out a concrete program of actions. This program should clearly determine the governments’ role in modernization. The relationships with the foreign capital should be revised and the foreign economic strategy of the region should be adjusted.
9
Sposito, Italo Beltrão, et Fernando José Ludwig. « Mapping Inter-American struggle (1946-2001) : an overview on military conflict and economic embargoes ». Revista de Paz y Conflictos 14, no 1 (28 décembre 2021) : 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/revpaz.v14i1.15218.
Texte intégralRésumé :
International relations have always focused on security and conflict studies. These themes are central to understand several factors from geopolitics to world (re)ordering. There is no doubt that since the Second World War, the role played by the United States (US) is crucial to understand such aspects of international life. Furthermore, their acting in Latin America follows the same pattern. In that sense, this article proposes to address the following research question: which changes in the US' foreign policy towards Latin America influenced conflict patterns in the Interamerican system after the Cold War? We intend to demonstrate that shifts on US’ foreign policy towards Latin American, from military actions to economic embargos, had an impact over conflict patters in the region after the end of the Cold War. In order to assess the manifold aspects of US-Latin America relations, we explore data on Interamerican conflicts and map 60 years of economic and military conflict in the American continent and systematize conflictive interactions to identify patterns and changes in US-Latin America interplay. We present evidence of a significant change in the kind of conflict, from military to economic, since the end of the Cold War. Our findings indicate a predominance of military interventions during the Cold War, especially as a US response to intrastate wars (revolutions and civil wars), targeting predominantly small Central American and Caribbean countries. After the end of the Cold War, economic sanctions dominated the agenda, with the US targeting mostly Latin America’s three largest countries, Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina.
10
Perrone, Nicolás M. « Locating the 1948 Economic Agreement of Bogotá : The Rise and Fall of Latin America’s International Economic Law Project ». Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d'histoire du droit international 25, no 4 (4 avril 2024) : 529–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-bja10099.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article claims that Latin America developed a competing International Economic Law project in the 1940s. These ideas and practices served the region to imagine its economic development process. Through the work of economists and lawyers – especially international lawyers – Latin America envisioned a future of industrialization and designed a strategy to make it happen. In the 1940s, many Latin Americans were enthusiastic about the prospects of industrialization; however, the consensus was that this objective required regional cooperation to reshape international trade and foreign investment laws among themselves and, especially, vis-à-vis the United States. This article explores this regional momentum focusing on the 1948 Economic Agreement of Bogotá, one of the most important international economic law-making efforts in the Western Hemisphere. In Bogotá, many Latin American governments insisted that states, not markets or foreign investors, should plan the region’s economic future. The United States and the US business elite disagreed.
Thèses sur le sujet "Foreign economic relations - latin america"
1
Muniz, Blanca P. « EEC strategies towards Latin America : hegemony and international economic relations ». Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328998.
Texte intégral
2
Mills, Thomas. « Anglo-American relations in south America during the second world war and post-war economic planning ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2010. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4493.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines relations between the United States and Great Britain in South America between 1939 and 1945. It does so in the broader context of the economic planning for the post-war world undertaken by the US and Britain during the Second World War. Traditional interpretations of Anglo-American post-war economic planning have tended to focus on a process whereby the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration advocated a multilateral system, based on equality of access to markets and raw materials. Doubting Britain’s ability to compete successfully in such a system, the British government baulked at the US proposal and clung to its autarkic structures constructed during the interwar years. This thesis argues that relations between the US and Britain in South America followed a different and more complex pattern. In this region it was in fact Britain that eventually took the lead in advocating multilateralism. This policy was adopted following a lengthy evaluation of British policy in Latin America, which concluded that multilateralism represented the surest means of protecting British interests in South America. The US, on the other hand, demonstrated exclusionary tendencies in its policy toward Latin America, which threatened the successful implementation of a global economic system based on multilateralism. In explaining this divergence from multilateralism in the Roosevelt administration’s post-war economic planning, this thesis pays particular attention to the influence of different factions, both within the administration and in the broader US political and business establishment. By exploring Anglo-American relations in this previously neglected region, this thesis contributes toward a greater understanding of the broader process of post-war economic planning that took place between the US and Britain during the Second World War.
