Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Fear – Political aspects – Poland »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Fear – Political aspects – Poland"
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Kurz, Dariusz, et Agata Nowak. « Analysis of the Impact of the Level of Self-Consumption of Electricity from a Prosumer Photovoltaic Installation on Its Profitability under Different Energy Billing Scenarios in Poland ». Energies 16, no 2 (14 janvier 2023) : 946. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en16020946.
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Renewable Energy Sources (RES) have been gaining popularity on a continuous basis and the current global political situation is only accelerating energy transformation in many countries. Objectives related to environmental protection and use of RES set by different countries all over the world as well as the European Union (EU) are becoming priorities. In Poland, after years of a boom in photovoltaic (PV) installations, the Renewable Energy Sources Act has been amended, resulting in a change to the billing system for electricity produced by individual prosumers. The change in the billing method, also in pursuance to the provisions of EU laws, has contributed to the inhibition of the PV installation market for fear of energy prices and investment payback time. In this paper, by using the Net Present Value (NPV) method, three mechanisms of billing of electricity from prosumer micro-installations—based on the net-metering principle and net-billing principle (using monthly and hourly prices)—have been analysed. Particular attention has also been paid to the aspects of electricity self-consumption and energy storages, which play a significant role in the economy of PV installations in the net-billing system.
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Rupasov, Aleksander. « Finland in Search of Foreign Policy Guidelines ». ISTORIYA 12, no 7 (105) (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016509-8.
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The article analyzes Finland's attempts to find a solution to current foreign policy problems in the interwar period. The main problem was the search for possible allies and guarantors of independence. The solution to this problem was complicated by a complex of factors: the limited interest of the great powers in accepting obligations guaranteeing the preservation of independence by Finland, the political and military weakness of possible allies (Latvia and Estonia), contradictions in relations with Sweden (not least caused by domestic political aspects both in Finland and Sweden), fears about Poland's foreign policy ambitions, potentially dangerous Finnish involvement in crisis situations Domestic political consensus on the issue of foreign policy orientation seemed to be achieved in the mid-1930s. However, the so-called Scandinavian orientation did not even partially solve the security problem. By the beginning of the pan-European crisis, the search for guarantors of independence remained an unresolved problem.
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Legvold, Robert, et Jan T. Gross. « Fear : Anti-Semitism in Poland after Auschwitz ». Foreign Affairs 85, no 6 (2006) : 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20032185.
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Krzyżaniak, Aleksandra. « Dialectic of Fear : Centre-Liberal Media Discourse on Gender, LGBTQIA+ and Abortion in Contemporary Poland ». Literatura Ludowa 66, no 4 (30 décembre 2022) : 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/ll.4.2022.005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
References to fear are often associated with narratives created by right-wing parties and media, especially while talking about issues such as gender, LGBTQIA+ or abortion. However, similar practices can be found in centre-liberal discourse, proving that the creation and reproduction of the dialectic of fear can apply to all agents, no matter their political affiliation. The article aims to challenge popular academic perceptions of the sources of fear by proposing a counterperspective that means to shift perception on agents of polarisation. Used examples focus on contemporary Polish mainstream centre-liberal newspapers which reproduce fear in their narrative, adding to both local and worldwide phenomena of political polarisation and radicalisation.
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Szumski, Jerzy. « Fear of Crime, Social Rigorism and Mass Media in Poland ». International Review of Victimology 2, no 3 (janvier 1993) : 209–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975809300200303.
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The article presents the results of the few victimisation surveys carried out in Poland. They reveal relatively low levels of crime in Poland, but which are not correlated with the official criminal statistics. The article criticises the method for compiling criminal statistics adopted by the Polish police, a method which enables enforcement agencies to manipulate the statistics on the dynamics of crime. Despite the low fear of being victimised, the results of socio-logical and legal empirical studies show that Polish society is rigorous as far as controlling crime is concerned. The article argues that the main cause of this stems from a mass media information policy which is not based on objective facts nor on scientific findings, and which did not change following the destruction of so-called ‘real socialism’.
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Balicki, Janusz. « Islamophobia in Poland in the Context of the Migration Crisis in Europe ». Ecumeny and Law 9, no 1 (29 juin 2021) : 117–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/eal.2021.09.1.06.
