Articles de revues sur le sujet « Five year plan, 1967-1971 »

Introduction. The article is devoted to the little-studied topic of the history of Soviet-Mongolian planning coordination on the example of coordination of the plans of the MPR and the USSR for the five years of 1971–1975. The purpose of the article is an objective study of this process, which is expressed in identifying its course and mechanisms of commission, as well as determining its role in economic cooperation between countries. Materials and methods. The research was based on archival materials of the USSR State Planning Committee, the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Secretariat of the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance. Results. The coordination of the plans of the MPR and the USSR for the five-year period 1971–1975 was a multi-stage process. First, during negotiations and two consultations of the authorities of the countries, five-year plans for the development of the national economy of the countries were agreed upon, and then during the five-year plan, annual plans were coordinated. Conclusions. The content of the coordination of the five-year plans consisted, on one hand, in an exchange of views on the draft “Main directions for the development of the national economy of the MPR”, and, on the other, in discussing some procedural issues. In turn, all the main decisions on economic cooperation between the countries in 1971–1975 were taken at the level of party and government delegations, which determines the purely technical role of planned coordination in the system of relations between Mongolia and the Soviet Union during the period under review.

AbstractPlanning for science and technology was a global phenomenon in the mid-twentieth century. A few countries drew up comprehensive five-year plans adapting from the Soviet model: China and India were two new developing countries to do so. In this paper we examine the early efforts at national planning for science and technology as seen in the Chinese twelve-year science and technology plan (1956–1967) and the five-year (1974–1979) science and technology plan of India. These are two historically distinct moments globally and two separate attempts specifically. What tie them together are the goals both sought to accomplish: of science- and technology-led industrialization and development, many times in comparison and sometimes in competition with each other. We show that these two incomplete exercises show us the complex histories of institutions and processes that confirm state-led faith in and engagement with science and technology.

Мақалада Тоғызыншы бесжылдықтағы Қазақстан партиялық басшылығы баспасөзінің әскери қызметшілерге әсеріне қатысты мақалалар мен ғылыми жұмыстар қаралды. Кеңестік жүйе кезеңіндегі республиканың партиялық ұйымдары жүзеге асырған баспасөз қызметтерін басқару тәжірибелері барынша зерделенді. Зерттеу барысында аталмыш тақырыптағы жұмыстардың зерттелеуі, жинақталуы және ғылыми негіздеріне шолу жасалды. Баспа арқылы басқарудың пәрменді нысандары мен әдістерін бөліп көрсету жолдары қарастырылды. Оларды жетілдіру мен жүзеге асыру жолдары анықталды. Партия мен Кеңес үкіметінің басшылық құрамының сол кезеңдердегі Қазақстанның партиялық-кеңестік баспасөз жүйесінің дамуына және журналистік кадрларды даярлауға, тәрбиелеу мен одан әрі дамуына аса көңіл бөлінгені көрсетіледі. Республиканың партиялық-кеңестік баспасының әскери қызметшілердің жеке құрамына қалай әсер еткендігі туралы сөз қозғалады. Оның «Коммунистік партия» талаптары рухында насихаттық және ұйымдастырушылық рөлінің әскери қызметшілерге баспасөз қызметі арқылы қадағалау жұмыстары күшейгені туралы айтылады. Әскерилердің күштік құрамдарының бұқаралық ақпарат құралдарымен бірге өзара іс-қимылда әрекет ететін баспасөздің және насихаттың түрлі проблемаларын зерделеу және тиімділігін көтеру жолдары мақалаға арқау болады. Коммунистік құрылыс міндеттерін әскери ортаға баспа беттері арқылы жеткізе отырып, шешудегі республикалық (жергілікті) баспасөздің рөлін арттыруға орталық баспасөздің ерекше ықпалын көрсетті. Әскер қатарында еліне адал қызмет етіп жүрген сарбаздарға партия ұйымдарының қызметін жақсартуға бағытталған бірқатар бұқаралық ақпарат құралдарының практикалық жұмыстары туралы сөз болды. Аталмыш мақалада Қазақстанның партиялық басшылығы баспасөзінің әскери қызметшілерге әсері туралы кең көлемде айтылды

The paper analyzes changes within the planning system of the Cuban Republic that took place in the context of changing methodological base of planning while entering the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon). The end of 1960s was marked by a radicalization of the methods of socialist construction: the system of economic register was applied and diminished the role of the category of value. This led to an economic imbalance, loss of control over the costs of production, deterioration of motivation to labour, etc. In addition, the plan of 10 million tons of sugar production in 1970 was not achieved. These factors prompted the Cuban leadership to reconsider the planning methodology and the development strategy, and to rely heavily on the experience of the USSR. Thus, the Soviet Gosplan experts started consulting their Cuban colleagues from the Central planning committee to a greater extent. However, sometimes there was misunderstanding between the parties, which is revealed in the conversations between the Soviet Gosplan head N. Baybakov and Cuban leader F. Castro. Carlos Rafael Rodríguez played a significant role in political economy diplomacy, and gave a speech as a representative of Cuba at the XXVI Comecon session when the country was accepted to the organization. Entering Comecon spurred the process of changes within the Cuban economic policy: the category of value recuperated its significance within the planning system, new annual plans were based on the value indicators and the input-output models. The midterm planning was also reintroduced due to 5-year plans preparation. Cuba integrated the mechanism of plan coordination with the Comecon countries, while the USSR continued to be its most important partner. Nonetheless, the process was slow: the 1971—1975 five-year plan had not been connected to the Comecon mechanism of plan coordination. Cuba insisted on a special attitude due to its low level of development. Cuban economy reconfiguration under the influence of planning mechanisms of Comecon countries favored consolidation of the new System of planning and direction of the economy approved by the decisions of the first congress of the Communist party of Cuba in 1975.

Abstract Regional policy has been on the agenda of Turkey since the First Five-Year Development Plan (1963–1967), and so far, Turkey has put into practice to overcome regional disparities, one of the most important is regional-sectoral incentives. Thus, the incentive system, which has undergone many changes until today, has been revised and updated in 2012. Although this incentive system has been put into practice for increasing the investment in eastern provinces/regions, development gap between eastern and western regions still stands. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the success of the new incentive system and to determine whether the new investment incentive system is effective in shifting investments from developed regions to backward regions in Turkey. In the study, the regional distribution of investment incentives during 2001–2016 and the effect of new investment incentive system to change the distribution of investments in favor of less developed provinces/regions will be examined. By using investment incentives data, regional distribution of investments will be revealed with the help of map-graph technique. The study found that both the share of incentive certificates and the share of the investment amount have increased during the period of 2001–2016 in the less developed provinces. From this point of view, it is possible to say that the new investment incentive system has a positive impact on increasing the share of incentives in these provinces.

Globally, India is known to have largest share in acreage and production of pulse crops. At the same time, it is also a largest consumer and processor of pulses in the world. More than a dozen pulse crops are grown across the countries out of which six are major ones. Recently, India has witnessed a silent ‘Pulses Revolution’ whether to say or not but fact is that during 2017–18, the pulse production of 25.23 million tonnes (mt) is 5.98 mt more over 2013-14 (19.25 mt) and by 2.10 mt over 2016–17 (23.13 mt). There has been positive trend in area, production and productivity of pulse crops during last 3 consecutive Five Year Plan periods. This clearly indicates that an indigenous production has not only increased but sustaining as well and India is silently marching towards self-sufficiency in pulses. While the “Green Revolution” that was declared in 1968 when wheat and rice production increased by 4.15 mt and 6.17 mt, respectively in 1967-68 over 1966-67. Pulses revolution could happen due to development of science-led technologies and policy initiatives on similar lines as cereal revolution happened then in late sixties. Pulses revolution has distinction as it is led by the indigenous technologies developed by our research based institutions and then spread across the country. The realized pulses revolution is indigenous, wide spread, environment friendly, sustainable and a step towards ensuring food and nutritional security of the country.

When in 1957 Igor Markevitch and Georges Auric commissioned the 32-year-old Pierre Boulez, fresh from the success of his Marteau sans maître, to write a work for the Société des concerts Lamoureux, the result was an eightminute symphonic torso, Doubles, whose gripping intensity, heroic utterance, and vivid orchestral imagery marked it as potentially one of the composer's most important creative efforts. Announced at its Paris première on 16 March 1958 as the beginning of an ambitious work-inprogress, it was not heard again until January 1964, when the first ten minutes of a revision entitled Figures Doubles Prismes were presented by the Südwestfunk Orchestra in Basle. Instead of adding the expansive second stage of Doubles – which had been mapped out and in part actually composed in particell – the revision opened up the existing first stage by interpolating new episodes of contrasting character. Though the plan of the revision called for a total duration of about 30 minutes (toward which an additional five minutes of music were composed and introduced at the Hague by Het Residentieorkest in 1968), a shift of career focus by the composer in 1971 to conducting and electronic research brought progress on this and several other major projects to an indefinite halt. As a consequence, the intended but still unrealized overall shape of Figures Doubles Prismes, as well as of its forerunner, Doubles, can be appreciated, at least for the time being, only from manuscripts on deposit at Switzerland's Paul Sacher Foundation.

14524 Background: The anticancer activity of oral anticoagulants has been a matter of debate for several years. Recent evidence suggests that prolonged treatment with warfarin may be associated with a reduced incidence of newly diagnosed urogenital cancer during long-term follow-up of patients with venous thromboembolism. The aim of this study was to assess whether exposure to warfarin was associated with reduced risk of prostate cancer in a large population-based cohort. Methods: We conducted a matched case-control study nested within the population of beneficiaries of the Saskatchewan Prescription Drug Plan aged 50 years and older from 1981–2002 with no history of cancer since 1967. New cases of prostate cancer diagnosed between 1981 and 2002 were identified using the linked Saskatchewan Cancer Agency registry. Six controls per case matched on age, gender, and sampling time were randomly selected. The cumulative exposure to warfarin in the five years preceding the cancer diagnosis was assessed. Prescription counts were used to define warfarin exposure. Exposure in the year immediately preceding the cancer diagnosis was excluded to control for detection bias. Conditional logistic regression analysis was used to assess confounding by other drugs such as nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory medications. Results: Among 11502 cases and 69012 controls, 7.4% of cases and 7.1% of controls had a history of any warfarin use. Compared to men who had never used warfarin, adjusted odds ratio (OR) for prostate cancer among ever-users in the 5 year period was 0.94 (95% confidence interval (CI), 0.86–1.03). In those who accumulated 1, 2, 3 and 4 years of warfarin use, the adjusted ORs were 1.01 (95% CI, 0.89–1.16), 1.00 (95% CI, 0.82–1.23), 0.81 (95% CI, 0.60–1.09), and 0.80 (95% CI, 0.65–0.99), respectively (p-trend=0.03). Conclusion: Our results suggest that cumulative use of warfarin of at least 4 years may be associated with a reduced risk of prostate cancer. However, confounding by other determinants of prostate cancer associated with warfarin use is possible. Nonetheless, confirmation of these findings by prospective studies may provide the evidence necessary to consider the use of warfarin in prostate cancer prevention. No significant financial relationships to disclose.

Abstract Since there is a relatively large number of publications on the Hungarian economic reform—generally known as the New Economic Mechanism—the purpose of this paper is not so much to present the different aspects of the system as to show both the problems and results which one can identify seven years after its adoption. At the end of 1973, the State increased its control of the economy. We try to demonstrate that in so doing the national authorities did not mean to reopen the question of the "liberalization" of the economy, but above all wanted to make some reajustments in the economic policy in view of the effects of the world crisis on prices and wage policy. The difficulties Hungary has recently known have been attributed to market-socialism by orthodox socialists who are opposed to this policy. On the other hand some of the architects of the N.E.M. maintain that the present model does not fully correspond to market socialism. One must admit that indeed many elements of the economic problems (inflation, income inequalities, development of monopolistic power) that can be identified in Hungary are linked with the disadvantages of a decentralized socialist model. However, in spite of these problems the achievements of the Hungarian economy are worthy of mention. The economic authorities do not conceal their price at having exceeded the forecasts of the 1971-1976 five year Plan. Even if, as several writers maintain, the introduction of the market is not a panacea for all the flaws of socialism in general, Hungary through its past experience and present endeavours provides valuable information to all those interested in studying a synthesis of planning and the market.

The works of Soviet scientists who warned in the 60–70 years about the possibility of the collapse of the USSR are analyzed. In the book "Will the USSR live to 1984?", published in 1969, historian Andrei Amalrik identified the causes of the possible collapse of the USSR (the elimination of the most active and capable from the life and composition of the ruling class, the decrepitude of the regime, the degradation of morality and deideologization) and even named its approximate dates. In a note to the leaders of the government party dated March 19, 1970, physicists Sakharova and Turchin and historian Medvedev showed the slowdown in the sixties in the USSR of economic development and technological progress, the standard of living of the population, the growing lag in these areas from developed capitalist countries. They linked these phenomena with the lack of freedom of thought and creativity, political freedoms. The economist and historian Akhiezer analyzed the history of Russia and, based on the revealed cyclical development of Russia and the huge factual material about political and economic development, predicted perestroika and its collapse, accompanied by the collapse of the USSR. Khanin produced alternative estimates of the dynamics of the economic development of the USSR and its factors by a number of methods. A steady decline in the pace of economic development and resource efficiency has been revealed since the seventh five-year plan. On this basis, a significant reduction in the national income of the USSR was predicted from the mid-80s. B.N. Mikhalevsky, head of the Forecasting Department of the Central Research Institute of the USSR Academy of Sciences, in 1967 made a forecast of the development of the Soviet economy for the next 10–15 years. Based on an in-depth analysis of the structure of the Soviet economy and real inflation figures, it predicted a decline in industrial production and the standard of living of the population while maintaining the previous economic policy. It is shown that the authors of forecasts of the possible collapse of the USSR were either persecuted or their opinion was ignored. It is shown that ignoring warnings about the possible collapse of the USSR is explained by the authoritarian nature of the Soviet social system, the low intellectual level of the Soviet leadership of the 60s and 70s, and fears of losing power. The article analyzes the appearance of the authors of warnings about the collapse of the USSR.

Christopher Benninger has lived and worked in India for the past 30 years. He founded the School of Planning at Ahmedabad (1971) and the Centre for Development Studies and Activities in Pune ( 1976). He studied Urban Planning at M.l.T. and architecture at Harvard, where he was later a professor of architecture. While at Harvard he became actively involved with the World Society for Ekistics (WSE) through his colleagues Barbara Ward and Jaqueline Tyrwhitt. He attended the 1967 Delos Symposion, where he was deeply influenced by C.A.Doxiadis and the Ekistics movement. Benninger has prepared urban plans for Bhutan, where he is designing the new capital, India and Sri Lanka. He has been involved in advisory work for the World Bank, the UNO and the Asian Development Bank in Africa, Southeast Asia and the Subcontinent. His architectural studio has won the Designer of the Year Award (1999); American Institute of Architect's Award (2000) and other awards. He has published articles in journals in America, Europe and Asia. He is on the Board of Editors of Cities, U.K. The text that follows is a slightly edited and revised version of a paper presented at the WSE Symposion "Defining Success of the City in the 21st Century," Berlin, 24-28 October, 2001.

The report examines rural development of the People's Republic of China and agricultural policy of the Communist Party of China in the second half of the 20th and early 21st centuries. After the end of World War II, the Chinese Communist Party largely secured its victory over the Kuomintang in the Civil War (1946-1949) thanks to the rural population of China, a predominantly agrarian country at the time. The reforms in the village envisage the implementation of an agrarian reform, expressed in the confiscation of land and means of production from the large landowners and wealthier peasants using hired labor and their distribution among the landless peasants. The first stage of the agrarian reform was carried out until 1952 and was related to the land acquisition of poor peasants. The second stage took place during the First Five-Year Plan (1953-1957) and was related to the collectivization of agriculture. In practice, the agrarian reform ends with the complete cancellation of private ownership of land. At the beginning of the period of the so-called "Great Leap Forward" (1958-1961), cooperatives were transformed into people's communes - basic public organizations in which agricultural and industrial production, trade, education, etc. was developed. After a short period of calm between 1962 and 1965, in May 1966 Mao Zedong launched the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution", whose vanguard were the student-run "Red Guard Squads", the so-called "Hóng Wèibīng". Undoubtedly, the impact of the Cultural Revolution (May 16, 1966 – October 6, 1976) on the PRC in social, political, cultural and economic aspects was very negative. The economy was hit particularly hard in 1967-1968. The death of Mao Zedong on September 9, 1976, the elimination of the far-left Gang of Four, the complete seizure of power by Hua Guofeng on October 7, 1976, and the rehabilitation of Deng Xiaoping, set the stage for major changes in the country's economic management. The beginning of economic reform is associated with the 3rd Plenary Session after the 11th Congress of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, held from December 18 to 22, 1978 in Beijing. The reforms start in the rural areas where 80% of China's population lived at that time and marked the beginning of the new path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, initially reviving the family form of land management, and then developing channels for the sale of agricultural products, reviving rural enterprises related to the processing of raw materials from the rural economy. First coined by Deng Xiaoping in 1982, the concept of socialism with Chinese characteristics aims to redefine the relations between planning and socialism, and market economy and capitalism. It has preserved institutions of socialism and public ownership while importing sophisticated management experience and advanced market mechanisms from developed countries. The term "socialist market economy" was introduced in 1992 by Jiang Zemin.