3
Schlemmer, Jimmi Joe. « THE INTERSTATE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA AND CHILE : A case study of the PRC’s foreign political and economic relations ». Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-141920.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the recent years, the PRC has demonstrated strong economic growth and intensified its diplomatic connections with the globalized world. The Deng reforms of the 1970s were the starting point for this ‘open-up’ approach. The particular relevance for the LAC region became an utmost important part in the development of the PRC in the 21st century. Therefore, natural resources are the driving force of their economic growth and a high supply of agricultural products is essential to feed their growing population. These two economic aspects are in the center of the foreign political and economic interests of the PRC. However, the intentions of nation states are always unclear, which gives room for various theoretical interpretations. The possible threat of the rising PRC is consequently contrasted by the perspective of a ‘peaceful rise of the PRC’. It is inevitable that the LAC region looms large over this debate. This research will analyze and contribute towards a better understanding of the rise of the PRC. To be able to provide a precise contribution, this research focuses on the case of the China-Chile economic and foreign political relations after the coming into force of the FTA in 2006. Based on a conceptual analysis of the foreign and economic relations of the PRC with Chile, this research will also apply defensive neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism to provide a better understanding of the strategies and motivations of the PRC towards Chile. Even though Chile is an independent country of the LAC region, this research will also partly integrate the research finding into the bigger picture of the relations between the PRC and the LAC region in general.
4
Shai, Kgothatso Brucely. « An afrocentric critique of the United States of America's foreign policy towards Africa : the case of Ghana and Tanzania, 1990-2014 ». Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2610.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D. (International Politics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2016The United States of America’s (US) foreign policy towards Africa has been the subject for debate. This is partly because the country’s relationship with African countries is not consistent. By and large, such relations are shaped by a number of factors which include political orientation and material resources. Within this context, the present study uses case studies from two different parts of Africa to tease out US foreign policy towards Africa. This explorative study uses Ghana and the United Republic of Tanzania (hereafter referred to as Tanzania) as test cases to compare and critique the post-Cold War foreign policy of the US towards Africa. It does this by first analysing and constructing the theoretical material on the three pillars of the US Africa policy (oil, democracy and security) and subsequently, contemporaneously locating the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. Largely, the study carries a historical sensibility as it traces the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania from as far as the colonial era. History is crucial in this regard because the past provides a sound basis for understanding the present and future. To add, in International Politics theory holds sway and history is used as a laboratory. In this thesis, the researcher proposes Afrocentricity as an alternative theoretical paradigm crucial in understanding US foreign policy towards Africa. As it shall be seen, such a paradigm (theoretical lens) remains critical in highlighting the peculiarity of the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. It is envisaged that a deeper understanding of the US foreign policy towards Ghana and Tanzania is achievable when its analysis and interpretation is located within a broader continental context of Africa. To realise the purpose of this study, the researcher relies methodologically on interdisciplinary critical discourse and conversations in their widest forms. With reference to the test cases for this study, the agenda for democratic consolidation features prominently on both of them while oil is only applicable to Ghana in this regard. In contrast, Tanzania distinguishes itself both as a victim of terrorism and equally so as a strategic partner on the US anti-terrorism efforts in East Africa. Yet, oil in West Africa’s Ghana is important for the US both as an economic resource and a strategic energy source during wartime periods. Overall the ‘differential’ foreign policy towards individual African states is also a significant observation which dispels the myth of a universal US foreign policy framework. Keywords: Africa, Afrocentricity, democracy, East Africa, foreign policy, Ghana, oil, security, Tanzania, United States of America, West Africa.
5
Hirst, Monica Ellen Seabra. « As relações Brasil-Estados Unidos desde uma perspectiva multidimensional : evolução contemporânea, complexidades atuais e perspectivas para o século XXI ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/36743.
Texte intégralRésumé :
O tema principal desta tese é o das relações Brasil-Estados Unidos, enfocado a partir de uma perspectiva dual que articula a história contemporânea deste vínculo com o seu sentido político para a inserção internacional de nosso país. O corpo desta tese está subdivido em três partes principais: 1) Evolução contemporânea das relações Brasil-Estados Unidos desde o início do século XX. 2) Relacionamento Brasil-Estados Unidos na pós-Guerra Fria. 3) Novo enquadramento das relações Brasil-EUA depois do 11 de setembro. A tese procura mostrar que Brasil se encontra num momento crucial para re-equacionar o lugar e o sentido das relações com Estados Unidos para a inserção externa do país. A perda de sua centralidade obriga uma reavaliação profunda que certamente virá a influenciar a produção acadêmica em Relações Internacionais no futuro.This dissertation focus on Brazil-US relations with a twofold perspective: one that emphasizes the contemporary history of this relationship and another that underlines its political implications for the international insertion of our country. This dissertation is subdivided in three units: 1) Contemporary evolution of Brazil-United States relations since early XXth century. 2) Relation Brazil-United States after the Cold War. 3) New alliance of Brazil-United States after the 9-11 period. This dissertation wishes to point out that Brazil nowadays faces a crucial moment to re-think the place and importance of the relations with the US in this foreign policy. The loss of its previous centrality imposes an re-evaluation, this which will certainly influence the future of International Relations studies in Brazil.