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The high level of fear of Islam in Poland arose in spite of the fact that Poland has very few Muslims, just 0.1% of the population. This phenomenon began to surface in 2004, after Poland’s accession to the EU but grew considerably in 2015, during the so-called migration crisis in Europe. Public opinion polls indicate that it can be described by the term “Islamophobia”, which is often used in the literature of social and political sciences. The aim of the article is to explain the reasons for such a high level of fear of Muslims in Poland and the negative attitude towards Islam, given that it is contrary to the teaching of the Catholic Church, with which Polish society mostly identifies. The article consists of three parts. Part one presents the reaction of the EU Member States to the migration crisis in Europe. The second part analyzes the position of the United Right (Pol. Zjednoczona Prawica) political coalition in Poland, towards immigrants and refugees from Muslim countries. Part three confronts the stands of the United Right in Poland and the position of the Catholic Church towards Islam.
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Novita, Shally, Dhini Andriani, Erika, Mariusz Lipowski et Małgorzata Lipowska. « Anxiety towards COVID-19, Fear of Negative Appearance, Healthy Lifestyle, and Their Relationship with Well-Being during the Pandemic : A Cross-Cultural Study between Indonesia and Poland ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no 12 (20 juin 2022) : 7525. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19127525.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has led to massive changes in almost all aspects of human life, including emotional states such as anxiety and fear, perspectives about healthy lifestyles, and psychological outcomes. This study aimed to disentangle the mechanisms that underlie the relationships of anxiety towards COVID-19 and fear of negative appearance with well-being, we also investigated the effects of cultural variations on levels of anxiety, fear of negative appearance, healthy lifestyles, and well-being. A total of 881 Indonesians (n = 172) and Poles (n = 709) participated in this study. Participants completed self-report measures of psychological well-being, anxiety, fear of negative appearance, compulsive exercise, and eating disorders. Multigroup structural equation modelling (SEM) was used. The results showed no statistically meaningful relationship between anxiety towards COVID-19 and well-being. However, it was found that, in the Polish sample, compulsive exercise and eating disorders mediated the relationship between fear of negative appearance and well-being. Cultural differences were also found in the mean scores of all examined constructs, with eating disorders being an exception. Therefore, this study highlights cultural aspects that determine emotional states, healthy lifestyles, and well-being.
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PALDIEL, MORDECAI. « FEAR AND COMFORT : THE PLIGHT OF HIDDEN JEWISH CHILDREN IN WARTIME-POLAND ». Holocaust and Genocide Studies 6, no 4 (1992) : 397–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/6.4.397.
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Pavlova, Maria. « The military-political aspect of Polish-American relations in 2020 ». Russia and America in the 21st Century, no 2 (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015883-8.
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The article examines key aspects of political and military cooperation between Poland and the United States in 2020. The main attention is paid to on-going discussions about Poland's involvement in NATO nuclear programs and the development of the idea of creating a base for the permanent deployment of the US troops in Poland.
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Bartoszewski, Wladyslaw. « Flying Through the Fear Barrier ». Index on Censorship 14, no 2 (avril 1985) : 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533861.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The story of the TKN — the Society for Academic Courses, known as the ‘Flying University’ — which was set up to counter the omissions and distortions in state education. ‘Our greatest achievement was breaking the barrier of fear, bringing people together for the purpose of self-education, and simply sustaining the will to carry on.’ Two distinguished representatives of the thriving ‘alternative culture’ in Poland visited the USA and Britain respectively last year. One spoke about the activities of the ‘Society for Academic Courses’ which is responsible for university lectures in private apartments, trying in particular to set the record straight as regards Polish history; and the other spoke about the successes of the leading Catholic publishing house which has just celebrated its 25th anniversary. Professor Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, while visiting the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, gave an interview to Marek Nowak, the full text of which appeared in Studium Papers (Ann Arbor) 3/1984; a condensed version is printed below. During a visit to London, Jacek Wozniakowski described the work of the Znak publishing house, of which he is the Director. (See box ‘Znak: Making people's voices heard.’)
Thèses sur le sujet "Fear – Political aspects – Poland"
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Ganczak, Iwona. « At the crossroads of politics and culture : Polish dissident art of the 1980s ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83104.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis will examine the political and social significance of the new artistic language that emerged in Poland in the 1980s. The new artistic language pertains to symbols, imagery and themes that originated in the discourse of the opposition and can be defined as the amalgam of the traditional religious vocabulary and time-specific symbols of oppression under Communism. The most prominent in this category are the symbols of the cross, the flowers, the national red and white flag, exclusively contemporary symbols such as the "television-people" as well as an array of traditional religious vocabulary. This unusual relationship between symbolic language of art and the symbols of the Church and the Solidarity accounted for the inherently political nature of dissident art. This thesis will discuss dissident art in context of the contemporary discourses: the discourse of the Communist Party, the Church, John Paul II and Solidarity.
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Colunga, Jeannie Marie. « We have nothing to fear but tropes themselves : Rhetoric in the speeches of Franklin Delano Roosevelt ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1993. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/701.