Abstract Whitebark pine (Pinus albicaulis), an important producer of food for wildlife, is decreasing in abundance in western Montana due to attacks by the white pine blister rust fungus (Cronartium ribicola), epidemics of mountain pine beetle (Dendroctonus ponderosae) and successional replacement mainly by subalpine fir (Abies lasiocarpa). Plots established in 1971 were remeasured in 1991 and 1992 to determine the rate and causes of whitebark pine mortality. Mortality rates averaged 42% over the last 20 yr. indicating a rapid decline in whitebark pine populations of western Montana. This decline is most pronounced in northwestern Montana with the southward extension of heaviest mortality centered along the continental divide and Bitterroot Mountain range. Management treatments such as prescribed fire can serve to maintain whitebark pine in the landscape. West. J. Appl. For. 8(2):44-47.

The Institut Max von Laue-Paul Langevin (ILL) at Grenoble, France was formally founded in January 1967, with the signature of an intergovernmental convention between France and the Federal Republic of Germany. The aim was to provide the scientific community of the affiliated countries with a unique neutron beam facility applicable in fields such as the physics of condensed matter, chemistry, biology, nuclear physics, and materials science. The construction of the Institut and its high flux reactor was undertaken as a joint French-German project, with a total capital investment of 335 million French francs.The reactor first went critical in August 1971 and reached its full power of 57 MW for the first time in December 1971. The year 1972 saw the startup of the cold and hot sources, the first instruments, and the beginning of the experimental program.On January 1, 1973, the United Kingdom joined the Institut as a third equal partner, contributing its share to the total capital investment. In December 1986, an agreement on “Scientific Membership” for Spain was signed for a period of five years starting January 1, 1987. The ILL is a nontrading company under French civil law. The three countries are represented by the following associates: Kernforschungszentrum Karlsruhe GmbH (W. Germany), Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (France), Commissariat à l'Energie Atomique (France), and Science and Engineering Research Council (United Kingdom). These associates are represented on a Steering Committee which establishes the general rules of the management of the ILL.

Yevgeny Maximovich Primakov knew the Middle East so well as, perhaps, nobody else in Russia did: he worked in Cairo from 1965 till 1969 and visited the city regularly after that period of time. He was personally acquainted with all of the highest representatives of Egyptian political and military elite. He had visited Israel multiple times since August, 1971. Five PrimeMinisters of the Jewish state (Golda Meir, Yitzhak Rabin, Menachem Begin, Shimon Peres, Benjamin Netanyahu) were his interlocutors in different years. Whatever views and powers he had in different years of his extremely intensive and multifaceted activity, the Middle East lacks very much statesmen of such magnitude and with such depth of understanding of geopolitical and regional processes which distinguished Yevgeny Maximovich, to the memory of whom the current essay is devoted. The June War of 1967 year, which is called in Western and Israeli historiography the Six-Day War, has radically changed the Middle East. Dozens of books and hundreds of scientific articles on this war have been published. The current research demonstrates the central role of Egyptian leaders in the onset of the war which nobody sought for. These lead-ers were driven by considerations and interests of pan-Arab solidarity which significantly contradicted in this case the interests of Egypt itself. By analyzing the causes of the war of June 1967 between Egypt and Israel it is proved that they laid to a certain significant extent beyond the context of bilateral relations of these countries.The tragic experience of June 1967 is important nowadays when it is taken for granted that a new war between Israel and Egypt could not erupt because these countries have nothing to divide after the return of the Sinai Peninsula. Once upon a time, in March 1957, Israel has already withdrawn its forces from the Sinai. The same situation of lack of territorial claims did not prevent abrupt escalation of conflict in May 1967 and the following outbreak of hos-tilities. Another important lesson is that security of any country, including Israel, cannot be guaranteed neither by deployment of the “blue helmets” nor by receiving American guaran-tees. As events of the second half of May 1967 demonstrated, both UN forces and American authorities were ready to shirk when the task of war prevention was most acute.

AbstractPopulations of larvae of the bertha armyworm, Mamestra configurata Wlk., in four physiographic regions of Manitoba showed similar trends over time: a decline from the outbreak of 1971–1972 to very low densities in 1975–1977, an increase to a peak during the years 1979–1981, and a subsequent decline. During the period of peak larval populations, brief (1 or 2 years) outbreaks [at least some fields with > 20 larvae per square metre) occurred at five locations in two regions, the Swan River Plain and the Valley River Plain, but not in the Western Uplands or the Manitoba Lowlands. In the first two regions, larval densities rose rapidly (from < 1.6 to > 13.8/m2) in 1 year. Although the general trend of population density was similar, there were differences in density among and within regions, and in the timing, severity, and duration of peak populations. Two parasitoids (Banchus flavescens Cress., Athrycia cinerea (Coq.)) and two pathogens (a nuclear polyhedrosis virus (NPV) and fungi of the Entomophthorales) occurred regularly in larval populations. Of these, B. flavescens had the highest constancy among collections and may help to keep bertha armyworm populations at low densities. NPV was rarely found among larvae from low-density populations but appeared in all populations that reached outbreak levels. No single biotic agent could be associated with the population declines because of multiple parasitism and the difficulty in partitioning mortality when only a single sample could be taken. The rapid increase of bertha armyworm larvae from very low to outbreak levels in 1 year will prevent predictions of outbreaks from being based on larval densities in the preceding year.

After the discovery in 1967 of plant glyoxysomes, aconitase, one the five enzymes involved in the glyoxylate cycle, was thought to be present in the organelles, and although this was found not to be the case around 25 years ago, it is still suggested in some textbooks and recent scientific articles. Genetic research (including the study of mutants and transcriptomic analysis) is becoming increasingly important in plant biology, so metabolic pathways must be presented correctly to avoid misinterpretation and the dissemination of bad science. The focus of our study is therefore aconitase, from its first localization inside the glyoxysomes to its relocation. We also examine data concerning the role of the enzyme malate dehydrogenase in the glyoxylate cycle and data of the expression of aconitase genes in Arabidopsis and other selected higher plants. We then propose a new model concerning the interaction between glyoxysomes, mitochondria and cytosol in cotyledons or endosperm during the germination of oil-rich seeds.

Malaria parasites of the genusPlasmodiumare diverse in mammal hosts, infecting five mammalian orders in the Old World, but were long considered absent from the diverse deer family (Cervidae) and from New World mammals. There was a description of aPlasmodiumparasite infecting a single splenectomized white-tailed deer (WTD;Odocoileus virginianus) in 1967 but none have been reported since, which has proven a challenge to our understanding of malaria parasite biogeography. Using both microscopy and polymerase chain reaction, we screened a large sample of native and captive ungulate species from across the United States for malaria parasites. We found a surprisingly high prevalence (up to 25%) and extremely low parasitemia ofPlasmodiumparasites in WTD throughout the eastern United States. We did not detect infections in the other ungulate species nor in western WTD. We also isolated the parasites from the mosquitoAnopheles punctipennis. Morphologically, the parasites resemble the parasite described in 1967,Plasmodium odocoilei. Our analysis of the cytochrome b gene revealed two divergentPlasmodiumclades in WTD representative of species that likely diverged 2.3 to 6 million years ago, concurrent with the arrival of the WTD ancestor into North America across Beringia. Multigene phylogenetic analysis placed these clades within the larger malaria parasite clade. We documentPlasmodiumparasites to be common in WTD, endemic to the New World, and as the only known malaria parasites from deer (Cervidae). These findings reshape our knowledge of the phylogeography of the malaria parasites and suggest that other mammal taxa may harbor infection by endemic and occult malaria parasites.

The distribution, population density and regeneration of some prominent spp. of understorey and overstorey (dominant Eucalyptus spp.) were monitored over a period of 20 yr in seasonally well drained dry sclerophyll forest. Changes varied with susceptibility to the pathogen and to fire. Changes in spp. composition and crown density of the overstorey were attributed to fire. Population density, basal area and crown cover of the Eucalyptus spp. which were associated with the pathogen, also declined in 1962-82. Both distribution and population density of Xanthorrhoea australis and Isopogon ceratophyllus declined markedly following the spread of infestation, whereas those of Hakea sericea and Lepidosperma semiteres increased. Regeneration of X. australis but not of I. Ceratophyllus was observed in certain areas of the infested plots 12-20 years after infection. This is the first record of such regeneration. It is postulated that a bush fire in 1967 both stimulated X. australis seed production and reduced further an already declining pathogen inoculum density.

Abstract Site-index (heightߝgrowth) curves, site-index prediction equations, and growth intercepts were developed from internode measurements and stem-analysis data using dominant trees in 69 plots located in white spruce plantations aged 19 to 32 years total age. Site-index curves were based on breast-height (1.3 m) age because our analyses show that height growth below breast height is slow and erratic and is poorly related to site index (dominant height at 15 years breast-height age). The most precise model for computing heightߝgrowth curves was a Newnham constrained polymorphic expression (Newnham, R.M. 1988. A modification of the Ek-Payandeh nonlinear regression model for site-index curves. Can. J. For. Res. 18:115ߝ120) of the Ek nonlinear regression model (Ek, A.R. 1971. A formula for white spruce site-index curves. University of Wisconsin For. Res. Note 161. 2 p). Comparisons showed that site-index curves in North Central Ontario were comparable to site-index curves for white spruce plantations in southeastern Ontario. The first three to five internodes above 2.0 m gave the most precise estimates of site index based on growth intercepts. North. J. Appl. For. 23(4):257–263.

In September of 2008, a Septoria sp., the causal agent of Septoria leaf spot of pistachio (Pistacia vera L.) was isolated from leaf lesions in an orchard in southern New Mexico. Tree fruit and nut crops including pistachios are becoming an increasingly important part of New Mexico's agricultural industry with total cash receipts of $103 million in 2007 (3). This preliminary positive for Septoria prompted a survey of pistachio-growing counties in the state. The surveyed orchards accounted for approximately 30% of the pistachio acreage in New Mexico. Results indicated that all five pistachio-growing counties had orchards infected with a Septoria sp. Isolates of Septoria from leaf lesions were identified as Septoria pistaciarum Caracc. based on the following symptoms and morphological characteristics of the fungus: leaf lesions were usually circular, 0.5 to 3 mm in diameter, and contained many pycnidia per lesion; pycnidia were dark, ostiolate, and measured 101 to 255 × 69 to 133 μm; and conidia were hyaline, filiform, contained 3 to 9 septa, and measured 3 to 4 × 60 to 149 μm. Most orchards were only mildly affected. In severe cases, hundreds of leaf lesions were present on diseased leaves; large sections of the leaves turned tan and some trees defoliated prematurely. This widespread occurrence of Septoria leaf spot in New Mexico in 2008 suggests that the disease had already been present in the state for several years. A higher average rainfall in the summer of 2008 provided excellent conditions for disease development. Because of the high amounts of inoculum currently present in New Mexico orchards, Septoria leaf spot may emerge as a recurring disease problem for pistachio producers. This disease was first reported in the United States in Texas in 1971 and was also reported in Arizona in 1989 (1,2,4). To our knowledge, this is the first report of Septoria leaf spot of pistachio in New Mexico. References: (1) A. Chitzandis. Ann. Inst. Phytopathol. Benaki 10:29, 1956. (2) J. L. Maas et al. Plant Dis. Rep. 55:72, 1971. (3) New Mexico Agricultural Statistics, Department of Agriculture, 2007. (4) D. J. Young and T. Michailides. Plant Dis. 73:775, 1989.

RESUMO O presente artigo é parte integrante do meu TCC do Curso de Especialização em Educação do Campo e Sustentabilidade ofertado pela Universidade Estadual de Alagoas – UNEAL, que trata da construção coletiva do Referencial Curricular: Aprendizagens Significativas e Contextualizadas do/no Campo, aportado na abordagem da pesquisa-ação. A pesquisa é de natureza qualitativa e foi realizada com cinco professoras dos anos iniciais, que trabalham com turmas multisseriadas nas escolas do campo, situadas na zona rural do município de Passo de Camaragibe em Alagoas. O objetivo da pesquisa é discutir o currículo do campo e construir juntamente com os professores um referencial de acordo com suas realidades, valorizando os espaços e tempos de aprendizagem. Acredita-se que o referencial curricular é importante para orientar os docentes na elaboração do plano de aula, buscando reafirmar algumas possibilidades de contextualização, por entre as tensões e contradições que a BNCC representa para a Educação do Campo e para a Educação, de maneira mais ampla. O referencial pedagógico usado no trabalho está embasado em Caldart (2012), Freire (1967) e Libâneo (2001). Assim, aplicou-se aos resultados da pesquisa os comprovantes de que as professoras objetos da pesquisa estão engajadas na absorção do documento, bem como a publicização do citado Referencial para comunidade escolar. Palavras-chave: Educação do Campo. Turmas Multisseriadas. Organização Curricular. ABSTRACT This article is an integral part of my TCC of the Specialization Course in Field Education and Sustainability offered by the State University of Alagoas - UNEAL, which deals with the collective construction of the Curricular Reference: Meaningful and Contextualized Learning from/in the Field, based on the research approach. action. The research is qualitative in nature and was carried out with five teachers from the early years, who work with multigrade classes in field schools, located in the rural area of the municipality of Passo de Camaragibe in Alagoas. The objective of the research is to discuss the curriculum of the field and to build, together with the teachers, a reference according to their realities, valuing the spaces and times of learning. It is believed that the curricular framework is important to guide teachers in the elaboration of the lesson plan, seeking to reaffirm some possibilities of contextualization, amidst the tensions and contradictions that the BNCC represents for Field Education and for Education, in a more wide. The pedagogical framework used in the work is based on Caldart (2012), Freire (1967) and Libâneo (2001). Thus, the evidence that the teachers object of the research are engaged in the absorption of the document was applied to the research results, as well as the publicization of the aforementioned Reference for the school community. Keywords: Field Education. Multiseriate Classes. Curricular Organization.

Between 500 000 and 1 000 000 tonnes of narrow-leafed lupins (Lupinus angustifolius L.) are produced in Western Australia each year. It has become the predominant grain legume in Western Australian agriculture because it is peculiarly well adapted to acid sandy soils and the Mediterranean climate of south-western Australia. It has a deep root system and root growth is not reduced in mildly acid soils, which allows it to fully exploit the water and nutrients in the deep acid sandplain soils that cover much of the agricultural areas of Western Australia. It copes with seasonal drought through drought escape and dehydration postponement. Drought escape is lupin’s main adaptation to drought, and has been strengthened by plant breeders over the past 40 years by removal of the vernalisation requirement for flowering, and further selection for earlier flowering and maturity. Lupin postpones dehydration by several mechanisms. Its deep root system allows it to draw on water from deep in the soil profile. Lupin stomata close to reduce crop water demand at a higher leaf water potential than wheat, but photosynthetic rates are higher when well watered. It has been proposed that stomata close in response to roots sensing receding soil moisture, possibly at a critical water potential at the root surface. This is an adaptation to sandy soils, which hold a greater proportion of their water at high matric potentials than loamy or clayey soils, since the crop needs to moderate its water use while there is still sufficient soil water left to complete its life cycle. Lupin has limited capacity for osmotic adjustment, and does not tolerate dehydration as well as other crops such as wheat or chickpea. Plant breeding has increased the yield potential of lupin in the main lupin growing areas of Western Australia by 2–3 fold since the first adapted cultivar was released in 1967. This has been due largely to selecting earlier flowering and maturing cultivars, but also to improved pod set and retention, resistance to Phomopsis leptostromiformis (Kühn) Bubák, and more rapid seed filling. We propose a model for reproductive development in lupin where vegetative growth is terminated in response to receding soil moisture and followed by a period in which all assimilate is devoted to seed filling. This should allow lupin to adjust its developmental pattern in response to seasonal conditions to something like the optimum that mathematical optimal control theory would choose for that season. This is the type of pattern that has evolved in lupin, and the task of future plant breeders will be to fine-tune it to better suit the environment in the lupin growing areas of Western Australia.

One of the manifestations of climate change in the Sahel is a decrease in rainfall, which has led to a sharp decline in water potential in the south-central Senegal. The objective of this study is to understand the changes in rainfall through time and space, in the south-central Senegal (Fatick and Kaolack regions), to better plan water management for sustainable development. The rainfall data used ranges from 1961 to 2020 for the sites of Gossas, Foundiougne, Guinguineo and Nioro, and from 1951 to 2020 for the sites of Fatick and Kaolack. Pettitt and Buishand break tests were used to detect changes in rainfall patterns, Hubert segmentation was used to highlight sub-periods within the time series, and Standardized Precipitation Indices (SPI) were used to highlight deficits and surpluses. The results of break tests and Hubert segmentation show a decrease in average rainfall between the 1960s and 1970s, and an increase between the 1990s and 2000s, for some of the sites. The decrease in the 1960s and 1970s was early in sites in the Fatick region (Gossas, Fatick and Foundiougne) and late or absent in the Kaolack region (Guinguineo, Kaolack and Nioro). As for the increase in the 1990s and 2000s, it was first observed in the south and center of the study area in the 1990s (Nioro and Kaolack). In the 2000s, the increase was observed further north (Fatick and Gossas). The Standardized Precipitation Index shows reduced rainfall for 1971-2000 compared to the surrounding periods. Coefficient of variation values show that dispersion is lowest in the wetter years 1950 for two sites (Fatick and Kaolack), 1990 and 2000 for four sites (Gossas, Foundiougne, Guinguineo and Nioro). The highest coefficients of variation were detected in the drought years 1960, 1970 and 1980 for these four sites (Gossas, Foundiougne, Guinguineo and Nioro). This is not the case at the Fatick site, where the coefficients of variation for the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s are higher than those for 2000 and 2010. Coefficients of variation increase in the 2010s at five sites (Kaolack, Gossas, Foundiougne, Guinguineo and Nioro). The highest coefficients of variation were recorded in 2010 in Gossas, Guinguineo and Nioro. The decrease in average rainfall from the 1960s to the 1990s, and the increase in the 1990s and 2000s detected in most of the study sites, corroborates results of other studies from West and Central Africa.