6
Butler, Tracy A. « Gender, labor, and capitalism in U.S.-Mexican relations, 1942-2000 ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1243907962.
Texte intégral
7
Bizzozero, Revelez Lincoln. « L'entrée de l'Uruguay dans le Mercosur : ajustements et changements dans la politique extérieure d'un petit pays de la région ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210949.
Texte intégral
8
Salazar-Xirinachs, Jose Manuel. « The state, foreign trade and economic integration in developing countries ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282910.
Texte intégral
9
Scarfi, Juan Pablo. « International law and pan-Americanism in the Americas, 1890-1942 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648513.
Texte intégral
10
SÁNCHEZ, CANO Gaël. « Spiritual empire : Spanish diplomacy and Latin America in the 1920s ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/64748.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 28 October 2019Examining Board: Prof Regina Grafe, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Second Reader); Prof David Marcilhacy, Sorbonne Université; Dr Christian Goeschel, University of Manchester
This thesis focuses on the practice of cultural diplomacy in post-imperial contexts through the study of the Spanish-Latin American case (Hispano-Americanism) during the 1920s. It advances the concept of ‘spiritual empire’ to make sense of the weight of imperial legacies in multilateral international relations. It highlights the intangible and imagined nature of these legacies, and examines their use in foreign policy. It thus offers broader definitions of what is usually called ‘soft power’, with a specific emphasis on its European roots and on its intertwinement with empire and multilateralism during the interwar period, especially in the context of the League of Nations. The specific object of this inquiry is the set of practices of Hispano-Americanism developed under General Miguel Primo de Rivera’s authoritarian regime (1923-1930). Calls for closer relations between Spain and the Spanish-speaking American countries dated back to the late nineteenth century, in the form of intellectual pleas and some political projects. Only in the 1920s, however, was Hispano-Americanism built up as a relatively coherent set of diplomatic practices. Asking why these practices emerged in the 1920s in particular, the thesis explores this decade as a key moment for both empire and diplomacy. Building mostly on archival material from the Spanish administration, the League of Nations, and US public and private institutions, this research inserts Spanish diplomacy at the heart of the narrative of power politics in Europe and the Americas. The aim is not to prove that Spain actually mattered, but to use this specific case study to pose alternative questions about power in world politics. Rather than asking where power is, this thesis seeks to understand what power is and how it is fabricated. The notion of spiritual empire illustrates how the imperial logics of power resist the formal end of empires and are reused in the shape of diplomatic and administrative practices. It explains how Spanish diplomats and foreign-policy makers tried to hang on to a status of power granted by Spain’s imperial past. It also opens the way to diachronic comparisons between Spain’s Hispano-Americanism, Portugal’s politics of Lusophony, France’s politics of Francophony, or the British Commonwealth, among others.
Livres sur le sujet "Foreign economic relations - latin america"
1
He, Li. Sino-Latin American economic relations. New York : Praeger, 1991.
Trouver le texte intégral
2
He, Li. Sino-Latin American economic relations. Amherst : University of Massachusetts, 1990.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
Fung, K. C. Sino-Latin American relations. Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2012.
Trouver le texte intégral
4
Bonsor, Nicholas. Britain and Latin America : Economic prospects. London : Institute of Latin American Studies, 1996.
Trouver le texte intégral
5
Australia. Parliament. Senate. Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade. Australia and Latin America. Canberra : The Committee, 1992.
Trouver le texte intégral
6
Robert, Lester, et Elasky Dan, dir. Latin America. Bethesda, MD : UPA collection from LexisNexis, 2004.
Trouver le texte intégral
7
Florido, Eduardo Regalado. Current economic relations between China and Latin America. Chiba-shi, Chiba, Japan : Institute of Developing Economies, Japan External Trade Organization, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
8
SSSR, Akademii͡a︡ nauk, dir. US economic expansion : Latin America. Moscow : "Social Sciences Today" Editorial Board, 1986.