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Wise, Gianni Ian Media Arts College of Fine Arts UNSW. « Scenario House ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Media Arts, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/26230.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Scenario House, a gallery based installation, is comprised of a room constructed as a ???family room??? within a domestic space, a television with a looped video work and a sound componant played through a 5.1 sound system. The paper is intended to give my work context in relation to the processes leading up to its completion. This is achieved through clarification of the basis for the installation including previous socio-political discourses within my art practice. It then focuses on ways that the installation Scenario House is based on gun practice facilities such as the Valhalla Shooting Club. Further it gives an explanation of the actual production, in context with other art practices. It was found that distinctions between ???war as a game??? and the actual event are being lost within ???simulation revenge scenarios??? where the borders distinguishing gaming violence, television violence and revenge scenarios are increasingly indefinable. War can then be viewed a spectacle where the actual event is lost in a simplified simulation. Scenario House as installation allows audience immersion through sound spatialisation and physical devices. Sound is achieved by design of a 5.1 system played through a domestic home theatre system. The physical design incorporates the dual aspect of a gun shooting club and a lounge room. Further a film loop is shown on the television monitor as part of the domestic space ??? it is non-narrative and semi-documentary in style. The film loop represents the mediation of the representation of fear where there is an exclusion of ???the other??? from the social body. When considering this installation it is important to note that politics and art need not be considered as representing two separate and permanent realities. Conversely there is a need to distance politicised art production from any direct political campaign work in so far as the notion of a campaign constitutes a fixed and inflexible space for intellectual and cultural production. Finally this paper expresses the need to maintain a critical openness to media cultures that dominate political discourse. Art practices such as those of Martha Rosler, Haacke and Paul McCarthy are presented as effective strategies for this form of production.
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Aly, Anne M. « Audience responses to the Australian media discourse on terrorism and the 'other' : the fear of terrorism between and among Australian Muslims and the broader community ». Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2008. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/176.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The terrorist attcks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001 heralded an era of unprecedented media and public attention on the global phenomenon of terrorism. Implicit in the Australian media's discourse on terrorism that evolved out of the events of 11 September is a construction of the Western world (and specifically Australia) as perpetually at threat of terrorism.
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Ott, Janelle (Bassoonist). « The Concerto for Bassoon by Andrzej Panufnik : Religion, Liberation, and Postmodernism ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849689/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Concerto for Bassoon by Andrzej Panufnik is a valuable addition to bassoon literature. It provides a rare opportunity for the bassoon soloist to perform a piece which is strongly programmatic. The purpose of this document is to examine the historical and theoretical context of the Concerto for Bassoon with special emphasis drawn to Panufnik's understanding of religion in connection with Polish national identity and the national struggle for democratic independence galvanized by the murder of Father Jerzy Popieluszko in 1984. Panufnik's relationship with the Polish communist regime, both prior to and after his 1954 defection to England, is explored at length. Each of these aspects informed Panufnik's compositional approach and the expressive qualities inherent in the Concerto for Bassoon.
The Concerto for Bassoon was commissioned by the Polanki Society of Milwaukee, Wisconsin and was premiered by the Milwaukee Chamber Players, with Robert Thompson as the soloist. While Panufnik intended the piece to serve as a protest against the repression of the Soviet government in Poland, the U. S. context of the commission and premiere is also examined. Additionally, the original manuscript and subsequent piano reduction are compared.
Although the Concerto for Bassoon has been subject to formal analysis by several scholars, discussion of the piece is generally contained within a larger discussion of several other compositions, and a comprehensive analysis of the piece has not yet been presented. This document contains a thorough formal analysis of all movements, as well as analysis of Panufnik's compositional style within the context of serialism, postmodernism, and the new Polish school of composition. The Concerto fro Bassoon features several devices common to Panufnik's larger opus, including the se of a common three-note cell, strong contrasts between section and movements, and symmetrical patterns of transposition, metric alteration, dynamic alteration, and registral expansion.
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Merron, James Lawrence. « Wattle we do ? alien eradication and the 'ecology of fear' on the fringes of a world heritage site, South Africa ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002655.