Selim İleri stepped into the world of literature in 1967 with an article published in the Yeni Ufuklar (New Horizons) magazine. He has produced and continues to produce works in many types of the Turkish literature such as novel, story, essay, poem, analysis, and play. Having completed his fiftieth year in literature this year, İleri is mostly known for his novels despite he has published 72 books in various types. Yıldırım Türker defines “Selim İleri” as “the archaeologist of Turkish literature” in his article titled “Bir Cihan Kaynanası (A Mother-in-Law of the World)” and published in Radikal Gazetesi (Radikal Newspaper) in 2010 because of his descent into the roots of Turkish literature, his touching upon the lives of the marginalized and including these forgotten people in his novels. İleri tells in his novels the loneliness of languished people and their processes of reckoning; he transfers the “individuation” adventure of a person into the world of fiction through various events and characters. Although his novel Ölünceye Kadar Seninim (I am yours until I die) has been published in quite many editions, it remains “somewhat” marginal compared to other Selim İleri novels. The novel, on the other hand, tells the story of the “elderly girl” Süha Rikkat, who has lived through three revolutions, wrote more than forty love and blind love novels, and never married; and in the background of this story, it tells the effects of the social and political structure of the period on human psychology. The novel is important and it should be examined as the narrator topic is complicated, it makes a parody of popular love novels and romanticism, it narrates the psychology of Süha Rikkat that comes close to going mad between imagination and reality, and it reflects Selim İleri’s perspective for all these listed.Extended English abstract is in the end of PDF (TURKISH) file. ÖzetSelim İleri, edebiyat dünyasına 1967 yılında Yeni Ufuklar dergisinde yayımladığı bir yazıyla adım atmış, Türk edebiyatının roman, hikâye, deneme, şiir, inceleme, senaryo, oyun yazarlığı gibi pek çok türünde eserler vermiş ve vermekte olan bir yazardır. İçinde bulunduğumuz yıl itibariyle edebiyatta ellinci yılını dolduran İleri, çeşitli türde 72 kitaba adını yazmasına rağmen daha çok romancı kimliğiyle ön plana çıkar. Yıldırım Türker de 2010 yılında Radikal Gazetesi’ne yazdığı “Bir Cihan Kaynanası” adlı yazısında, Selim İleri’yi Türk edebiyatının köklerine inmesi, kıyıda kalmışların yaşamlarına değinmesi ve bu unutulmuş insanları romanlarında ele alması sebebiyle “Türk edebiyatının vefakâr arkeoloğu” olarak tanımlar. Romanlarında bunalan insanların yalnızlıklarını, kendileriyle hesaplaşma süreçlerini anlatan İleri, insanın “bireyleşme” serüvenini çeşitli olaylar ve karakterler aracılığıyla kurgu dünyasına taşır. Ölünceye Kadar Seninim romanı ise baskı sayısı fazla olan Selim İleri romanlarının yanında “biraz” kıyıda kalır. Oysaki roman, üç ihtilal süreci yaşamış, kırktan fazla aşk ve karasevda romanı yazmış, hiç evlenmemiş, “yaşlı kız” Süha Rikkat’in hikâyesini ve bu hikâyenin arkasında dönemin sosyal ve siyasî yapısının insan psikolojisine olan etkilerini anlatır. Roman; anlatıcı konusunun çetrefilli oluşu, popüler aşk romanlarının, romantizmin parodisini yapması, Süha Rikkat’in hayal ile gerçeklik arasında çıldırmaya varan psikolojisini anlatması ve tüm bu sayılanlara Selim İleri’nin bakış açısını yansıtması açısından önemlidir ve incelenmelidir.

Chinese wisteria, Wisteria sinensis (Sims) DC., is a woody, twining vine and is commonly cultivated as an ornamental for its foliage and striking, drooping racemes of white, pink, or lavender sweet pea-like flower. Distinct leaf spots were observed in several gardens, retail nurseries, and parks located in Hatay Province since May 2009. The primary infection zones are frequently observed on the leaf margins and apices, brown, up to 2 mm in diameter, and often surrounded by a yellow zone. Foliar symptoms are characterized by grayish, round, semicircular or irregular-shaped, numerous spots (up to 9 mm in diameter) with dark brown borders and the appearance of black, granular structure within the dead leaf tissues. A fungus was consistently isolated from symptomatic tissues on potato dextrose agar (PDA). Fungal colonies were initially white, becoming light to dark gray with the onset of sporulation with black, spherical to subspherical single-celled conidia (15 to 18 × 12 to 15 μm), which were borne on a hyaline vesicle at the tip of the conidiophore. These characteristics agree with published descriptions of Nigrospora sphaerica (Sacc.) E.W. Mason 1927 (1,3). To fulfill Koch's postulates, a conidial suspension (106 conidia per ml) collected from PDA cultures was used to spray inoculate leaves of potted 3-year-old Chinese wisteria plants. Inoculated plants were kept for 48 h in polyethylene bags and maintained in a controlled environment chamber at 20°C with a 12-h photoperiod. The bags were removed after 3 days. In addition, five 3-year-old plants were sprayed with sterile water to serve as controls. After 14 to 20 days, inoculated leaves showed infection symptoms similar to those observed on naturally infected leaves with N. sphaerica. The pathogen was reisolated from the margins of necrotic tissues, but not from the controls. Although N. sphaerica is frequently encountered as a secondary invader or as a saprophyte on many plant species, this fungal agent is also known as a leaf pathogen on several hosts worldwide (2,4). To our knowledge, this is the first report of N. sphaerica as a leaf pathogen of Chinese wisteria in Turkey or worldwide. References: (1) M. B. Ellis. Dematiaceous Hyphomycetes. CMI, Kew, Surrey, UK, 1971. (2) D. F. Farr and A. Y. Rossman. Fungal Databases. Systematic Mycology and Microbiology Laboratory. Online publication. ARS, USDA. Retrieved 28 October from http://nt.ars-grin.gov/fungaldatabases/ , 2010. (3) P. M. Kirk. IMI Descr. Fungi Bact. 106:1056, 1991. (4) E. R. Wright et al. Plant Dis. 92:171, 2008.

Liquorice (root of Glycyrrhiza uralensis Fisch.) is an important Chinese traditional medicine for many ailments (4). From 2002, severe outbreaks of root rot occurring on cultivated G. uralensis plants in Ningxia, China, have affected the yield and quality of liquorice and been considered as a major threat to commercial production of liquorice. Approximately 30% of the plants die from this disease in Ningxia every year. The disease, mainly affecting 2- to 4-year-old G. uralensis seedlings, begins with brown rot of root tips or lateral roots followed by internal decay of taproots during June to August every year. The infected plants are wilted with chlorotic foliage and easily pulled up from the soil. Root rot is clearly visible as a severe brown discoloration of vascular tissue along taproots. In severe cases, white mycelia are clearly visible on the surface of diseased roots and roots are decomposed. Isolations from diseased roots were made on potato dextrose agar (PDA) amended with streptomycin sulfate. Isolates (n = 78) were recovered from symptomatic roots (n = 105) and pure cultures were established by the single spore method. The two most frequently isolated fungi were transferred to potato sucrose agar and identified as Fusarium solani (61.5%) and F. oxysporum (30.8%) (1). The monophialides bearing microconidia of F. solani are long when compared to those of F. oxysporum. Genomic DNA of strains F. solani G013 and F. oxysporum FLR were extracted from mycelia with the cetyltrimethylammonium bromide (CTAB) method. Primers EF1-728F and EF1-986R were used to amplify the translation elongation factor-1α (TEF-1α) gene (2). The TEF-1α sequences of F. solani G013 (GenBank Accession No. AB777258) and F. oxysporum FLR (AB777257) shared 99 and 100% similarity with F. solani isolate NRRL52790 and F. oxysporum isolate NRRL 38328, respectively. Pathogenicity tests with one representative isolate of each species were conducted in the greenhouse on 1-month-old potted G. uralensis seedlings (12 plants per treatment). Isolates of the tested fungi were transferred to PDA and incubated in darkness at 24 ± 1°C for 7 days. Plant taproots about 5 cm below the soil surface were wounded with a sterile needle and five 5-mm-diameter fungal disks on the margin of colony were taken and firmly placed on the wounded location of each taproot with tinfoil; wounded taproots of seedlings inoculated with sterile PDA disks were used as controls (3). Root rot was assessed 2 months after inoculation. F. solani G013 and F. oxysporum FLR produced root rot symptoms on inoculated plants that were the same as those observed in field plants, and the fungi were reisolated from roots with typical symptoms. Control plants inoculated with sterile PDA disks remained asymptomatic, and no pathogen was isolated from them. To our knowledge, this is the first report of root rot caused by F. solani and F. oxysporum on G. uralensis in China. Effective control strategies are needed to minimize losses. References: (1) C. Booth. The Genus Fusarium. Commonwealth Mycological Institute, Farnham Royal, 1971. (2) I. Carbone and L. M. Kohn. Mycologia 91:553, 1999. (3) M. Guo et al. Plant Dis. 96:909, 2012. (4) T. Wu et al. Am. Assoc. Pharm. Sci. J. 13:1, 2011.

Sandpaper sotol (Dasylirion serratifolium Zucc.), native to Mexico, has green leaves with margins highlighted by whitish yellow prickles like a fine sandpaper. During the spring of 2004 and 2005, necrotic lesions were observed in the middle of leaf blades and near prickles on 2- to 5-year-old, container-grown sandpaper sotol plants from two nurseries in eastern Sicily (Italy). Symptoms were detected on 20 to 30% of plants and consisted of reddish lesions that developed a reddish brown stripe surrounded by a yellow halo. As lesions enlarged, the center turned yellow and expanded rapidly causing blight of young leaves. Occasionally, symptomatic tissues had masses of gray fungal conidia and/or sclerotia. Botrytis cinerea was isolated consistently from infected tissues disinfected for 1 min in 1% NaOCl and rinsed in sterile distilled water and grown on potato dextrose agar (PDA). Hyaline, ovoid conidia (average 6.4 × 9.7 μm) and conidiophores were similar to those described of B. cinerea, and 5- to 8-day-old cultures developed black sclerotia that were round or irregular in shape (average 1.55 × 1.02 mm) that is typical of gray mold (1). Koch's postulates were performed by spraying 6-week-old sandpaper sotol plants grown in 12-cm pots with a spore suspension (1 × 106 CFU per ml) obtained from 12-day-old cultures grown on PDA. Eight plants were naturally wounded by scratching leaf blades among themselves and were subsequently inoculated, while eight plants were inoculated without wounding. An equal number of noninoculated plants sprayed with sterile water served as controls. All plants were maintained in high humidity conditions (90 to 95% relative humidity) at 20 ± 2°C. Leaf spots similar to the ones observed in nurseries were evident on all naturally wounded and nonwounded plants within 2 to 3 weeks after inoculation. Noninoculated control plants were symptomless. B. cinerea was reisolated from affected tissues. The pathogen has reduced commercial value of sandpaper sotol plants and may represent a limiting factor for the cultivation of this plant in eastern Sicily. To our knowledge, this is the first report in the world of leaf spot and blight caused by B. cinerea on D. serratifolium. Reference: (1) M. B. Ellis. Dematiaceous Hyphomycetes. CAB International Mycological Institute, Kew, Surrey, England, 1971.

A catalogue of world species of Lonchaeidae is provided. Ten valid genera and 611 valid species in two subfamilies are listed. For each valid species the list includes author, year of publication, full publication name, page number of original description and, where known, type locality and type depository. All validly named taxa described before 1 January 2023 are included and for species where there are issues relating to taxonomy, distribution, type status or type depositories, 84 supplementary notes are provided. Colour plates are provided showing a representative species of each genus. The world distribution of Lonchaeidae is tabulated by genus, species and biogeographical realm. Details on species that occur in more than one realm and information on online maps that are available for each species is provided. A synopsis of the fauna of each realm is given that includes references to the key literature sources. The use of following nominal genus as valid is necessary due to the previously used nominal genus not meeting ICZN publication standards: Priscoearomyia Morge, 1963a (previously considered a junior synonym of Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), new status. The following is a new genus authority necessary due to the previously used authority not meeting ICZN publication standards: Neosilba Waddill & Weems: 1978 (for Neosilba McAlpine, 1962). The following four genus names are new synonyms: Dasyops Bezzi, 1891 (= Dasiops Rondani, 1856), Lonchaba Korytkowski & Ojeda 1971(= Lonchaea Fallén, 1820), Protearomyia Hennig, 1967 (= Priscoearomyia Morge, 1963a) and Togocesa Koçak & Kemal, 2010 (= Lonchaea Fallén, 1820). The following five names represent new species authority details necessary due to the previously used names not meeting ICZN publication standards, or previous mistakes or uncertainties: Priscoearomyia cordillerensis (McAlpine, 1983) (for Protearomyia cordillerensis McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia greciana (McAlpine, 1983) (for Protearomyia greciana McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia martinia (McAlpine, 1983) (for Protearomyia martinia McAlpine, 1962). Lonchaea orientalis MacGowan, 2013 (for Lonchaea orientalis MacGowan, 2007). Neosilba certa (Walker, 1853) (for Neosilba certa (Walker, 1850-1856), Neosilba certa (Walker, 1850) and Neosilba certa (Walker, 1852)). The following four species names are new synonyms: Lonchaea angustitarsis Malloch, 1920a (= Lonchaea deutschi Zetterstedt, 1837), Lonchaea avida McAlpine, 1960 (= Lonchaea choreoides Bezzi, 1923), Lonchaea palpata Czerny, 1934 (= Lonchaea peregrina Becker, 1895), Silba malaysia MacGowan, 2007 (= Silba kuantani MacGowan, this work). The following 12 species names are new combinations: Priscoearomyia cordillerensis (McAlpine, 1983; Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia greciana (McAlpine, 1983: Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia hermonensis (MacGowan & Freidberg, 2008: Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia iberica (MacGowan 2014a: Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia jonesi (MacGowan & Reimann, 2021: Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia mallochi (McAlpine, 1983: Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia martinia (McAlpine, 1983: Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia occidentalis (MacGowan 2016: Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia rameli (MacGowan, 2014a: Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia trichopleura (McAlpine, 1983: Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), Priscoearomyia withersi (MacGowan, 2014a: Protearomyia McAlpine, 1962), Silba malaysia (MacGowan 2005a; Lonchaea Fallen, 1820) The following new replacement name was necessary due to homonymy: Silba kuantani MacGowan (for Silba malaysia MacGowan, 2007), The following three species are removed from the Lonchaeidae: Lonchaea albimanus Walker, 1858, Lonchaea brasiliensis Walker, 1853 and Lonchaea discrepans Walker, 1861. A First Reviser action was taken on Neosilba laura and N. lauraea Strikis, 2011 with N. laura being chosen here as the correct original spelling.

The marine and or coastal environment includes its natural resources which are utilized for national development and increasing prosperity/national welfare for the Indonesian people has been clearly understood. It is necessary to be well managed in view of the 3 kinds of important and unique ecosystems which are interdependent and inter related to each other. Those marine ecosystems are as follows: 1. Mangrove ecosystems, 2. Coral reef ecosystems, 3. Sea-grass ecosystems. If one of those ecosystems degraded caused by pollution or other relevant reasons, it will decrease the carrying capacity and at last the declining productivity will prevail. This means that the degraded ecosystem will cause the imbalance in other ecosystem(s) and may contribute the outbreak of the declining productivity. Several anthropogenic activities in lands may result the impacts against one of those ecosystems stated above through the drainage system e.g. industrial effluents which do not agree with the quality standard, illegal logging, non environmental oriented development of housing complex, exchange of drainage pattern perfunctorily resulting flooding everywhere, the disposal of solid wastes/ garbage which is not well managed, and others. On the other hand the careless anthropogenic at seal coastal zone may also contribute the outbreak of the marine pollution as a result. Oil and Gas activities at sea is one of so many activities which have the environmental risks though they have been compulsory to provide the Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) particularly in self combating spill limited for their working areas. In this case the oil spill at sea which is in a huge volume of oil and happened in a sudden usually called as a disaster. The disaster which may come from one of the causal factors are among others: blow out from offshore oil-well(s), oil spill from tanker collision or grounded, disposal of dirty ballast from the vessel of which the captain breaks the ratified International Conventions, and explosion of storage tank(s) at the coastal zone. All type of oil spill at sea will give the negative impacts to the most sensitive locations. Such of those are locations in which the biota communities are still in a succession stage, or the certain locations in terms of economical potency and or natural resources and all at once facing the pollution risks, since such loca- tions are relatively close to the oil gas operational activities, for example: a. Ponds/fish ponds (tambaks) or tourist resorts or mangrove forests or seaweed aquacultures which are relatively close to the navigational tanker route. b. Protected (preservation/conservation) areas of which the positions are relatively close to the oil gas operational activities. Several short notes are presented in this paper to obtain the illustration of the spill at sea.The accident of TORREY CANYON happened in March 1967 spilled the Kuwait crude as much as 118.000 tons in the vicinity of Santa Barbara. But the larger spill in the world derived from the ship AMOCO CADIZ happened in 1978 polluted the English-channel. Eight years later the disaster was happened again where several storage tanks exploded and caught on fire resulting 8 million litres of crude oil spilled out and polluted the coastal zone of the Panama Bay. In 1996 a tanker was grounded and trapped in the snowy/icy seawater and stormy of the Alaskan Sea where the oil spill was very difficult to mitigate in such condition. In Asian region there was a VLCC KANCHENJUNGA (+ 270.000 DWT) grounded on control marine pollution and the act damaging the marine environment in the certain limits of authority. The aim of this paper is to obtain some positive responses from the local government level (frovincials) which having the risks of oil pollution to provide the LCP document, since they are close to the oil and gas operational activities or facing the tanker's lane.