Trouver le texte intégral
9
Asia and Latin America : Political, economic, and multilateral relations. New York : Routledge, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
10
Wells, J. R. Latin America at the cross-roads. [Santiago, Chile] : Oficina Internacional del Trabajo, PREALC, 1988.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Foreign economic relations - latin america"
1
Funk, Kevin. « How Latin America Met the Arab World : Toward a Political Economy of Arab–Latin American Relations ». Dans Latin American Foreign Policies towards the Middle East, 11–36. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59939-1_2.
Texte intégral
2
Tapia, Jorge Araneda. « Presidential Influence, Economic-Military Legacies, and Bureaucracy Challenges in Chile's Foreign Policy toward the Middle East ». Dans Latin American Relations with the Middle East, 64–90. New York : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003264675-5.
Texte intégral
3
Wajner, Daniel F., Arie M. Kacowicz et Exequiel Lacovsky. « Israel and Latin America ». Dans Routledge Handbook on Israel's Foreign Relations, 363–75. London : Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003048398-33.
Texte intégral
4
Mesa-Lago, Carmelo, et Fernando Gil. « Soviet Economic Relations with Cuba ». Dans The USSR and Latin America, 183–232. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003340768-8.
Texte intégral
5
Horisaka, Kotaro. « Japan’s Economic Relations with Latin America ». Dans Japan, the United States, and Latin America, 49–76. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13128-0_2.
Texte intégral
6
Avilés, William. « Global capitalism, transnational relations, and U.S. foreign policy ». Dans The Drug War in Latin America, 10–27. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Routledge studies in US foreign policy : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315456690-2.
Texte intégral
7
Sachs, Jeffrey. « Social Conflict and Populist Policies in Latin America ». Dans Labour Relations and Economic Performance, 137–69. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11562-4_6.
Texte intégral
8
Hamaguchi, Nobuaki, Jie Guo et Chong-Sup Kim. « Economic Relations Between Korea and Latin America ». Dans SpringerBriefs in Economics, 51–73. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2435-2_4.
Texte intégral
9
Yang, Zhimin. « China’s Direct Investment in Latin America ». Dans Sino-Latin American Economic and Trade Relations, 91–100. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3405-4_4.
Texte intégral
10
Pazos, Felipe. « Foreign Investment Revisited ». Dans Foreign Investment, Debt and Economic Growth in Latin America, 17–28. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08311-4_4.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Foreign economic relations - latin america"
1
شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. « The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."
2
Santorelli, Marion, et Domenico Catullo. « Human mobility and language : towards new multilingual approaches with AI ». Dans International Scientific-Practical Conference "Economic growth in the conditions of globalization". National Institute for Economic Research, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36004/nier.cdr.v.2023.17.16.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study investigates the relationships between language and human mobility in terms of investment, accessibility and inclusion and how human-computer interactions, AI (Artificial Intelligence) speech translators might overcome language barrier in a multilingual perspective. After a brief analysis of population dynamics, demographic change and migration based on European Union publications, the aim of this paper is to highlight the strong nexus between language and mobility and how it plays a key role in citizenship, educational policies, employment and social services. The phenomenon of linguistic identity, together with the power relations of ELF (English as Lingua Franca), is observed by presenting poststructuralist perspectives on SLA (Second Language Acquisition). It emerges that the power relations can be equal and unequal and can influence both positively and negatively users’ identities, shape people interactions and, thus, place them in particular communities or statuses. This ‘communicative imperialism’ can be inferred by the English Proficiency Index that places European countries in a high position, while countries in Eastern Europe, the Middle East, Africa, Latin America, and some Asian countries in the lowest ones. Non-native speakers have differing levels of command of the language, meaning that, for them, crucial details and nuances, as well as cultural references, might often be lost. This study explores the real-time multilingual interpretation, with the new emerging technologies, as a means to reduce language discrimination, information loss, and increase the return on investment (ROI), enabling everyone to join in a conversation in their own language from anywhere around the world.
3
NEGREA, Adrian, Andreea-Florina FORA, Adriana GIURGIU et Liana-Eugenia MEȘTER. « INVESTMENTS, GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUC AND EXPORTS EVOLUTION FOR THE COUNTRIES WITH AN IMF AGREEMENT ». Dans International Management Conference. Editura ASE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/imc/2022/01.18.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The current economy's flow is given by the dynamism of the multinational companies which are acting globally, increasing the openness of the countries regarding trade through foreign direct investment. With the international financial institutions leading backing them up, privatization, greenfield investments and mergers & acquisitions were strongly promoted as a tool to reduce the budgetary burden caused by state enterprise, bad private management, or other private and public sector inefficiencies, so that FDI inflows can contribute to the increase rate of GDP and also can have a positive impact on the exports flow. In order to see how well this purpose has been achieved by some countries, some economic indicators need to be addressed. That is why the purpose of this study is to presents the economic evolution of those countries which had arrangements with the IMF, from different regions of Europe, Latin America and Asia during the past 30 year, from 1990- 2020, analyzing their Gross Domestic Product, Foreign Direct Investments, and Export with the Compound Annual Growth Rate metric. All the statistical data is taken from the UNCTAD, and the numbers of IMF agreements or arrangements are taken from the IMF website.
4
Radulovic, Ana. « FINANCIAL CRISES AND STRUCTURAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ECONOMY ». Dans 6th International Scientific Conference ERAZ - Knowledge Based Sustainable Development. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eraz.2020.99.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Economic structures are a major cause of long-term growth or stagnation. Different economic structures have different ranges of structural learning, innovation, and different effects on income distribution, which are key determinants of economic performance. Through theory about economic structures it is explained why institutions work differently in space and time. This paper shows using a case study in the United States, that the source of recent financial crises rests on the structural characteristics of the economy. Constant deindustrialization is increasing inequality, and a debt-intensive credit boom has emerged to offset the deflationary effects of this structural change. The strong application of the austerity system in Europe and other parts of the world, even after the evidence points to less frugal policies, illustrates the theory of power it has over public policy. The economic structure should be put at the center of analysis, to better understand the economic changes, income disparities and differences in the dynamics of political economy through time and space. This paper provides a critical overview of the rapidly developing comparative studies of institutions and economic performance, with an emphasis on its analytical and political implications. The paper tries to identify some conceptual gaps in the literature on economic growth policy. Emphasis is placed on the contrasting experiences of East Asia and Latin America. This paper argues that the future investments in this field should be based on rigorous conceptual difference between the rules of the game and the game, and between the political and institutional, embedded in the concept of management. It also emphasizes the importance of a serious understanding of the endogenous and distributive nature of institutions and steps beyond the narrow approach of property law relations in management and development. By providing insights from the political channels through which institutions affect economic performance, this paper aims to contribute to the consolidation of theoretically based, empirically based and relevant to policy research on political and institutional foundations of growth and prosperity.
5
Chiconi Balteiro, Lucas, Beatriz Barsoumian de Carvalho, Deborah Sandes de Almeida et Juliana Silva Ramos. « Arquitetura, Urbanismo e Ascensão Social : Aproximações entre El Alto, Recife e São Paulo ». Dans Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Grup de Recerca en Urbanisme, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.12686.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article aims to understand the relationship between the emergence of economic elites in Latin America and the formation of physical, organizational and aesthetic spaces in cities. Moving away from readings that read this type of architecture still through the character of exoticism, a hegemonic vision within the debates of architecture and urbanism, we work with the hypothesis of these phenomena as complex processes, not isolated, connecting experiences in different locations. Taking as a motto the example of the Bolivian city of El Alto and its transformations with the lead role of the architect Freddy Mamani, this work focuses on the analysis of four regions in two Brazilian cities - North and South Zones of Recife and North and East Zones of São Paulo, offering a first look at the similarities and differences between territorial dynamics and the result of socioeconomic relations in the development of localities, especially through the work of architecture and construction professionals. Keywords: Latin America, New Elites, Recife, São Paulo. Este artigo tem como objetivo entender a relação entre a emergência de elites econômicas na América Latina com a conformação dos espaços físicos, organizacionais e estéticos das cidades. Afastando-se de leituras que lêem esse tipo de arquitetura ainda através do caráter do exotismo, visão hegemônica dentro dos debates da arquitetura e do urbanismo, trabalha-se com a hipótese desses fenômenos como processos complexos, não isolados, conectando experiências em diferentes localidades latinoamericanas. Tomando como mote o exemplo da cidade boliviana de El Alto e suas transformações com protagonismo do arquitetoFreddy Mamani, este trabalho tem como foco a análise de quatro regiões de duas cidades brasileiras - Zonas Norte e Sul de Recife e Zonas Norte e Leste de São Paulo, oferecendo um primeiro olhar acerca das semelhanças e diferenças entre as dinâmicas territoriais e o resultado das relações socioeconômicas no desenvolvimento das localidades, sobretudo pelo trabalho dos profissionais da arquitetura e construção. Palavras-chave: Latinoamérica, Elites Emergentes, Recife, São Paulo.