Angular leaf spot (ALS), caused by Phaeoisariopsis griseola (Sacc.) Ferraris, is one of the most destructive and widespread problems of common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) in Tucumán and other northwestern provinces of Argentina (4). Symptoms similar to those of ALS were observed during April 2005 on most plants of runner bean (P. coccineus L.) in an 80-ha field in Tafí del Valle, Tucumán (2,000 m above sea level). Leaf lesions were brown to gray, irregular to angular to circular, and 0.5 to 1 cm in diameter. Lesions on pods were oval to circular with reddish brown centers surrounded by darker brown borders. Conidia in vivo were curved cylindrical to obclavate with one to five septa and measured 25 to 60 × 3.5 to 7 μm. The conidiophores were 100 to 250 μm high and clustered together to form synnemata measuring 20 to 50 μm in diameter. The pathogen was isolated by placing conidia from diseased leaves onto potato dextrose agar (PDA) at pH 6. Colonies measuring 2 to 3 mm in diameter composed of dense, dark olive mycelium developed after incubation in the dark at 24 ± 2°C for 3 to 4 days. Pathogenicity of the isolate was tested with conidia obtained from the second subculture of 14-day-old colonies on PDA. Conidial suspensions of 2 × 104 conidia per ml were sprayed onto the upper and lower surfaces of the first trifoliolate leaves of six runner bean plants, 18 days after planting. Inoculated and control plants (sprayed with distilled water) were placed in a growth chamber with a 12-h photoperiod at 24 ± 2°C and 95 to 100% relative humidity and 48 h later moved to the greenhouse. Disease symptoms were evaluated 18 days after inoculation. While control plants were healthy, all inoculated plants showed symptoms similar to those observed in the field. The fungus that was consistently reisolated from lesions in the inoculated plants was identified as Phaeoisariopsis griseola on the basis of fungal morphology (1), symptoms produced on leaves (3), and random amplified polymorphic DNA data with primer 5′-CAATCGCCGT-3′ (2). Runner bean is a new crop in Tafí del Valle, which is a geographically isolated area. In a period of only 2 years, the area cultivated with beans increased approximately five-fold. Because of this, the presence of a pathogen like Phaeoisariopsis griseola, which causes considerable reduction in yield in most common bean-producing areas of Argentina, is of concern. To our knowledge, this is the first report of ALS occurring on P. coccineus in Argentina. This report may prompt the inclusion of regular testing of seeds for ALS in P. coccineus-production areas. A voucher culture has been deposited in the LPSC (Culture collection of the La Plata Spegazzini Institute) No. 844. References: (1) M. B. Ellis. Dematiaceous Hyphomycetes. CMI, Kew, Surrey, UK, 1971. (2) P. Guzmán et al. Plant Dis. 83:37, 1999. (3) A. W. Saettler. Pages 15–16 in: Compendium of Bean Diseases. R. Hall, ed, The American Phytopathological Society, St. Paul, 1991. (4) S. A. Stenglein et al. Pages 209–243 in: Advances in Applied Microbiology, Vol. 52. A. I. Laskin et al., eds, Academic Press, San Diego, 2003.

Blueberry (Vaccinium spp.) is becoming increasingly popular in China as a nutritional berry crop. With the expansion of blueberry production, many diseases have become widespread in different regions of China. In August of 2012, stem and leaf spots symptomatic of anthracnose were sporadically observed on highbush blueberries in a field located in Liaoning, China, where approximately 15% of plants were diseased. Symptoms first appeared as yellow to reddish, irregularly-shaped lesions on leaves and stems. The lesions then expanded, becoming dark brown in the center and surrounded by a reddish halo. Leaf and stem tissues (5 × 5 mm) were cut from the lesion margins and surface-disinfected in 70% ethanol for 30 s, followed by three rinses with sterile water before placing on potato dextrose agar (PDA). Plates were incubated at 28°C. Colonies were initially white, becoming grayish-white to gray with yellow spore masses. Conidia were one-celled, hyaline, and cylindrical with rounded ends, measuring 15.0 to 25.0 × 4.0 to 7.5 μm. No teleomorph was observed. The fungus was tentatively identified as Colletotrichum gloeosporioides (PenZ.) PenZ & Sacc. (teleomorph Glomerella cingulata (Stoneman) Spauld. & H. Schrenk) based on morphological characteristics of the colony and conidia (1). Genomic DNA was extracted from isolate XCG1 and the internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of the ribosomal DNA (ITS1–5.8S-ITS2) was amplified with primer pairs ITS1 and ITS4. BLAST searches showed 99% identity with C. gloeosporioides isolates in GenBank (Accession No. AF272779). The sequence of isolate XCG1 (C. gloeosporioides) was deposited into GenBank (JX878503). Pathogenicity tests were conducted on 2-year-old potted blueberries, cv. Berkeley. Stems and leaves of 10 potted blueberry plants were wounded with a sterilized needle and sprayed with a suspension of 105 conidia per ml of sterilized water. Five healthy potted plants were inoculated with sterilized water as control. Dark brown lesions surrounded by reddish halos developed on all inoculated leaves and stems after 7 days, and the pathogen was reisolated from lesions of 50% of inoculated plants as described above. The colony and conidial morphology were identical to the original isolate XCG1. No symptoms developed on the control plants. The causal agent of anthracnose on blueberry was identified as C. gloeosporioides on the basis of morphological and molecular characteristics, and its pathogenicity was confirmed with Koch's postulates. Worldwide, it has been reported that blueberry anthracnose might be caused by C. acutatum and C. gloeosporioides (2). However, we did not isolate C. acutatum during this study. To our knowledge, this is the first report of stem and leaf anthracnose of blueberry caused by C. gloeosporioides in China. References: (1) J. M. E. Mourde. No 315. CMI Descriptions of Pathogenic Fungi and Bacteria. Kew, Surrey, UK, 1971. (2) N. Verma, et al. Plant Pathol. 55:442, 2006.

‘Candidatus Liberibacter africanus’ is associated with citrus greening (huanglongbing [HLB]) in South Africa. Various unpublished reports have suggested that the related bacterium ‘Ca. L. asiaticus’ associated with HLB in citrus might be seed transmissible based on real-time PCR results. Seed transmission poses a risk of long distance disease spread, especially with the dissemination of rootstock seed. Therefore, it was essential to determine whether ‘Ca. L. africanus’ is seed transmitted in citrus. Fruit from 26 ‘Ca. L. africanus’-infected branches of six citrus cultivars showing greening symptoms were collected and the seed was harvested. Cultivars included were Minneola tangelo (Citrus reticulata × C. paradisi); sweet oranges (C. sinensis) Premier midseason, Clanor midseason, and Olinda Valencia; Eureka lemon (C. limon) and Troyer citrange (Poncirus trifoliata × C. sinensis) rootstock variety. Branches bearing each fruit were collected and confirmed to contain ‘Ca. L. africanus’ by real-time PCR testing using Taqman probe HLBp and HLBaf and HLBr primers as described by Li et al. (3). The seed of each sample was sorted into five categories ranging from healthy looking to totally aborted based on their appearance before planting. Germination was done in seed trays under vector-free conditions at 24 to 28°C. Thereafter the seedlings were planted in small, plastic bags and monitored for greening-like symptoms or other abnormalities for up to 2 years. A slow-release, balanced fertilizer was applied and supplemented with micro-nutrient sprays for plant maintenance. Plants showing abnormal symptoms were potted into larger pots and closely monitored. These samples and a number of other seedlings showing growth abnormalities were tested for ‘Ca. L. africanus' by real-time PCR as described above. In total, 1,570 seedlings were obtained. Some abnormal symptoms such as small chlorotic leaves, interveinal chlorosis, yellow veins, and stunting were seen in some seedlings. Most symptoms resembled deficiencies, and no blotchy mottle typical of ‘Ca. L. africanus’ infection was noted on any of the seedlings. Abnormal seedlings arose from normal and abortive seed. One hundred and eighteen of these seedlings (8 Minneola tangelo; 24 Premier midseason, 42 Clanor midseason, 33 Olinda Valencia, and 11 Troyer citrange seedlings) were individually tested using real-time PCR for ‘Ca. L. africanus’ detection. These seedlings had germinated from essentially healthy-looking seed (category 1) to seeds with severe abnormalities (category 5) and 33, 24, 23, 30, and 8 seedlings, respectively, were tested from each of the five seed categories. No samples tested positive with real-time PCR based on a positive/negative threshold Cq value of 35. Buds of some seedlings that yielded the lowest Cq values above 35 were grafted onto healthy ‘Madam vinous’ sweet orange (C. sinensis) seedlings and monitored for symptom development for 3 months. No symptoms developed and all these indicators also tested negative for ‘Ca. L. africanus’, indicating the absence of a transmissible agent. Just as other researchers (1,2) have recently indicated a lack of evidence for seed transmission of ‘Ca. L. asiaticus’, no seed transmission of ‘Ca. L. africanus’ could be demonstrated in this experiment either. References: (1) U. Albrecht and K. D. Bowman. HortScience 44:1967, 2009. (2) J. S. Hartung et al. Plant Dis. 94:1200, 2010. (3) W. Li et al. J. Microbiol. Methods 66:104, 2006.

Soybean has been increasing in importance and acreage over wheat and corn for the past decade in Ohio and is now planted on 4.5 million acres. Previous surveys in Ohio of viruses infecting soybean failed to identify Bean pod mottle virus (BPMV) and soybean virus diseases have rarely caused economic losses (1). During 1999, producers in Ohio noticed virus-like symptoms in soybeans in a few isolated locations. Soybeans with green stems, undersized and “turned up pods” were collected from Union, Wood and Wyandot Counties during October 1999 and soybeans with crinkled, mottled leaves were collected in Henry, Licking and Sandusky during August 2000. Five to six plants were collected from a single field from each county each year. In 1999, samples were sent to the University of Wisconsin-Madison, where one symptomatic leaflet/sample was ground in 3 ml of chilled phosphate buffered saline (pH 7.2). Leaf sap was placed in 1.5-ml centrifuge tubes and stored at 4°C for 24 h. Sap was assayed for the presence of BPMV using an alkaline phosphatase-labeled double-antibody sandwich enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (DAS ELISA) for BPMV (AgDia Inc., Elkhart, IN). All samples tested were positive for BPMV. Samples collected in 1999 were also maintained at The Ohio State University in Harosoy soybean and in 2000 assayed serologically along with samples collected in 2000 for BPMV and Soybean mosaic virus (SMV) by ELISA and for Tobacco ringspot virus (TRSV) and Bean yellow mosaic virus (BYMV) by a host-range symptom assay; SMV, BYMV and TRSV had been identified from soybean in previous Ohio surveys. Soybean leaf samples were assayed using F(ab′)2-Protein A ELISA with antiserum prepared in 1968 to a southern U.S. isolate of BPMV and to an Ohio isolate of Soybean mosaic virus (SMV) prepared in 1967, both stored at −20°C. Diseased and non-symptomatic soybean leaf samples were ground in 4 ml 0.025M Tris pH 8.0, 0.015M NaCl and 0.05% Tween 20. Extracts were tested for BPMV and SMV by ELISA following a protocol described elsewhere (2). All of the samples collected during 1999 and maintained in the greenhouse tested positive for both BPMV and SMV while all of those samples collected during 2000 tested positive for BPMV and negative for SMV. Host-range symptom assays were conducted with leaf extracts prepared by grinding 1 g tissue:10 ml potassium phosphate buffer, pH 7.0. Extracts were inoculated by leaf rub method to Harosoy soybean, Phaseolus vulgaris cvs. Red Kidney and Bountiful, cowpea, and cucumber. The host-range symptom assays of both the 1999 and 2000 samples were negative for TRSV and BYMV; cowpea failed to express local lesions and cucumber systemic mosaic characteristic of TRSV infection and the two Phaseolus cultivars the yellow mosaic characteristic of BYMV infection. These results indicate that both BPMV and SMV were present in the samples in 1999 but only BPMV in 2000. The distribution of BPMV within Ohio and economic impact of this virus have yet to be determined. This is the first report of BPMV in Ohio. References: (1) A. F. Schmitthenner and D. T. Gordon. Phytopathology 59:1048, 1969. (2) R. Louie et al. Plant Dis. 84:1133–1139, 2000.

During April 2002 to September 2003 in unheated plastic greenhouses located in Fondi and Sperlonga (Latium Region of central Italy), in which more than 100 ha of cucumber (Cucumis sativus L.) were cultivated, an unusual disease causing decay of roots and plant wilting was observed. Many of the most common cultivars showed susceptibility, and in some farms, severe economic losses occurred. Disease symptoms observed on young plants included stunting, wilting, black root rot, and marked reduction of root development where pseudosclerotial structures were produced. The degree of root symptoms was proportional to the wilting. During periods of high evapotranspiration, wilting was severe in plants at the early stages of disease development, and even lightly infected plants wilted rapidly. Symptoms resembled those caused by vascular wilt fungi and were generally more severe in greenhouses with poorly drained soils. Samples from each of four greenhouses were collected during different periods of the growing season. Each sampling unit consisted of five to eight root pieces that were surface disinfected in 0.1% HgCl2 for 30 s, rinsed in sterile water, placed on petri dishes containing potato dextrose agar (pH 5.5), and incubated for 7 days at 25°C. Phomopsis sclerotioides van Kesteren (1,2) (identification confirmed by R. A. Samson, Centraalbureau voor Schimmelcultures of Utrecht, the Netherlands) was consistently recovered from affected tissues. Subcultures of three isolates were prepared and evaluated for pathogenicity. The experiments were conducted in a greenhouse with a 12-h photoperiod at 25 to 32°C. Seven-week-old seedlings (20 representatives per isolate) of a susceptible hybrid were dipped for 2 min in an agar slurry suspension of the pathogen and then returned to pots. Within 4 to 5 weeks after inoculation, all plants inoculated with each P. sclerotioides isolate showed the same symptoms observed in the field and caused wilting and death of approximately 80% of the inoculated plants. P. sclerotioides was consistently reisolated from the symptomatic test plant, whereas the fungus was never isolated from control plants. Another experiment using naturally infested soil in comparison with sterilized soil confirmed the soilborne nature of the fungus and its pathogenicity. To our knowledge, this is the first report of P. sclerotioides on cucumber in Italy. According to the experience of farmers and agricultural consultants, the disease was first observed in the last 3 to 4 years in unheated plastic greenhouses. However, we cannot exclude the possibility that the disease may have been present in central Italy prior to our observations, since it can be misdiagnosed and the symptoms can be masked by symptoms of other diseases. For these reasons, an accurate monitoring of the pathogen is necessary to determine the magnitude of the problem and its impact on the industry. Management practices that include long-term crop rotation with nonsusceptible hosts, removal and destruction of infected crop debris, and steam soil sterilization are suggested to reduce the economic losses. References: (1) E. Punithalingam et al. No. 461 in: Descriptions of Pathogenic Fungi and Bacteria. CMI, Kew, Surrey, U.K., 1975. (2) H. A. Van Kesteren. Neth. J. Plant Pathol. 73:112, 1967.