6
Tamayo Cardona, Tatiana, et Johan Pérez Colorado. « O IMPACTO DO CONTEXTO NA CONSTRUÇÃO DE CENTROS COMERCIAIS. Análise dos centros comerciais em Medellín e sua área metropolitana ». Dans Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Grup de Recerca en Urbanisme, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.12213.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The most crowded space for collective use in contemporary times is the shopping mall: large buildings dedicated to the consumption of goods that have changed urban dynamics and have had, among other consequences, the partial substitution of local commerce and public space. Their rules of composition are almost invariable: a hermetic volume that facilitates a controlled environment with artificial conditions of lighting, acclimatization and security. We present an analysis of the architecture of shopping centers and their urban relations in the metropolitan area of the city of Medellin (Colombia), a region that is transforming its economic vocation, favoring deindustrialization and turning shopping centers into service and leisure nodes. Through questions such as: What is the urban impact of these infrastructures; what are their design characteristics; what geographical, climatic, social, regulatory and economic parameters are taken into account in their design; and through the comparative method, we seek to understand the typological characteristics, urban implantation and internal composition of the shopping centers. With indicators and evidence on the ways of designing shopping centers and their relationship with this specific urban environment, it is concluded that, despite the genericity of shopping centers, local conditions affect their composition. Keywords: Shopping malls, Generic, Latin America, Urban. El espacio de uso colectivo más concurrido en la contemporaneidad es el centro comercial: grandes edificaciones dedicadas al consumo de bienes que han cambiado las dinámicas urbanas y han tenido, entre otras consecuencias, la parcial sustitución del comercio local y el espacio público. Sus reglas de composición son casi invariables: un volumen hermético que facilita un entorno controlado con condiciones artificiales de iluminación, aclimatación y seguridad. Presentamos un análisis de la arquitectura de los centros comerciales y sus relaciones urbanas en el área metropolitana de la ciudad de Medellín (Colombia), región que está transformando su vocación económica, propiciando la desindustrialización y convirtiendo a los centros comerciales en nodos de servicio y esparcimiento. Mediante preguntas como ¿Cuál es el impacto urbano de estas infraestructuras?, ¿Cuáles son sus características de diseño? ¿Qué parámetros geográficos, climáticos, sociales, normativos, y económicos se tienen en cuenta para su diseño?, se busca comprender a través del método comparativo, las características tipológicas, implantación urbana y composición interna de los centros comerciales. Con indicadores y evidencias sobre las formas de proyectar centros comerciales y su relación con este entorno urbano específico se concluye que, pese a la genericidad de los centros comerciales, las condiciones locales afectan su composición. Palabras clave: Centros comerciales, Genérico, América latina, Urbano.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Foreign economic relations - latin america"
1
DeMetri, Olga, Samuel Moreno et Gerardo Funes. Seizing the Market Opportunity of the Growing Latino and Caribbean Community in the United States. Inter-American Development Bank, novembre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005199.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines the transformative influence of the rapidly growing Latino and Caribbean community in the United States, both as a demographic and an economic powerhouse. Accounting for nearly one in five U.S. residents, this community is reshaping the nation's social, economic, and cultural landscapes. In 2019 alone, the economic output of Latinos in the U.S. was $2.7 trillion, marking them as a global economic force. The report highlights the community's role in enhancing trade and economic relations with Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), including its influence on foreign direct investment (FDI) and diaspora direct investment (DDI). Remittances to LAC countries remain strong, further solidifying economic ties. Culturally and politically, the Latino and Caribbean community is becoming mainstream in the U.S., as evidenced by its growing impact on music, food, and voter participation. The study includes case studies from Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York to underline the community's diverse contributions across various sectors. In summary, the Latino and Caribbean community is not just growing in numbers but is a formidable force that is shaping the U.S. and strengthening its international ties with LAC. This growth presents numerous opportunities for both domestic and international economic and cultural collaborations.
2
Lacunza, Hernán, et Martín Redrado. A New Approach to Trade Development in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, mai 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008562.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present work is motivated by the desire to share with those in the political and academic arenas in Latin America my experience with a distinguished team of professionals. This included two years creating and implementing trade policy in Argentina, as well as several years devoted to research concerning the region¿s relations with the rest of the world and the creation of an export model that could serve as a source of growth for developing countries. This paper is an abridged version of my book, "Exportar para crecer" (Editorial Planeta, 2003). The management model created at the Argentine Ministry of Foreign Relations draws on both public and private intellectual contributions. Together, they led to an aggressive trade policy designed to open markets for Argentine products through trade negotiations. The policy attempted to transcend false antagonisms concerning the geographic destinations of our exports, focusing, moreover, on an indispensable complementary element: developing markets as a means of ensuring the effective use of opportunities created.
3
Rodríguez, Ennio, et Anneke Jessen. The Caribbean Community : Facing the Challenges of Regional and Global Integration. Inter-American Development Bank, janvier 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008676.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On 4 July 1998, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) celebrated its twenty-fifth anniversary. CARICOM is one of the oldest integration schemes in the Western Hemisphere, the largest in terms of membership, yet by far the smallest in economic and geographic terms. In the wake of its historic anniversary, many have reflected on the Community's past achievements and future prospects. Has CARICOM served the development goals of its member states? Will it assist them in pursuing those goals into the next century? How can regional integration facilitate CARICOM's successful insertion into the global economy? The aim of this study is to answer those questions and, in doing so, to contribute to the ongoing debate on the future of CARICOM. With some exceptions, CARICOM economies have either stagnated or grown very slowly, and high unemployment has become chronic. Despite important policy changes, export diversification has been limited and insufficient for generating satisfactory growth rates. Size constraints have always hampered the potential for growth based on domestic markets and intra-CARICOM trade; decreased protectionism makes the size limitations even more evident. The region's overall export performance has been unsatisfactory despite privileged market access conditions. Today those conditions are becoming less favorable. Foreign aid, a key contributor to development in past decades, is also diminishing. CARICOM is clearly at a crossroads. Chapter I provides a general overview of the Caribbean Community, key features of its economies and the challenges facing the region on the eve of the new millenium. Chapter II offers an overview of the regional integration process, including progress on intra-regional trade liberalization, the deepening and the widening of CARICOM. Chapter III examines the external challenges facing the region today, particularly as regards its trade relations with Europe, the United States, Canada and Latin America. Chapter IV examines key areas of the services sector, both in terms of enhancing the region's export potential and supporting the establishment of a functioning single market. Chapter V briefly examines the Community's institutional structure, outlining existing bottlenecks to the effective design, implementation and enforcement of common policies. Chapter VI provides an analytical justification for promoting integration and cooperation initiatives in the region, and suggests a number of actions that could be taken to enhance the development prospects of CARICOM. The study argues that despite the limited contribution of regional integration efforts to economic development in the region so-far, integration can play a beneficial role if pursued under the right framework and with the right instruments.
4
Radics, Axel, Francisco Vásquez, Noel Pérez Benitez et Ignacio Ruelas. Outlook of Fiscal Relations among Government Levels in Latin America and the Caribbean. Inter-American Development Bank, janvier 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004708.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Outlook of Fiscal Relations among Levels of Government in Latin America and the Caribbean is a joint publication by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). This first issue, considered a flagship publication for the subnational public finance sector in the region, analyzes recent trends in Latin American and Caribbean countries in fiscal relations among government levels and in particular the impact of COVID on subnational public finances. The original publication is in Spanish and includes a third chapter that details the subnational finance situation in each of the 26 IDB member countries.
5
Ronconi, Lucas, Juan Sanguinetti, Maria Victoria Murillo et Mariano Tommasi. The Economic Effects of Unions in Latin America : Teachers' Unions and Education in Argentina. Inter-American Development Bank, septembre 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011247.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper considers the effects of trade unions on the education sector in Argentina and the channels of union influence on the performance of this crucial sector. The authors find that those provinces where teacher unionism is fragmented, where union density is higher and where political relations with the governor are more conflictual, have more strikes (fewer class days). Based on estimates of education production functions both in this paper and elsewhere, we expect this to translate into lower student performance. The authors then find a number of weak conclusions related to the impact that unions have on several variables that affect students' performance (i.e., teachers' tenure, job satisfaction, class size, education budget and teachers' salaries). Reviewing these results, we conclude that the impact of unions on students' performance depends on the channel and kind of political market where unions operate, but not on the existence of unions per se.