Potato virus A (PVA; genus Potyvirus, family Potyviridae) occurs wherever potatoes are grown and may reduce tuber yields as much as 40%. Its host range consists of six experimental hosts (Lycopersicon pimpinellifolium (Jusl.) P. Mill., Nicandra physalodes (L.) Gaertn., Nicotiana tabacum L., Solanum demissum Lindl., S. demissum × S. tuberosum [2], and Nicotiana debneyi Domin.) and two natural hosts (S. tuberosum L. and S. betaceae (Cav.) Sendt.) (2). Aphids transmit PVA in a stylet-born manner. Its difficult mechanical transmission, caused by a low virus concentration in potato and other hosts (1), has constrained pathological research on the virus. In routine studies to identify virus isolates from the field, we discovered that N. megalosiphon Van Heurck & Mull. Agr. is a superior host of PVA that markedly facilitated diagnosis, selection for resistance to PVA, and other research applications. The efficiency of mechanical transmission of PVA to potato (5 duplicated assays and 10 plants per assay) ranged from 0 to 10% with PVA-infected potato as the virus source, 0 to 30% with Nicandra physalodes, 10 to 30% with N. tabacum cv. Samsun, and 20 to 80% with N. megalosiphon as the source of virus. The efficiency of mechanical transmission to four systemic hosts of PVA with potato (cv. Russet Burbank) as the source of virus (5 duplicated assays and 10 plants per assay) ranged from 0 to 20% to potato, 0 to 30% to Nicandra physalodes, 10 to 40% to N. tabacum cv. Samsun, and 80 to 100% to N. megalosiphon. The superiority of N. megalosiphon as a host and source of PVA was associated with a high virus concentration in tissues. Infected potato leaves yielded 0.32 to 0.54 mg of virus per kg of infected leaves, Nicandra physalodes yielded 0.37 to 0.66 mg per kg, N. tabacum cv. Samsun yielded 0.78 to 1.22 mg per kg, and N. megalosiphon yielded 5.16 to 9.39 mg per kg of infected leaves in five different purification experiments. These yields are based on the amount of virus isolated in sucrose gradients subjected to rate-zonal centrifugation as the last step in purification (3). The virus antigen concentrations of the original PVA-infected tissues measured using quantitative enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay ranked virus concentrations in the same relative order as purification but were nearly 2 times higher than were the purification yields. Similarly, local lesion assays on S. demissum A leaves (4) ranked infectious virus concentrations in the same order as did purification. Efficiency of aphid transmission from the four hosts was not assayed. Infected N. megalosiphon plants survived and served as sources of PVA for at least 1 year in a greenhouse. N. megalosiphon is an important new host of PVA because it facilitates the routine transmission of the virus and other manipulations essential for efficient research on control of the virus disease. References: (1) R. Bartels. No. 54 in: Descriptions of Plant Viruses. CMI, Kew, Surrey, UK, 1971. (2) A. Brunt. Page 77 in: Virus and Virus-Like Diseases of Potatoes and Production of Seed Potatoes. G Loebenstein et al., eds. Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, the Netherlands, 2001. (3) P. E. Thomas and W. K. Kaniewski. Page 285 in: Virus and Virus-Like Diseases of Potatoes and Production of Seed Potatoes, G. Loebenstein et al., eds. Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, the Netherlands, 2001. (4) R. E. Webb and R. W. Buck. Am Potato J. 32:248, 1955.

Ailanthus altissima (Mill.) Swingle, known as tree-of-heaven, is a deciduous tree belonging to the family Simaroubaceae, which is native to both northeast and central China and Taiwan. The trees often have the ability to replace indigenous plants and disrupt native ecosystems (3). In August 2010, a leaf spot disease was observed on young trees in Yangpyeong, Korea. Field observation in 2010 and 2011 showed that infections are common on 1- or 2-year-old trees. Adult trees were rarely infected. Symptoms usually started at the margin of leaves and expanded into irregular, dark brown leaf spots, eventually causing significant premature defoliation. Representative samples were deposited in the herbarium of Korea University (KUS-F25174 and -F25304). Conidiophores of fungi observed microscopically on the leaf spots were erect, brown to dark brown, single or occasionally in clusters, 80 to 550 × 5 to 8 μm, and mostly arose on the abaxial surface of symptomatic leaves. Conidia were borne singly or in short chains of two to four, ranging from cylindrical to broadest at the base and tapering apically, straight to slightly curved, pale olivaceous brown, 3 to 18 pseudoseptate, 70 to 450 × 8 to 22 μm, each with a conspicuous thickened hilum. On potato dextrose agar, single-spore cultures of five isolates were identified as Corynespora cassiicola (Berk. & M.A. Curtis) C.T. Wei on the basis of morphological and cultural characteristics (1,4). A monoconidial isolate was preserved at the Korean Agricultural Culture Collection (Accession No. KACC45510). Genomic DNA was extracted with the DNeasy Plant Mini DNA Extraction Kit (Qiagen Inc., Valencia, CA). The complete internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of rDNA was amplified with the primers ITS1/ITS4 and sequenced with an ABI Prism 337 automatic DNA sequencer (Applied Biosystems, Foster, CA). The resulting sequence of 548 bp was deposited in GenBank (Accession No. JN974462). The sequence showed >99% similarity (1-bp substitution) with a sequence of C. cassiicola from Ipomoea batatas (GenBank Accession No. FJ852716). To conduct a pathogenicity test, a conidial suspension (~2 × 104 conidia/ml) was prepared by harvesting conidia from 2-week-old cultures of KACC45510 and the suspension sprayed onto the leaves of three healthy seedlings. Three noninoculated seedlings served as control plants. Inoculated and noninoculated plants were kept in humid chambers for 48 h in a glasshouse. After 5 days, typical leaf spot symptoms started to develop on the leaves of all three inoculated plants. C. cassiicola was reisolated from the lesions, confirming Koch's postulates. No symptoms were observed on control plants. C. cassiicola is cosmopolitan with a very wide host range (2). To our knowledge, C. cassiicola has not been reported on A. altissima anywhere in the world. According to field observations in Korea, Corynespora leaf spot was most severe in August and September, especially following a prolonged period of moist weather. C. cassiicola may be a potential biocontrol agent for this highly invasive tree species. References: (1) M. B. Ellis. Dematiaceous Hyphomycetes. Commonwealth Mycological Institute: Kew, Surrey, England, 1971. (2) D. F. Farr and A. Y. Rossman. Fungal Databases. Systematic Mycology and Microbiology Laboratory, ARS, USDA, Retrieved from http://nt.ars-grin.gov/fungaldatabes/ , October 28, 2011. (3) L. B. Knapp and C. D. Canham. J. Torrey Bot. Soc. 127:307, 2000. (4) J. H. Kwon et al. Plant Pathol. J. 17:180, 2001.

Miscanthus × giganteus is a warm-season perennial grass, native to eastern Asia. Brought into the United States as a landscape plant, it is currently being considered as a potential biomass fuel crop. In August 2009, a newly established and a 2-year-old M. × giganteus field research trial near Lexington, KY were found to have 100% incidence of severe leaf blight. Brown, mosaic-like, coalesced necrotic lesions covered leaf blades and sheaths on every stand, ultimately killing some leaves and tillers. The disease was more destructive in the newly established trial where 4- to 5-month-old M. × giganteus tillers were killed. No fruiting bodies were found immediately on diseased leaves. However, surface-disinfested diseased leaf tissue produced a sooty black mass of conidia after 1 week following incubation in a petri dish moisture chamber at 25°C in the dark. Single conidia isolations were made on half-strength potato dextrose agar (HSPDA) amended with 25 mg/liter of rifamycin and incubated at 25°C. Morphological characteristics of the fungus fit those originally described for Pithomyces chartarum (Berk. & Curt.) M.B. Ellis (2). Colonies were fast growing on HSPDA, at first hyaline, then shortly punctiform, grayish black, up to 1-mm diameter, and then became confluent, producing several dark brown multicellular conidia on small peg-like denticles on branched conidiophores. Every detached conidium had a small piece of the denticle attached to its base. The conidia were echinulate, broadly ellipsoidal, pyriform, 18 to 29 × 11 to 18 μm, with three transverse septa, and a longitudinal septum constricted at the transverse septa. The identity of the fungus was confirmed by sequence analysis of the internal transcribed spacers (ITS) region of the nuclear ribosomal DNA. The 615-bp cloned and sequenced amplicon (Accession No. GU195649) was 99% identical to sequences from multiple isolates of Leptosphaerulina chartarum (anamorph Pithomyces chartarum) in the GenBank. Five potted M. × giganteus plants (45 days old) were spray inoculated with an aqueous conidial suspension (2 × 106 conidia/ml) and incubated in one tier of a two-tiered-growth chamber at 86 to 90% relative humidity. Initial incubation was in the dark at 26°C for 48 h, and thereafter at alternating 15 h of light (320 μmol) at 25°C and 9 h of darkness at 23°C. Control plants were sprayed with sterile water and incubated in the second tier of the same growth chamber. A week after inoculation, leaf blight developed on all inoculated plants, but not the controls. P. chartarum was reisolated from infected leaves 2 weeks after inoculation. To our knowledge, this is the first report of P. chartarum causing a disease on Miscanthus (3). The fungus is cosmopolitan, usually saprophytic, but can cause diseases on a wide range of plants as well as produce mycotoxins (3). It has been reported to cause a leaf spot of smooth bromegrass (Bromus inermis) in Nebraska (1) and a leaf blight of wheat (Triticum aestivum) in Hungary (4). The observed disease severity suggests P. chartarum could potentially limit M. × giganteus production as an ethanol feedstock. References: (1) C. Eken et al. Plant Dis. 90:108, 2006. (2) M. B. Ellis. Dematiaceous Hyphomycetes. Commonwealth Mycological Institute, Kew, Surrey, England, 1971. (3) D. F. Farr et al. Fungal Databases, Systematic Mycology and Microbiology Laboratory. Online publication. ARS, USDA, 2010. (4) B. Tóth et al. J. Plant Pathol. 89:405, 2007.

During June and July 1999-2000, a disease causing severe losses of seedlings of a local ecotype of lentil (Lens culinaria Medik, syn. Lens esculenta Moench.) was observed in four commercial fields in central Italy (Umbria and Latium regions). Disease symptoms, observed in both years, included stunting, wilting, marked reduction of root system, and internal vascular discoloration of the lower stem. Twenty-five samples for each field, consisting of lentil roots and stems, were collected. Seven to eight tissue pieces per sample, derived from the lower stem and a variety of root sizes, were sampled, surface-treated in 1 or 0.1% HgCl2 for 30 s, rinsed in sterile deionized water, placed on petri dishes containing potato dextrose agar (PDA, pH 5.5) and then incubated for 7 days at 25°C. F. oxysporum (2) (identification confirmed by R. A. Samson, Centraalbureau Voor Schimmelcultures of Baarn, Netherlands) was consistently recovered from affected tissues. Monoconidial cultures of four isolates were prepared and evaluated for pathogenicity. Seventy 4-week-old lentil seedlings (local ecotype) were inoculated by dipping the root system of each seedling in a spore suspension of each isolate of F. oxysporum (106 conidia/ml) for 30 min and transplanted into a pot containing a sterilized sandy-loam soil mix. In a second experiment, 100 seeds for each isolate were sown in the same soil mix amended with rice kernels colonized with four isolates of F. oxysporum (10% wt/wt). Seedlings dipped in sterile deionized water and seeds sown in soil amended with noncolonized rice kernels served as controls in the first and second experiments, respectively. Three replications of both pathogenicity tests were carried out in a controlled growth chamber at day/night 22/20 ± 2°C, 60/70% RH, 12 h day (180 μE•m2•s-1). Both experiments were repeated. Two to three weeks after inoculation, all plants inoculated with each F. oxysporum isolate showed the same symptoms observed in the field and caused wilting and death of 80 to 100% of the inoculated plants. F. oxysporum was consistently reisolated from the symptomatic test plants, whereas the fungus was never isolated from all control plants which remained symptomless and healthy. F. oxysporum was not observed in seed health tests (blotter and agar plate methods) carried out on 100 seeds per sample harvested from infected crops. Management practices include long-term crop rotation with nonsusceptible hosts and removal and destruction of infected crop debris. Seed treatment with fungicides (benzimidazoles, thiram) (3) can reduce incidence of the disease but host resistance is the best mean of controlling Fusarium wilt. Most resistant lentil accessions come from Chile, Egypt, India, Iran, and Romania (1). This is the first report of F. oxysporum f. sp. lentis on lentil in Italy. Without adequate control, this seedling disease may become a major factor limiting production of high quality lentils in Umbria and Latium. References: (1) B. Baya et al. Euphytica 98:69, 1997. (2) C. Booth. C.M.I. Description of Fungi and Bacteria. No. 271, 1971. (3) J. Kannayan and Y. L. Nene. Indian J. Plant Prot. 2:80, 1974.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Floods frequently cause disasters worldwide. In Argentina, almost half of disasters are related to floods (Celis &amp; Herzer, 2003). During the period 1944 to 2005, 41 major floods occurred in urban areas in the country (Argentina Red Cross, 2010) with more than 13 million people affected. Luján (34°33′S, 59°07′W) is a city of about 110,000 people, situated 21 m above the mean sea level in a relatively plain area. It suffered from 21 floods between 1967 and 2018 with a result of about 14,600 evacuees and 3 dead people. The main cause of the floods is the overflow of the Luján River, which has an average flow of 5.37&amp;thinsp;m³/s (INA, 2007).</p><p> The National Disaster Risk Assessment guidelines (UNDP, 2010; UNSIDR, 2018) outline the use of qualitative or quantitative approaches to determinate the acceptable level of risk. Risk has been associated with a potential loss with different levels of certainty (Crichton, 1999; WMO, 2013), and it could be defined as a combination of hazard, exposure and vulnerability (Akhtar et al, 2018; Behanzin, 2015; Armeneakis et al., 2017; UNISDR, 2017) (Figure 1). If one of those elements is missing, risk is not defined. The hazard is related to the potential danger that the natural phenomenon has, which is inherent to the event itself, and it would be inundation scenarios in this study. Vulnerability has been defined by Cardona et al. (2012) as a propensity or predisposition to be adversely affected. That definition includes the characteristics of a person or a group, and their situation that influences their capacity to anticipate, cope with, resist, and recover from the adverse effects of physical events (Natenzon et al., 2005; González, 2009). The perspectives selected in the present work focus on working with social vulnerability which is linked to socio-economical population conditions and the possibility of these being affected. Spatial distribution of exposure (elements at risk) in proximity to a hazard is a significant factor of disaster risk (UNISDR, 2017). Some researchers (González et al., 1998; Villagrán De León, 2001; Moel et al., 2009) defined “exposure” as what can be affected by a flood such as buildings, land use, and population, the latter of which is a significant factor of disaster risk (UNISDR, 2017). Flood risk maps play an important role in decision-making, planning and implementing flood management options (WMO, 2013).</p><p> Geographical Information Systems (GIS) enable us to perform a spatial analysis of the elements of risk (hazard, vulnerability, and exposure) for Luján City. By creating categories from the selection of some indicators, it is possible to define which area is more likely to be impacted by a flood, which population and which infrastructure are more exposed, and who is more vulnerable. A final flood risk index is created with five categories based on risk values from 0 (lowest) to 1 (highest) (Figure 2).</p><p> Hazard analysis is made by using a 5-m Digital Elevation Model (DEM), rainfall data, land use information, drainage system (sewers and streams) and historical flood maps. Sources of vulnerability and exposure indicators are data from the last National Argentinian Census in the year 2010.</p><p> Although it is impossible to totally eliminate the flood risk, it is possible to mitigate some consequences. Findings from this study illustrate that some areas of higher flood risk coincide with areas of high flood hazard, more exposed, and more vulnerable. This methodology helps to develop disaster risk management strategies for settlements frequently flooded.</p>