6
Sobral de Elía, Mariana, Kati Suominen, Martha Skinner, Augusto Stabilito, Matthew Shearer, Mauricio Mesquita Moreira, Antoni Estevadeordal, Rafael Cornejo, Robert Devlin et Eric T. Miller. Integration and Trades in the Americas : Special Issue on Latin America and the Caribbean Economic Relations with Asia-Pacific. Inter-American Development Bank, décembre 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0009167.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this document is to inform Bank staff and other interested parties about recent developments in integration and trade among the countries of the Western Hemisphere and between these and other countries and world regions.
7
Laarman, Jan G. Government Policies Affecting Forests in Latin America : An Agenda for Discussion. Inter-American Development Bank, janvier 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011615.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper identifies policy issues that affect the extent, distribution, and condition of forests in Latin America. Forest management policies are only one element in the framework; policies related to agricultural development and land tenure can have potentially negative consequences for forests. Mineral exploration, hydroelectric reservoirs, highway projects, and urban expansion also have impacts on forest conversion. Finally, macroeconomic policies affect forests through their impact on investment, public spending, foreign trade, and other economic variables that have consequences for land use. Examples of the Bank's lending for forests as integrated with agricultural structural adjustment loans (AGSALs) in Honduras, Nicaragua, and Peru are presented.
8
Goto, Junichi. The Migrant Workers in Japan from Latin America and Asia : Causes and Consequences. Inter-American Development Bank, mars 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010753.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The world has been increasingly interconnected both economically and politically ever since the end of the World War II. In addition to the increase in the movement of goods (international trade) and the movement of money (foreign investment), we have observed increased amount of movement of labor (international migration) in various parts of the world. For example, European countries, notably Germany and France, have accepted a large number of migrant workers from neighboring countries for many years. In the United States, huge number of migrant workers, both legal and illegal, have been flowing from various countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. While Japan had been a fairly closed country to foreigners for many years, the influx of migrant workers emerged in the mid-1980s when an economic boom brought about serious labor shortage created an economic boom. Initially, most of these foreign workers are illegal migrant workers from neighboring Asian countries. However, since the revision of the Japanese immigration law in 1990, there has been a dramatic influx of the Latin American of Japanese origin (Nikkei) because these people are now allowed to do whatever activities in Japan, including an unskilled work that is prohibited to foreigners in principle. The number of these Latin American migrants is estimated to be around 150,000 to 200,000. This paper analyzes the recent experiences in the economic and social impact of international migration from Latin America and Asia in Japan.
9
Montiel, Peter J., et Eduardo Fernández-Arias. Crisis Response in Latin America : Is the "Rainy Day" at Hand ? Inter-American Development Bank, juin 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010915.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper examines the countercyclical policy options available to Latin American countries in the face of the current global economic crisis, concluding that most of the major countries in the region appear to possess the fiscal space (as measured by credible fiscal sustainability and debt headroom) to run prudent countercyclical fiscal deficits. Those countries should undertake a constrained fiscal expansion focused on productive public spending and financed by rainy day fundslarge stocks of foreign exchange reserves that they have accumulated during recent yearsrather than by market borrowing. The recent surge in multilateral financial activity to alleviate market illiquidity, whether intended for reserve or budget support, strengthens the case for this policy prescription: with multilateral support, the appropriate policy response is more expansionary, and its financing is less reliant on market borrowing.
10
Kuwayama, Mikio. Search for a New Partnership in Trade and Investment between Latin America and Asia-Pacific. Inter-American Development Bank, novembre 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010390.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although interregional cooperation in trade and investment between Latin America and Asia-Pacific has been on the agendas of countries in both regions for some time, initiatives have been few, with meager results. The lack of tangible results is related to the economic asymmetries between the two regions and a purely inter-industrial nature of bi-regional trade. The incipient drive in bi-regional trade up to the Asian crisis was triggered by the economic boom of East Asia on the one hand, and growth recovery, economic reforms and integration, on the other. Now, coupled with the slowdown of the US economy and the standstill of Japanese economy, the sustained impulse of these factors is uncertain. The present economic relations between the two regions do not reflect the potential for interregional trade and investment that exists in an increasingly globalized world. The current low level of economic interaction, especially in the aftermath of the economic crises experienced in each region in recent years, calls for joint actions in the economic sphere. Given the embryonic stage and limited country coverage of ongoing consultations on bilateral free trade agreements, the recently created Forum for East-Asia Latin America Cooperation (FEALAC) should address the issues of market access and bi-regional economic integration, and promote concrete integration initiatives.