A review of: Line, Maurice B. “The Information Uses and Needs of Social Scientists: An Overview of INFROSS.” Aslib Proceedings 23.8 (1971): 412-34. Rpt. in Lines of Thought: Selected Papers. Ed. L.J. Anthony. London: Bingley, 1988. 45-66. Objective – The study reported in this article was conceived in order to answer a question of very large scope: What are the information systems and services requirements of social scientists? Inherent in this question was the correlative question: How do social scientists tend to use such systems and services, and what resources and information access approaches do they by choice employ? The choice for such an approach was well-considered, given that 1) there were at the time almost no research results available in this area; 2) the investigators feared that approaches developed earlier for the natural sciences and technology would be uncritically adopted for the social sciences as well; and 3) “the social science information system was developing anyway, and if it was to develop in appropriate ways, some guidance had to be provided quickly” (412). The Investigation into Information Requirements of the Social Sciences (INFROSS) project team believed that there was “no point” (412) in embarking first on a series of more narrowly focused studies. The express intention was to derive findings that would be usable “for the improvement of information systems, or for the design of new ones” (414). For more on the project's conceptual underpinnings, see Line’s “Information Requirements.” Design – Exploratory study employing both quantitative and qualitative approaches over a period of three and a half years, beginning in the autumn of 1967. Setting – The whole of the United Kingdom. The project was funded by that country’s Office for Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), which had been established in 1965. Subjects – Almost 1,100 randomly selected academic social science researchers, plus a substantial number of government social science researchers and social science “practitioners” (“college of education lecturers, schoolteachers, and individuals in social work and welfare” [413]). For the purposes of the study, the social sciences included anthropology, economics, education, geography, political science, psychology and sociology, but numerous historians and statisticians ultimately participated. Methods – Three methods were employed: surveys, interviews, and direct observation. A “very long” (413) questionnaire was sent to 2,602 of the identified ca. 9,100 social science researchers in the United Kingdom, with 1,089 (41.8%) completed questionnaires returned. Two pilots were conducted with the questionnaire before a definitive version was finalized for the study. Seventy-five interviews were conducted (individually or in groups) with researchers, some of whom had received but not responded to the questionnaire, and some of whom were not included in the questionnaire sample. The interviews with non-responding persons in the sample were for purposes of determining “whether they were non-typical” (413). Fifty additional interviews were conducted (individually or in groups) with practitioners. Day-to-day observation of a small number of social scientists was undertaken in the context of a two and a half year-long experimental information service at Bath University – the first time any UK university had employed information officers for the social sciences. Main results – The results showed a pronounced perception among social scientists that informal “methods of locating references to relevant published information” (416-8, 426-7, 431) are more useful than formal methods (such as consulting the library catalogue, searching library shelves, or searching in indexing and abstracting publications), and an even more pronounced inclination to actually use such informal methods – something of a revelation at the time. Less than one sixth of all sociologists, for example, made use of Sociological Abstracts. On both counts, “consulting librarian” (418) scored worse than all the other ten options. Forty-eight percent of respondents never did it, and only 8% perceived it as a “very useful” (418) method. Nonetheless, 88% of respondents were in principle prepared to delegate at least some of their literature searching, and approximately 45% all of it, “to a hypothetical information officer” (425). More than 75% of the experimental service clients also responded affirmatively to the question: “Should a social science information officer be a high priority,” given limited available resources? (Line, Cunningham, and Evans 73-5). Most subjects found, in any case, that their major “information problems” (427-8) lay not in discovering what relevant documents might exist, but rather in actually getting their hands on them. In only around 20% of the cases were they ultimately successful in doing so. The younger the researcher, the greater the dissatisfaction with her/his own institution’s collection. This study also revealed that academic social scientists drew little distinction between information needs for their research and those for their teaching. There was one social science discipline which clearly stood out from the rest: psychology. Psychologists were the heaviest users of abstracting and indexing (A&I) publications, as well as of the journal literature, published conference proceedings, and research reports. They were also the least tolerant of time lags in the A&I services’ coverage of new publications. Further significant findings were: • A librarian’s way of categorizing research materials was not very meaningful to the researchers themselves. • A&I services were generally used more often for ‘keeping up’ than for retrospective searching. • Consultation with librarians was more common in the less scholarly and more intimate college environment than at research institutions. • A large percentage found library cataloguing insufficiently detailed. The same was true for book indexes. • There was considerable enthusiasm for the idea of a citation index for the social sciences. (N.B.: the SSCI began publication two years after the appearance of this article.) • Among informal methods of scholarly communication and information transfer, conferences (to the investigators’ surprise) rated remarkably low. • Researchers with large personal collections made more use of the library and its services than those with small collections. • Social scientists had little interest in non-English-language materials. Line speaks of “a serious foreign language problem” (424). The INFROSS study produced an enormous amount of data. Only 384 of the computer tables produced were made available in 4 separate reports to OSTI. Only 3 tables, 2 of which were abbreviated, appeared in this article. The further raw data were available on request. Conclusion – Line himself was exceedingly cautious in drawing explicit positive conclusions from the INFROSS results. He even stated that, “No major patterns were detected which could be of use for information system design purposes” (430). He was freer with his negative and provisional assessments. Two years earlier he had written: “It still remains to be established that there is an information problem in the social sciences, or that, if there is, it is of any magnitude” (“Information Requirements” 3). However, it was now clear to Line that information services and systems for the social scientist were indeed quite inadequate, and that (potential) users were not satisfied. He was, furthermore, prepared to go out on a limb with the following assertions and inferences: 1) It was a great strength of INFROSS that it had – in marked contrast to previous science user studies – generated “a mass of comparable [his italics] data within a very broad field, so that every finding can be related to other findings” (430). 2) There are discernable – and exploitable – differences in the information needs and use patterns among the different social science disciplines (which he often also refers to as the different “subjects”). 3) INFROSS had likewise made more evident the nature of similarities across disciplines. 4) There is indeed, from an information/library perspective, a continuum from the ‘harder’ to the ‘softer’ social sciences. 5) Social scientists showed too little awareness, made too little use, and even displayed “insufficient motivation” (431) to make use of available information systems/services. He elsewhere (“Secondary Services” 269, 272) characterizes them as “remarkably complacent,” “even apathetic.” 6) There is good reason to doubt the wisdom of libraries’ investing in user education, since it is bound to have little effect (for further discussion of this matter, one can consult his “The Case for” 385-6 and “Ignoring the User” 86). 7) User-friendly systems amount inevitably to underdeveloped and ineffective systems – and therefore “personal intermediaries,” in sufficient numbers, will remain essential if we wish to offer social scientists really good information services (426, 431). Line believed that INFROSS was only a beginning, and he had already, even before writing this article, begun follow-up research aimed at attaining results really of use for information system design purposes (e.g., the DISISS project). He complained many years later, however, that all this research “indicated means of improvement, but led to no action” (“Social Science Information” 131). In any case, “Bath” (the common shorthand subsequently used to refer to all this research) became, and has remained, the starting point for all subsequent discussions of social science information problems. Several years ago, there was a well-argued international call for “a new and updated version of the INFROSS study” – with an eye to finally using the findings for practical purposes, and aiming “to extend and follow up the research agenda set by the original study” (Janes “Time to Take”).

AbstractThe precise relationship of The Three Maries at the Tomb (Fig. 1) in the Boymansvan Beuningen Museum in Rotterdam to the work of Hubert and/or Jan van Eyck has proved difficult to establish, mainly because relatively little is known about their output apart from Jan van Eyck's signed paintings of 1432-41. The provenance of the Rotterdam picture has been traced back to the mid 18th century (Note 2), while the coat of arms, a later addition at bottom right, has been identified as that of Philippe de Commines, who has thus been posited as the earliest known owner (Note 3). Since the beginning of this century the panel has generally been ascribed to Hubert van Eyck on the basis of a comparison with his contribution to the Ghent Altarpiece, but doubts have also been expressed about the attribution to the Van Eycks (Note 5), while later dates have been suggested on the grounds of the view of Jerusalem (Note 6, 7) or the arms and armour (Notes 8, 9) . However, Panofsky remained convinced of the early date and kept to the attribution to Hubert, while suggesting that Jan had worked over certain details (Note 10). The restoration of 1947 (Note 11) revealed some gilded rays on the right side, which gave rise to suggestions that the panel had once formed part of a friezelike composition or a triptych (Notes 12-14). Recent opinion still remains divided, Sterling seeing the panel as having been painted by Jan van Eyck after 1426 (Note 15), Dhanens as the work of a follower around 1450-60 (Note 16). Scientific examination appeared to be the only way of obtaining new data, while the recently published results of a similar examination of the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 17) offered an additional incentive. An earlier scientific examination was carried out by Coremans in 1948 (Note rg), while the work had previously been examined by infrared reflectography by the authors in 1971 (JV ote zo) . Tfie 1)(inel on which the picture is painted consists rf three horizontal planks with dowelled joints (Note 21). The four corners are bevelled off at the back, which suggests that any later reduction in the panel can only have been slight. On the back is a sealed statement by D. G. van Beuningen to the effect that the painting had not suffered from being stored underground during the war (Fig. 2, Appendix 2) . The paint surface is in a reasonably good state, but exhibits heavy craquelure, which has played a part in the aesthetic assessment of the picture (Note 23) . Dendrochronological examination (Appendix I) showed that the two oaks from which the planks came were probably not felled before 1423. Since recent research has shown that the gap between felling and usage was not likely to have been much more than fifteen years in the 15th century (Note 25) and there is nothing to support the hypothesis that an old panel was reused here (Note 26), it is highly improbable that the picture was painted at the end of the 15th century. The most likely date is C. 1425-35 i.e. the period when the Ghent Altarpiece was painted or slightly later. No other results of dendrochronological examination on Van Eyck panels are available for comparison as yel. Examination by infrared reflectography (Note 28) revealed detailed underdrawing in virtually all parts of the picture and this was very carefully followed during painting with changes only in small details (cf. Figs.3, 5, 7). Stylistically the underdrawing accords with what is known about underdrawing in Van Eyck paintings today, this exhibiting a considerable difference from that of other Flemish Primitives, so that the Rotterdam panel is certainly a Van Eyck work. Among the most striking similarities to the central panel (x) and that with the Knights of Christ (IX) in the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 30) are the underdrawing of the drapery of the angels (Figs. 7-9), the city in the distance (Figs. 3,4, Note 31) and the minutely detailed armour (Figs. 14, 15, Note 33). Types of hatching that appear to be characteristic of the Van Eyck style are that of the shadows, which is sometimes overlapping and generally parallel to the main contours (Figs. 5,8) and a more rarely used type with short lines at an angle to contours (Fig. 9). The x-radiographs (Note 35) give a good idea of the damage to the paint surface (Figs. 16, 17) , which isfound mainly in the sky, along the crack in the top plank and on the bottom edge on the left. There is also a great deal of abrasion on the edges of the craquelure. The x-radiographs confirm the fact that no radical changes were made in the original, generally underdrawn, composition and reveal that the soldiers and their arms were left in reserve during the painting of the rocks and ground, a detail which likewise indicates continuity during the painting process. The underpainting of the rocks in large light blocks with simple contours shown up by x-ray photography is very close to that in panel IX in the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 38). Examination by stereomicroscope (Note 40) generally already gave an impression of the layered structure of the paint. It also showed up some minute details scarcely distinguishable by the naked eye : two horsemen and somefigures in tlae square on tlte leji qlthe city, a .slalue in a niche in the doorway in the zvall in tlae certtre (Fig. 18; possibly a reminiscence of the Golden Gate, Note 56) and a number of ship's masts with crow's nests on the horizon on the right (Fig. 19). Part of the vegetation was shown to be very finely and precisely rendered (Figs. 20, 21), while the rest was not so fine. Similar differences appear in the two bronze-coloured ointment jars in this painting and also in the bottom zone of the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 41). These may reveal two different hands or the somewhat hasty finishing of some areas. The paint samples (Note 42) revealed the presence of an oleaginous isolating layer over the chalk and glue ground comparable to, but thinner than that on the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 45). The only other Flemish Primitive in whose work such a layer is found is Dirc Bouts (Note 50). The paint layer also exhibits many similarities to that of the Ghent Altarpiece, not only in the number and thickness of the layers, but in the composition and overall structure of the paint. For example, the skies in both works are built up in three layers from light to dark on the basis of lead white with increasing amounts of azurite and sometimes a bit of lapis lazuli, the vegetation consists of two layers of green with a glaze over them and the structure of the red mantle of one of the Maries resembles similar areas in the Ghent Altarpiece. This technique again makes it very unlikely that the panel was painted at the end of the 15th century or later. A final point is that the gilded rays ( Fig. 22), like the coat of arms (Fig. 23), prove to be a later addition. Finally, renewed consideration was given to certain iconographical aspects which have been used as dating criteria. The arms and armour have been seen as grounds for a later dating by Squilbeck in particular, but it seems quite likely that many of the forms are purely imaginary, while other experts do not agree with Squilbeck in dating certain elements to the 16th century (Note 53). The arms and armour are in any case an integral part of the painting. The detailed view of Jerusalem is regarded by some as impossible before Erhard Reuwich's print of 1486, while others express surprise that it was not copied by other artists. In fact, however, it is strikingly close in many details to the view in the Ghent Altarpiece, although the latter is firmer in its spatial construction and more convincing. Whole sentences have been read into the texts on the hems of two of the Maries' garments and the soldier's cap (Note 57 ) and it has been argued that the letters are Roman, not Hebrew (Note 58), but in fact they are indispulably Hebrew and although words can sometimes be recognized, they do no form a sentence or text (Note 59). The coat of arms is certainly that of a nobleman of the Order of St. Michael, but whether he was Philippe de Commines is uncertain. The Van den Woesteyne and Van Meaux van Vorsselaer families also bore these arms, albeit in different tinctures (Note 6o). Since the arms are done, in a brownish-grey, they cannot be more precisely identified. The presence of no less than five layers of varnish between the green meadow and the coat of arms could indicate that the arms were added much later than previously thought, possibly in the 16th or even the 17th century (Note 47). While the present study has shown that the Rotterdam painting is quite an early Van Eyck, its precise position in the Van Eyck oeuvre cannot be determined until results of examinations of other works in the group are available.

AbstractAs was the case with silversmiths (Note 3), many more cabinet-makers were wcrking in Amsterdam during the second half of the 18th century than in any other city in the Dutch Republic, the names of 195 of them being now known as opposed to 57 in The Hague and 32 in Rotterdam (Note 2). Most of those 195 names have been culled from the few surviving documents of the Guild of St. Joseph in Amsterdam, to which the cabinet-makers belonged (Note 4), supplemented by other sources, such as printed registers of craftsmen and shopkeepers (Note 6). Another important source is the newspaper the Amsterdamsche Courant with its advertisements placed by craftsmen themselves, with notices of sales, bankruptcies, lotteries and annual fairs and with advertisements concerning subsidiary or related trades. Since these advertisements were directed at the consumer, they often contain stylistic descriptions such as are not found elsewhere. Moreover, they aford valuable clues to archival material. Hence an investigation of all the advertisements from the years 1751-1800 has formed the basis for a study of Amsterdam cabinet-making, some results of which are presented here. Such a study is doomed largely to remain theoretical. The records can hardly ever be linked with surviving pieces, as these are virtually always anonymous since Amsterdam cabinet-makers were not required to stamp or sign their work. Moreover, only a few pieces of Dutch 18th-century furniture have a known provenance, so that it is only rarely possible to link a piece with a bill or another document and identify its maker. Thus it is not yet possible to form a reliable picture of a local Amsterdam style, let alone embark on attributions to individual makers (Note 8). In this light special importance may be attached to two commodes of the third quarter of the century which are exceptional in that they bear a signature, that of Andries Bongen (Figs. 1, 2, Notes 10, 11). These commodes, being entirely French-inspired, illustrate a specific and little-known aspect of Amsterdam cabinet-making. French furniture was so sought after in Amsterdam at that period that in 1771 a strict ban was imposed on its importation in order to protect local cabinet-makers (Note 12). It had begun to be imitated even before that and the commodes by Bongen exemplify this development. Andries Bongen, who was probably born in Geldern, south of Cleves and just east of the border of the Dutch Republic, is first recorded in Amsterdam in May 1763 on his marriage to Willemina, daughter of the smith Lambert van der Beek. He registered as a citizen on 5 July 1763 and became a master cabinet-maker some time between March 1763 and March 1764 (Note 19), so that, accordirtg to the Guild regulations, he must previously have trained for two years under an Amsterdam master (Note 20). At the time of his marriage he was living in St. Jorisstraat, but by the end of 1766 he had moved to Spui and between 1769 and 1771 he moved again, to Muiderpleinlje. When he and his wife made their will in 1772, their possessions were worth something under 8000 guilders (Note 23). This suggests that the business was quite flourishing, which seems to be confirmed by the fact that Bongen received a commission from the city of Amsterdam in 1771. Two more pieces were made for the city in 1786 and 1789, but in the latter year Bongen was declared bankrupt. The inventory of his possessions drawn up then (see Appeytdix) shows how parlous his conditions had become, his goods being valued at only 300 guilders. The reference to a shop indicates that Bongen sold his own furniture, although he had no stock to speak of at that point. The mention of eight work-benches, however, sugests that his output had previously been quite large. This is confirmed by the extent of his debts, notably that to the timber merchant Jan van Mekeren (Note 27). Other creditors included 'Rudolfeus Eyk', who probably supplied iron trelliszvork for bookcases and the like (Note 28), and the glass merchants Boswel en Zonen (Note 29) No debtors are listed and the only customer who can tentatively be identified is a 'Heer Hasselaar' who might be Pieter Cornelis Hasselaer (1720-95), several times burgomaster of Amsterdam between 1773 and 1794 (Note 30). Bongen died three years after his bankruptcy, at which time he was living in Nieuwe Looiersstraat. He appears to have continued working as a cabiytet-maker up to his death and his widow probably carried on the business until her own death in 1808, but nothing is known of this later period. The clearest insight into the character of part of Bongen's output is aforded by the advertisement he placed in the Amsterdamsehe Courant of 4 December 1766, describing three pieces of furniture 'in the French manner'. This is the first announcement by an 18th-century Amsterdam cabinet-maker of work in the French style. Bongen mentions two commodes decorated with floral marquetry, a technique which had flourished in Amsterdam in the late 17th and early 18th centuries (Note 34), but which had largely fallen into disuse on the advent around 1715 of a more sober type of furniture with plain walnut veneers on the English model (Note 36). In France a form of floral marquetry reappeared in the 1740s, being further developed in the following decade under the influence of Jean-François Oeben (1721-63). From the late 1750s there are indications of the presence of pieces of French marquetry furniture in the new style in Amsterdam (Notes 42, 43). The earliest explicit description of floral marquetry appears in a sale catalogue of 5 June 1765 (Note 44), while in another of 25 March 1766 (Note 46) many French pieces are detailed. Obviously, then, Bongen was endeavouring to capture a share, of this new market. The reappearance of elaborate marquetry on Amsterdam-made furniture was the result of a desire to emulate the French examples. The two commodes described in Bongen's advertisement can be identified with the one now in Amsterdam (Fig.2) and the one sold in London in 1947 (Fig.1). The latter still had more of its original mounts at the time nf the sale (Fig. 4) and the two probably formed a pair originally. The unusual fact that they are signed indicates that Bongen intended them to serve as show-pieces to demonstrate his skill at the beginning of his career (cf. Note 51, for another craftsman from abroad who began his career in Amsterdam by similarly advertising a spectacular piece). The commode in Amsterdam, with all its original mounts, demonstrates most clearly how close Bongen came to French prototypes, although his work has many personal traits nonetheless. In the marquetry the vase on a plinth on the front and the composition of the bouquets on the sides are notable (Fig.5), as are the large, full-blown blooms. The carcase, made entirely of oak, is remarkably well constructed and has a heavy, solid character. The commodes are outstanding for the complete integration of the marquetry and the mounts, in the manner of the finesl French furniture. The mounts presenl a problem, as it is not clear where they were made. They do not appear to be French or English, but one hesitates to attribute them to Amsterdam, as it is clear from documentary material that ornamental furniture-mounts were hardly ever made there in the second half of the 18th century. The mounts advertised by Ernst Meyrink in 1752 (Note 53) were probably still of the plain variety of the early part of the century and there is no further mention of mounts made in Amsterdam in the Amsterdamsche Courant. Once, in 1768, the silversmith J. H. Strixner placed an advertisement which refers to their gilding (Note 55). There is virtually no indication either of French mounts being imported and there is little Dutch furniture of this period that bears mounts which are indisputably French. In contrast to this, a large number of advertisements from as early as 1735 show that many mounts were imported from England, while among English manufacturers who came to sell their wares in Amsterdam were Robert Marshall of London (Note 60), James Scott (Note 61), William Tottie of Rotterdam (Note 62), whose business was continued after his death by Klaas Pieter Sent (Note 64), and H. Jelloly, again of Rotterdam (Notes 66, 67). It seems surprising that in a period when the French style reigned supreme so many mounts were imported from England, but the English manufacturers, mainly working in Birmingham, produced many mounts in the French style, probably often directed expressly at foreign markets. On the two commodes by Bongen only the corner mounts and the handles are of types found in the trade-catalogues of the English manufacturers (Figs. 7, 8, Notes 65, 70). The corner mounts are of a common type also found on French furniture (Note 71), so they doubtless copy a French model. The remaining mounts, however, are the ones which are so well integrated with the marquetry and these are not found elsewhere. Recently a third commode signed by Bongen has come to light, of similar character to the first two (Fig.3). Here all the mounts are of types found in the catalogues (Figs.7-10, Note 72). Apparently Bongen could not, or did not choose to, obtain the special mounts any more, although he clearly wanted to follow the same design (Fig. 6). This third commode was undoubtedly made somewhal later than the other two. The marquetry on it is the best preserved and it is possible to see how Bongen enlivened it with fine engraving. Because this piece is less exceptional, it also allows us to attribute some unsigned pieces to Bongen on the basis of their closeness to it, namely a commode sold in London in 1962 (Fig.11, Note 73) and two smaller, simpler commodes, which may originally have formed a pair, one sold in London in 1967 (Fig.12, Nole 74) and the other in a Dutch private collection (Figs.13, 14). The first one has a highly original marquetry decoration of a basket of flowers falling down. On the sides of this piece, and on the front of the two smaller ones, are bouquets tied with ribbons. These were doubtless influenced by contemporary engravings, but no direct models have been identified. The construction of the commode in the Netherlands tallies completely with tltat of the signed example in Amsterdam. The mounts are probably all English, although they have not all been found in English catalogues (Fig.15, Note 76). A seventh commode attributable to Bongen was sold in Switzerland in 1956 (Fig.16, Note 77). It is unusual in that walnut is employed as the background for the floral marquetry, something virtually unknown in Paris, but not uncommon on German work of French inspiration (Note 78). That commodes constitute the largest group among the furniture in the French style attributable to Bongen should cause no surprise, for the commode was the most sought after of all the pieces produced by the ébénistes not only in France, but all over Europe. Two other pieces which reveal Bongen's hand are two tables which look like side-tables, but which have fold-out tops to transform them into card-tables, a type seldom found in France, but common in England and the Netherlands (Note 80). One is at Bowhill in Scotland (Figs.17, 19, 20), the other was sold in London in 1972 (Fig.18, Note 79). The corner mounts on the Bowhill table, which probably also graced the other one originally, are the same as those on the two small commodes, while the handles are again to be found in an English catalogue (Fig.21, Note 81). What sounds like a similar card-table was sold at auction in Amsterdam in 1772 (Note 82). In Bongen's advertisement of 1766 mention is also made of a secretaire, this being the first appearance of this term in the Amsterdamsche Courant and Bongen finding it necessary to define it. No secretaire is known that can be attributed to him. A medal-cabinet in the form of a secretaire in Leiden (Figs.22, 23) hasfloral marquetry somewhat reminiscent of his work, but lacking its elegance, liveliness and equilibrium. Here the floral marquetry is combined with trompe l'oeil cubes and an interlaced border, early Neo-Classical elements which were first employed in France in the 1750s, so that this piece represents a later stage than those attributable to Bongen, which are all in a pure Louis xvstyle. Virtually identical in form to the medal-cabinet is a secretaire decorated solely with floral marquetry (Fig. 24, Note 87). This also appears not to be by Bongen, but both pieces may have been made under his influence. The picture we can form of Bongen's work on the basis of the signed commodes is clearly incomplete. His secretaire was decorated with '4 Children representing Trade', an exceptionally modern and original idea in 1766 even by French standards (Note 88). His ambitions in marquetry obviously wentfar beyondflowers, but no piece has yet beenfound which evinces this, nor is anything known of the Neo-Classical work which he may have produced after this style was introduced in Amsterdam around 1770. Bongen may perhaps have been the first Amsterdam cabinet-maker to produce marquetry furniture in the French style, but he was not to remain the only one. In 1771 and 1772 furniture in both the Dutch and French mode was advertised for sale at the Kistenmakerspand in Kalverstraat, where all furniture-makers belonging to the Guild of St. Joseph could sell their wares (Note 89). The 'French' pieces were probably decorated with marquetry. Only a small number of cabinet-makers are known to have worked in this style, however. They include Arnoldus Gerritsen of Rheestraat, who became a master in 1769 and sold his stock, including a 'small French inlaid Commode', in 1772, and Johan Jobst Swenebart (c.1747 - active up to 1806 or later), who became a master in 1774 and advertised in 1775 that he made 'all sorts of choice Cabinet- and Flower-works', the last term referring to furniture decorated with floral marquetry. Not only French types of furniture, but also traditional Dutch pieces were now decorated with French-inspired marquetry,for example a collector's cabinet advertised in 1775 by Johan Jacob Breytspraak (c.1739-95), who had become a master in 1769-70; a bureau-bookcase, a form introduced in the first half of the century probably under English influence (Note 100), exhibited in 1772 (Note 99); and a display cabinet for porcelain supplied, though not necessarily made, by Pieter Uylenburg en Zoon in 1775 (Notes 101, 102). Even long-case clocks were enriched with marquetry, witness the one advertised by the clock-maker J. H. Kühn in 1775 and another by him which was sold by auction in Edam in 1777 (Note 104). The latter was, like the bureau-bookcase exhibited in 1772, decorated with musical instruments, again a motif borrowed from France, where it was used increasingly from the 1760s onwards (Note 105). A clock signed by the Amsterdam clock-maker J. George Grüning also has a case with marquetry of musical instruments. This must date from about 1775-80, but its maker is unknown (Fig. 25, Notes 106, 107). All four of the Amsterdam cabinet-makers known to have done marquetry around 1770 came from Germany and all were then only recently established in Amsterdam. In fact half of the 144 Amsterdam cabinet-makers working in the second half of the 18th century whose origins it has been possible to trace came from Germany, so the German element was even stronger there than in Paris, where Germans comprised about a third of the ébénistes (Note 108) and where they had again played an important role in the revival of marquetry. None qf the four in Amsterdam was exclusively concerned with marquetry. Indeed, for some of them it may only have been a secondary aspect of their work. This was not true of Bongen, but he too made plain pieces, witness the four mahogany gueridons he made for the city of Amsterdam in 1771 or the two cupboards also made for the city in 1786 and 1789 (Notes 111, 112).No marquetry is listed in his inventory either. Perhaps fashions had changed by the time of his bankruptcy. Such scant knowledge as we have of Amsterdam cabinet-making between 1775 and 1785 certainly seems to suggest this. In the descriptions of the prizes for furraiture-lotteries, such as took place regularly from 1773 onwards (Note 114), marquetry is mentioned in 1773 and 1775 (Notes 115, 116), but after that there is no reference to itfor about tenyears. Nor is there any mention of marquetry in the very few cabinet-makers' advertisements of this period. When the clock-maker Kühn again advertised long-case clocks in 1777 and 1785, the cases were of carved mahogany (Notes 121, 122). Certainly in France the popularity of marquetry began to wane shortly before 1780 and developments in the Netherlands were probably influenced by this. Towards the end of the 1780s, however, pieces described as French and others decorated with 'inlaid work' again appear as prizes in lotteries, such as those organized by Johan Frederik Reinbregt (active 1785-95 or later), who came from Hanover (Note 128), and Swenebart. The latter advertised an inlaid mahogany secretaire in 1793 (Note 132) and similar pieces are listed in the announcement of the sale of the stock of Jean-Matthijs Chaisneux (c.1734-92), one of a small group of French upholsterers first mentioned in Amsterdam in the 1760s, who played an important part in the spread of French influence there (Note 134). In this later period, however, reference is only made to French furniture when English pieces are also mentioned, so a new juxtaposition is implied and 'French' need not mean richly decorated with marquetry as it did in the 1760s. In fact the marquetry of this period was probably of a much more modest character. A large number of pieces of Dutch furniture in the late Neo-Classical style are known, generally veneered with rosewood or mahogany, where the marquetry is confined to trophies, medallions on ribbons, geometric borders and suchlike. A sideboard in the Rijksmuseum is an exceptionally fine and elaborately decorated example of this light and elegant style (Fig. 26) None of this furniture is known for certain to have been made in Amsterdam, but two tobacco boxes with restrained marquetry decoration (Fig.27, Note 136) were made in Haarlem in 1789 by Johan Gottfried Fremming (c.1753-1832) of Leipzig, who had probably trained in Amsterdam and whose style will not have differed much from that current in the capital. Boxes of this type are mentioned in the 1789 inventory of the Amsterdam cabinet-maker Johan Christiaan Molle (c.1748-89) as the only pieces decorated with inlay (Note 138). In the 1792 inventory of Jacob Keesinger (active 1764-92) from Ziegenhain there are larger pieces of marquetry furniture as well (Note 139), but they are greatly in the minority, as is also the case with a sale of cabinet-makers' wares held in 1794 (Note 141), which included a book-case of the type in Fig.28 (Note 142). Similarly the 1795 inventory of Johan Jacob Breytspraak, one of the most important and prosperous cabinet-makers of the day, contains only a few marquetry pieces (Note 144). The 1793 inventory of Hendrik Melters (1720-93) lists tools and patterns for marquetry, but no pieces decorated with it (Note 145). Melters seems to have specialized in cases for long-case clocks, the Amsterdam clock-maker Rutgerus van Meurs (1738-1800) being one of his clients (Note 146). The cases of clocks signed by Van Meurs bear only simple marquetry motifs (Note 147). The Dutch late Neo-Classical furniture with restrained marquetry decoration has no equivalent in France; it is more reminiscent of English work (Note 148). The pattern-books of Hepplewhite and Sheraton undoubtedly found their way to the Dutch Republic and the 'English' furniture mentioned in Amsterdam sources from 1787 probably reflected their influence. However, the introduction of the late, restrained Neo-Classical style in furniture was not the result of English influence alone. Rather, the two countries witnessed a parallel development. In England, too, marquetry was re-introduced under French influence around 1760 and it gradually became much simpler during the last quarter of the century, French influences being amalgamated into a national style (Notes 150, 151). On the whole, the Frertch models were followed more closely in the Netherlands than in England. Even at the end of the century French proportions still very much influenced Dutch cabinet-making. Thus the typically Dutch late Neo-Classical style sprang from a combirtation of French and English influences. This makes it difficult to understand what exactly was meant by the distinction made between ;French' and 'English' furniture at this time. The sources offer few clues here and this is even true of the description of the sale of the stock of the only English cabinet-maker working in Amsterdam at this period, Joseph Bull of London, who was active between 1787 and 1792, when his goods were sold (Notes 155, 156).

Pulses are an important ingredient of the vegetarian diet of Indian masses. Pulses are a major source of protein predominantly among Indian vegetarian people making their diets more balanced and nutritive. In this study, analysis has been done to help out the researcher and policy makers to take decisions regarding future initiatives and programmes. In India during 2016-17 pulses were grown over an area of 29.27 million hectare producing 22.4 million tones with yield of 765 kg / per hectare. The cropping area of pulses in Haryana as compared to India is almost decreasing. The trend of contribution of pulses by Haryana at national level is also decreasing which reduces from 0.81 million tons in 1970-71 to 0.06 million tons in 2016-17. In India, about 5.63 to 10.90 percent share of food grains production is pulses. The percentage growth rate in the cropped area as well as in production of total pulses in India shows much fluctuation but serious downfall Haryana. The cropped area, production and productivity of total pulses in India shows positive trend from 10th Five Year Plan, however it is found reverse in Haryana. The highest per capita availability of pulses in a 1971-72 which was 51.22 grams per day and the lowest per capita availability of pulses in 2003-04 i.e. 10.6 grams per day in India.

Summary Forest fires play a significant role in the growth and development of trees because they can damage the phloem and cambium. Fire injury induces the formation of fire scars that can cause xylem dysfunction. The study area is located in Taşköprü, Kastamonu (Western Black Sea of Turkiye), where two forest fires occurred in 1957 and 2020. In this study, the effect of the 1957 fire on the tree-ring widths and tracheid dimensions of Pinus nigra trees was investigated. We measured tree-ring widths and tracheid dimensions of fire-scarred (FS) and unscarred (UF) trees during four different periods: the pre-fire period (1947–1956), fire event year (1957), and post–fire periods (1958–1967 and 2011–2020). In this study, UF trees showed almost 2.5–3 times wider tree–ring widths (TRWs) than FS trees. FS and UF trees also showed great variation in tracheid dimensions in the four different periods; the average tracheid diameter (TD), lumen area (TLA), and wall thickness (TWT) values increased significantly in UF trees compared to FS trees during the fire event and post-fire periods. The average TD, TLA, and average tracheid lumen diameter (TLD) decreased during the fire and post-fire years in the FS trees. In this study, we suggest that fire injury significantly affects the tracheid dimensional traits of FS Pinus nigra trees. Our results also suggest that although Pinus nigra trees experienced serious fire damage, they continued to grow but with a decrease in tracheid size.

Introduction Australia has embraced Barbie since the doll was launched at the Toy Fair in Melbourne in 1964, with Mattel Australia established in Melbourne in 1969. Barbie was initially sold in Australia with two different hairstyles and 36 separately boxed outfits. As in the US, the initial launch range was soon followed by a constant stream of additional outfits as well as Barbie’s boyfriend Ken and little sister Skipper, pets, and accessories including her dreamhouse and vehicles. Also released were variously themed Barbies (including those representing different careers and nationalities) and a seemingly ever-expanding group of friends (Gerber; Lord, Forever). These product releases were accompanied by marketing, promotion, and prominent placement in toy, department, and other stores that kept the Barbie line in clear sight of Australian consumers (Hosany) and in the forefront of toy sales for many decades (Burnett). This article focusses on a thread of subversion operating alongside the purchase of these Barbie dolls in Australia, when the phenomenon of handmade ‘do-it-yourself’ intersected with the dolls in the second half of the 1960s. Do-It-Yourself ‘Do-it-yourself’ (often expressed as DIY) has been defined as “anything that people did for themselves” (Gelber 283). The history of DIY has been researched in academic disciplines including sociology, cultural studies, musicology, architecture, marketing, and popular culture. This literature charts DIY practice across such domestic production as making clothes, furniture, and toys, growing food, and home improvements including renovating and even building entire houses (Carter; Fletcher) to more externally facing cultural production including music, art, and publications (Spencer). While DIY behaviour can be motivated by such factors as economic necessity or financial benefit, a lack of product availability or its perceived poor quality, and/or a desire for customisation, it can also be linked to the development of personal identity (Wolf and McQuitty; Williams, “A Lifestyle”; Williams, “Re-thinking”). While some mid-century considerations of DIY as a phenomenon were male-focussed (“Do-It”), women and girls were certainly also active at this time in home renovation, house building, and other projects (‘Arona’), as well as more traditionally gendered handicraft activities such as sewing and knitting. Fig. 1: Australian Home Beautiful magazine cover, November 1958, showing a woman physically engaged in home renovation activities. Australia has a long tradition of women crafting (by sewing, knitting, and crocheting, for instance) items of clothing for themselves and their families, as well as homewares such as waggas (utilitarian quilts made of salvaged or other inexpensive materials such as old blankets and grain sacks) and other quilts (Burke; Gero; Kingston; Thomas). This making was also prompted by a range of reasons, including economic or other necessity and/or the pursuit of creative pleasure, personal wellbeing, or political activism (Fletcher; Green; Lord, Vintage). It is unsurprising, then, that many have also turned their hands to making dolls’ clothes from scraps of fabrics, yarns, ribbons, and other domestic materials, as well as creating entire dolls’ houses complete with furniture and other domestic items (Benson). In the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, many Australian dolls themselves were handmade, with settlers and migrants importing European traditions of doll-making and clothing with them (Cramer). In the early twentieth century, mass-produced dolls and clothing became more available and accessible, however handmade dolls’ clothes continued to be made and circulated within families (Elvin and Elvin, The Art; Elvin and Elvin, The Australian). An article in the Weekly in 1933 contained instructions for making both cloth dolls and clothes for them (“Home-Made”), with many such articles to follow. While the 1960s saw increased consumer spending in Australia, this research reveals that this handmade, DIY ethos (at least in relation to dolls) continued through this decade, and afterwards (Carter; Wilson). This making is documented in artefacts in museum and private collections and instructions in women’s magazines, newspapers, and other printed materials including commercially produced patterns and kits. The investigation scans bestselling women’s magazine The Australian Women’s Weekly (the Weekly) and other Australian print media from the 1960s that are digitised in the National Library of Australia’s Trove database for evidence of interest in this practice. Do-It-Yourself Barbie Doll Patterns for Barbie clothes appeared in Australian women’s magazines almost immediately after the doll was for sale in Australia, including in the Weekly from 1965. The first feature included patterns for a series of quite elaborate outfits: a casual knitted jumpsuit with hooded jacket, a knitted three-piece suit of skirt, roll-necked jumper and jacket, a crocheted afternoon dress, tied with a ribbon belt and accessorised with a knitted coat and beret, and a crocheted full length evening gown and opera coat (“Glamorous”). A sense of providing the Weekly’s trusted guidance but also a reliance on makers’ individuality was prominent in this article. Although detailed instructions were provided in the feature above, for example, readers were also encouraged to experiment with yarns and decorative elements. Fig. 2: Crocheted and knitted ‘afternoon ensemble’ in “Glamorous Clothes for Teenage Dolls” feature in the Weekly, 1965. Another richly illustrated article published in 1965 focussed on creating high fashion wigs for Barbie at home. The text and photographs guided readers through the process of crafting five differently styled wigs from one synthetic hair piece: a “romantic, dreamy” Jean Shrimpton-style coiffure, deep-fringed Sassoon hairdo, layered urchin cut, low set evening bun, and pair of pigtails (Irvine, “How”). Again, makers were encouraged to express their creativity and individuality in decorating these hairstyles, with suggestions (but not directions) to personalise these styles using ribbons, tiny bows and artificial flowers, coloured pins, seed pearls, and other objects that might be to hand. Fig. 3: Detailed instructions for creating one of the wigs. Three Barbie dolls (identified as ‘teen dolls’ rather than by the brand) were featured on the cover of the Weekly on 5 January 1966, for a story about making dolls’ outfits from handkerchiefs (Irvine, “New”). This was framed as a “novel” way to use the excess of fancy hankies often received at Christmas, promising that the three ensembles could thriftily and cleverly be made from three handkerchiefs in a few hours. The instructions detail how to make a casual two-piece summer outfit accessorised with a headscarf, a smart town ensemble highlighted with flower motifs cut from broderie anglaise, and a lavish evening gown. Readers were assured this would be an engaging, “marvellous fun” as well as creative activity, as each maker needed to individually design each garment in terms of working with the individual features of the handkerchiefs they had, incorporating such elements as floral or other borders, lace edging, and overall patterns such as spots or checks (Irvine, “New”). The long-sleeved evening gown was quite an ambitious project. The gown was not only fashioned from a fine Irish linen, lace-bordered hankie, meaning some of the cutting and sewing required considerable finesse, but the neckline and hemline were then hand-beaded, as were a circlet of tiny pearls to be worn around the doll’s hair. Such delicacy was required for all outfits, with armholes and necklines for Barbie dolls very small, requiring considerable dexterity in cutting, sewing, and finishing. Fig. 4: Cover of The Australian Women’s Weekly of 5 January 1966 featuring three Barbie dolls. Only two issues later, the magazine ran another Barbie-focussed feature, this time about using oddments found around the home to make accessories for Barbie dolls. Again, the activity is promoted as thrifty and creative: “make teen doll outfits and accessories economically—all you need is imagination and a variety of household oddments” (“Turn”). Included in the full coloured article is a ‘hula’ costume made from a short length of green silk fringe and little artificial flowers sewn together, hats fashioned from a bottle top and silk flower decorated with scraps of lace and ribbon, a cardboard surfboard, aluminium foil and ice cream stick skis, and miniature ribbon-wound coat hangers. This article ended with an announcement commonly associated with calls for readers’ recipes: “what clever ideas have you got? … we will award £5 for every idea used” (“Turn”). This was a considerable prize, representing one-third of the average minimum weekly wage for full-time female workers in Australia in 1966 (ABS 320). Fig. 5: Brightly coloured illustrations making the Weekly’s “Turn Oddments into Gay Accessories”, 1966, a joyful read. This story was reinforced with a short ‘behind the scenes’ piece, which revealed the care and energy that went into its production. This reported that, when posing the ‘hulagirl’ on a fountain in Sydney’s Hyde Park, the doll fell in. While her skirt was rescued by drying in front of a fan, the dye from her lei ran and had to be scrubbed off the doll with abrasive sandsoap and the resulting stain then covered up with make-up. After the photographer built the set (inside this time), the shoot was finally completed (“The Doll”). A week later, the Weekly advertised a needlework kit for three new outfits: a beach ensemble of yellow bikini and sundress, red suit with checked blouse, and blue strapless evening gown. The garment components, with indicated gathering, seam, stitching, and cutting lines, were stamped onto a piece of fine cotton. The kit also included directions “simple enough for the young beginner seamstress” (“Teenage Doll’s”). Priced at 8/6 (85¢ in the new decimal currency introduced that year) including postage, this was a considerable saving when compared to the individual Mattel-branded clothing sets which were sold for sums ranging from 13/6 to 33/6 in 1964 (Burnett). Reader demand for these kits was so high that the supplier was overwhelmed and the magazine had to print an apology regarding delays in dispatching orders (“The Weekly”). Fig. 6: Cotton printed with garments to cut out and sew together and resulting outfits from the Weekly’s “Teenage Doll’s Wardrobe” feature, 1966. This was followed by another kit offer later in the year, this time explicitly promoted to both adult and “little girl” needleworkers. Comprising “cut out, ready to sew [material pieces] … and easy-to-follow step-by-step instructions”, this kit made an embroidered white party dress with matching slip and briefs, checked shorts and top set, and long lace and net trimmed taffeta bridesmaid dress and underclothes (“Three”). Again, at $1.60 for the kit (including postage), this was much more economical (and creative) than purchasing such outfits ready-made. Fig. 7: Party dress from “Three Lovely Outfits for Teenage Dolls” article in the Weekly, 1966. Making dolls’ clothes was an educationally sanctioned activity for girls in Australia, with needlecraft and other home economics subjects commonly taught in schools as a means of learning domestic and professionally transferable skills until the curriculum reforms of the 1970s onwards (Campbell; Cramer; Issacs). In Australia in the 1960s, Barbie dolls (and their clothing and furniture) were recommended for girls aged nine-years-old and older (Dyson), while older girls obviously also continued to interact with the dolls. A 1968 article in the Weekly, for example, praised a 13-year-old girl’s efforts in reinterpreting an adult dress pattern that had appeared in the magazine and sewing this for her Barbie (Dunstan; Forde). It was also suggested that the dolls could be used by girls who designed their own clothes but did not have a full-sized dressmaker’s model, with the advice to use a Barbie model to test a miniature of the design before making up a full-sized garment (“Buy”). Making Things for Barbie Dolls By 9 February 1966, the ‘using oddments’ contest had closed and the Weekly filled two pages with readers’ “resourceful” ideas (“Prizewinning”). These used such domestic bits and pieces as string, wire, cord, cotton reels, egg cartons, old socks, toothpicks, dried leaves, and sticky tape to create a range of Barbie accessories including a mob cap from a doily, hair rollers from cut drinking straws and rubber bands, and a suitcase from a plastic soap container with gold foil locks. A party dress and coat were fashioned from an out-of-date man’s tie and a piece of elastic. There was even a pipe cleaner dog and cardboard guitar. A month later, fifty more winning entries were published in a glossy, eight-page colour insert booklet. This included a range of clothing, accessories, and furniture which celebrated that “imagination and ingenuity, rather than dollars and cents” could equip a teen doll “for any occasion” (“50 Things”, 1). Alongside day, casual, and evening outfits, rainwear, underwear, jewellery, hats, sunglasses, footwear, a beauty case, hat boxes, and a shopping trolley and bags, readers submitted a skilfully fashioned record player with records in a stand as well as a barbeque crafted from tiny concrete blocks, sun lounge, and deckchairs. Miniature accessories included a hairdryer and lace tissue holder with tiny tissues and a skindiving set comprising mask, snorkel, and flippers. The wide variety of negligible-cost materials utilised and how these were fashioned for high effect is as interesting as the results are charming. Fig. 8: Cover of insert booklet of the entries of the 50 winners of the Weekly’s making things for Barbie from oddments competition, 1966. That women were eager to learn to make these miniature fashions and other items is evidenced by some Country Women’s Association groups holding handicraft classes on making clothes and accessories for Barbie dolls (“CWA”). That they were also eager to share the results with others is revealed in how competitions to dress teenage dolls in handmade outfits rapidly also became prominent features of Australian fetes, fairs, agricultural shows, club events, and other community fundraising activities in the 1960s (“Best”; “Bourke”; “Convent”; “Fierce”; “Frolic”; “Gala”; “Guide”; “Measles”; “Parish”; “Personal”; “Pet”; “Present”, “Purim”; “Successful”; “School Fair”; “School Fair Outstanding”; “School Fete”; “Weather”; Yennora”). Dressing Barbie joined other traditional categories such as those to dress baby, bride, national, and bed dolls (the last those dolls dressed in elaborate costumes designed as furniture decorations rather than toys). The teenage doll category at one primary school fete in rural New South Wales in 1967 was so popular that it attracted 50 entries, with many entries in this and other such competitions submitted by children (“Primary”). As the dolls became more prominent, the categories using them became more imaginative, with prizes for Barbie doll tea parties (“From”), for example. The category of dressing Barbie also became segmented with separate prizes for Barbie bride dolls, both sewn and knitted outfits (“Hobby and Pet”) and day, evening, and sports clothes (“Church”). There is no evidence from the sources surveyed that any of this making concentrated on producing career-focussed outfits for Barbie. Do-It-Yourself Ethos A do-it-yourself ethos was evident across the making discussed above. This refers to the possession of attitudes or philosophies that encourage undertaking activities or projects that involve relying on one’s own skills and resources rather than consuming mass-produced goods or using hired professionals or their services. This draws on, and develops, a sense of self-reliance and independence, and uses and enhances problem-solving skills. Creativity is central in terms of experimentation with new ideas, repurposing materials, or finding unconventional solutions to challenges. While DIY projects are often pursued independently and customised to personal preferences, makers also often collaboratively draw on, and share, expertise and resources (Wilson). It is important to note that the Weekly articles discussed above were not disguised advertorials for Barbie dolls or other Mattel products with, throughout the 1960s, the Barbies illustrated in the magazine referred to as ‘teen dolls’ or ‘teenage dolls’. However, despite this and the clear DIY ethos at work, women in Australia could, and did, make such Barbie-related items as commercial ventures. This included local artisanal dressmaking businesses that swiftly added made-to-measure Barbie doll clothes to their ranges (“Arcade”). Some enterprising women sold outfits and accessories they had made through various non-store venues including at home-based parties (“Hobbies”), in the same way as Tupperware products had been sold in Australia since 1961 (Truu). Other women sought sewing, knitting, or crocheting work specifically for Barbie doll clothes in the ‘Work wanted’ classified advertisements at this time (‘Dolls’). Conclusion This investigation has shown that the introduction of the Barbie doll unleashed more than consumer spending in Australia. Alongside purchases of the branded doll, clothes, and associated merchandise, Australians (mostly, but not exclusively, women and girls) utilised (and developed) their skills in sewing, knitting, crochet, and other crafts to make clothes for Barbie. They also displayed significant creativity and ingenuity in using domestic oddments and scraps to craft fashion accessories ranging from hats and bags to sunglasses as well as furniture and many of the other accoutrements of daily life in the second half of the 1960s in Australia. This making appears to have been prompted by a range of motivations including thrift and the real pleasures gained in crafting these miniature garments and objects. While the reception of these outfits and other items is not recorded in the publications sourced during this research, this scan of the Weekly and other publications revealed that children did love these dolls and value their wardrobes. In a description of the effects of a sudden, severe flood which affected her home south of Cairns in North Queensland, for instance, one woman described how amid the drama and terror, one little girl she knew packed up only “her teenage doll and its clothes” to take with her (Johnstone 9). The emotional connection felt to these dolls and handcrafted clothes and other objects is a rich area for research which is outside the scope of this article. Whether adult production was all ultimately intended to be gifted (or purchased) for children, or whether some was the work of early adult Barbie collectors, is also outside the scope of the research conducted for this project. As most of the evidence for this article was sourced from The Australian Women’s Weekly, a similarly close study of other magazines during the 1960s, and of whether any DIY clothing for Barbie also included career-focussed outfits, would add more information and nuance to these findings. This investigation has also concentrated on what happened in Australia during the second half of the 1960s, rather than in following decades. It has also not examined the DIY phenomenon of salvaging and refurbishing damaged Barbie dolls or otherwise altering and customising their appearance in the Australian context. These topics, as well as a full exploration of how women used Barbie dolls in their own commercial ventures, are all rich fields for further research both in terms of practice in Australia and how they were represented in popular and other media. Alongside the global outpouring of admiration for Barbie as a global icon and the success of the recent live action Barbie movie (Aguirre; Derrick), significant scholarship and other commentary have long criticised what Barbie has presented, and continues to present, to the world in terms of her body shape, race, activities, and career choices (Tulinski), as well as the pollution generated by the production and disposal of these dolls (“Feminist”; Pears). An additional line of what can be identified as resistance to the consumer-focussed commercialism of Barbie, in terms of making her clothes and accessories, seems to be connected to do-it-yourself culture. The exploration of handmade Barbie doll clothes and accessories in this article reveals, however, that what may at first appear to reflect a simple anti-commercial, frugal, ‘make do’ approach is more complex in terms of how it intersects with real people and their activities. 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The genetic base of 150 pigeonpea varieties released in India during1960 to 2018 was examined. Of these, 89, 57, three, and one variety were developed by pedigree selection, pureline selection, mutation and population improvement, respectively. Examination of pedigree records of 89 pigeonpea varieties developed through pedigree breeding method between 1971 and 2018 traced back to 113 ancestors. The highest mean genetic contribution was recorded for the genotype T 190 (0.051) accompanied by UPAS 120 (0.049) and ICP 8863 (0.043). The ancestor T 190 appeared with highest frequency of 21, directly as one of the parent (male/female) in four varieties and indirectly in the development of 17 varieties. Similarly, the ancestors UPAS 120 and ICP 8863 were more frequently used (in nine varieties) as direct parents followed by T 21 and C 11 (in five varieties). The variety PRG 176 involved the highest number (9) of ancestors during the course of its development followed by the variety VBN (Rg) 3 with eight ancestors. Results indicated that 51.69% (46 of the 89 varieties) of released varieties were developed through bi-parental crossing whereas 48.31% involved multiple parents. The frequent use of a limited number of ancestors has caused the narrow genetic base of released pigeonpea varieties. We recommend large-scale deployment of novel germplasm resources for generating broad-base breeding populations. This will help to obtain improved pigeonpea cultivars with high grain yield, biotic tolerance and climate adaptation.

Abstract Dynamics in non-structural carbohydrate (NSC) pools may underlie observed drought legacies in tree growth. We assessed how aridity influences the dynamics of different-aged NSC pools in tree sapwood at two sites with differing climate conditions (‘wet’ vs. ‘dry’) that also experienced widespread regional drought five years earlier. We used an incubation method to measure radiocarbon (Δ14C) in CO2 respired from Populus tremuloides (aspen) tree rings to evaluate NSC storage and mixing patterns, coupled with measurements of NSC (soluble sugars, starch) concentrations and respired δ13C-CO2. At a wet site, CO2 respired from rings formed during 1962–1967 was only ~ 11 years old, suggesting deep sapwood mixing of NSCs as starch. At a dry site, total NSC was about one-third of wet site totals, maximum ages in deep rings were lower, and ages more rapidly increased in shallow rings then plateaued. These results suggest historically shallower mixing and/or relatively higher consumption of NSCs under dry conditions. Both sites, however, had similar aged NSC (&lt;1 yr) in the most recent six rings, indicative of deep radial mixing following relatively wet conditions during the sampling year. We suggest significant differences in NSC mixing among sites are driven by moisture stress, where aridity reduces NSC reserves and restricts the depth of radial mixing. However, dynamic climate conditions in the southwestern US resulted in more complex radial patterns of sapwood NSC age than previously described. We suggest a novel conceptual framework to understand how moisture variability might influence the dynamics of NSC mixing in the sapwood.

Abstract. Galdikas BM, Linsky RE, Djojoasmoro R, Lorenz J, Wagner RS. 2023. A 50 year decennial survey of male Bornean orangutans (Pongo pygmaeus wurmbii) with supplemental genetic analysis in Tanjung Puting National Park, Indonesia. Biodiversitas 24: 2587-2595. This study investigates the declining presence of adult males in a protected wild population of Bornean orangutans (Pongo pygmaeus wurmbii) at the Camp Leakey study area in Tanjung Puting National Park (TPNP), Central Kalimantan, Indonesian Borneo. Orangutan populations are in decline due to habitat destruction and fragmentation. Documenting changes within existing orangutan populations over time is important to understand demographic changes that may indicate pre-extinction processes and imminent collapse. Wild orangutan behavior has been studied at Camp Leakey since 1971. Observations of orangutans over the past five decades have documented a greatly decreased number of encounters with flanged adult males. A supplementary six-month genetic study was hindered by the fact that only two adult males briefly appeared in the study area in 2016 as compared to 40 adult male encounters in the same time period in 1976. The decline which appears most visible in data from 1986 to 1996 continues into 2006 and 2016. Genotypes from 24 wild adult orangutans encountered in 2016 were analyzed to assess the expected genetic parameters of a wild orangutan population. Pairwise relatedness was high among and between adult females and subadult males. The only two flanged males present during the genetic survey shared zero pairwise relatednesses. However, both flanged males had non-zero pairwise relatedness with other members of the Camp Leakey community and thus it is likely they were from different local areas. These data show the genetic consequences of the observed demographic changes. As TPNP forests have become disconnected from neighboring habitats, natural orangutan male dispersal may be disrupted. Disruption of male dispersal would increase the risk of accelerated extirpation for the orangutan population in TPNP as well as other orangutan populations, especially those that are remnant and less protected.