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In their article ―Naturing the Nation: Aliens, the Apocalypse and the Post Colonial State (2001) Jean and John Comaroff look at ―the contemporary predicament of South Africa through the prism of environmental catastrophe. Through it they reveal the context in which alien plants have become an urgent affair of the state. Following their lead, I show how alien plants (particularly Australian wattle) continue to provide grounds for new social and political aspirations in South Africa, though in a different setting. With reference to a group of private landowners on the fringe of a World Heritage Site -- the Baviaanskloof Mega-Reserve, Eastern Cape, South Africa -- I show how an increasingly apocalyptic and xenophobic environmental agenda has influenced local activists seeking to address social and ecological issues in tandem with alien-eradication. These local activists adhere to a particular brand of environmentalism which Milton (1993) argues can be considered a social, cultural and religious phenomenon. The subjects of my main empirical investigation offer practical ways of achieving a transformational end through a new ritual activity in relation to a spread and exchange of environmental ideas and practices on a world-wide scale. On the ground this group practices ecosocietal restoration through which they aspire to mend the bond between people and the land in a spiritual and moral sense, bolstering intrinsic incentives for environmental stewardship and achieving ―cultural reconciliation in an attempt to reimagine what South Africa could be.
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KAMINSKI, Bruno. « Fear management : foreign threats in the postwar Polish propaganda : the influence and the reception of the communist media (1944 -1956) ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/41785.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 14 June 2016Examining Board: Professor Pavel Kolár (EUI) - Supervisor; Professor Alexander Etkind (EUI); Professor Anita Prazmowska (London School Of Economics); Professor Dariusz Stola (University of Warsaw and Polish Academy of Science).
The idea of this dissertation ascends from the scholarly interest in developing the issue of the history of emotions. Among four basic emotions, this thesis explores the vital historical and social aspects of the emotion of fear. In particular, this thesis offers a complex introduction to the general problem of propaganda fear management in communist Poland. The concept of fear management is examined as a manipulation of the propaganda information, referring to both the real and artificially stimulated fears with a special focus on external dreads. The entire set of figures of foreign threats are investigated as rhetorical tropes of the 'external enemies of Poland', exploited by communist propaganda with the intention of legitimising the power of the postwar authorities and to delegitimise the alliance with the USA and its Western partners. In this thesis, the foreign threats are represented mainly by the 'German threat', 'American dread' and the 'danger provoked by Western spies'. Along with the examination of the various ways and circumstances in which the above propaganda strategy was applied, this dissertation addresses the crucial problem of the social attitude towards communist media efforts dedicated to manipulation with fear. All six chapters of this thesis offer conclusions dedicated to popular reception of particular propaganda campaigns exploiting a given threat. Analysis of these conclusions allows tracing the dynamic of social moods in relation both to propaganda activity and socio-political circumstances shaping the atmosphere within Polish postwar society. The parallel discussion of the implementation of, and social reaction towards, the propaganda fear management strategy allows general conclusions to be drawn concerning the effectiveness of communication between the communist authorities and society in the Socialist Bloc. Based on archival research, this thesis shows and interprets the efficiency of communist media attempts to manage the emotion of fear.
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Clark, Julie. « Parliamentary debates about fear-of-crime : knowledge, identity, and responsibility ». Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147348.
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Basiak, Magdalena. « Kod komunikacyjny męskości w kształtowaniu wizerunku publicznego w marketingu politycznym (analiza mediów polskich i francuskich) ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/142.
Texte intégralRésumé :
W niniejszej pracy przyjęto, że kod komunikacyjny płcijest narzędziem marketingu politycznego. Służy przekazaniu treści mających na celu pozyskanie poparcia wyborców. Polega na uwypukleniu tych spośród zachowań autoprezentacyjnych polityków,
których podłożem są role społeczne związane z płcią. Zgodnie z tą definicjązałożono, że kod komunikacyjny męskości zawarty jest w zachowaniachpolityków, które nawiązują do ról społecznych związanych z męskością. Za pośrednictwem kodu przekazywane są treści społeczno-kulturowe i polityczne, których celemjest propagowanie danych poglądów, wywoływanie określonych wrażeń, a w efekcie kreowanie wizerunku osób publicznych
i ich promowanie.
Przeprowadzona w niniejszej pracy analiza jest porównaniem wybranych artykułów na temat przedwyborczych zachowań polityków, które ukazały się w prasie polskiej
i francuskiej. Wybór tych dwóch krajów uzasadniają zarówno zachodzące między nimi liczne podobieństwa, jak i różnice pozwalające na stworzenie płaszczyzny porównania. W oparciu
o założenie, że kod komunikacyjny jest nośnikiem komunikatów zakodowanych,
które wymagają odkodowania przez odbiorcę przyjęto, że jego istotą jest przekazywanie jednych treści za pośrednictwem drugich. Rozumiany w ten sposób kod komunikacyjny męskości może być przedmiotem badań analizy tekstowej culturalstudies. W badaniach tego typu zaznaczenia wymaga jednak to, że odczytanie jednego konkretnego sensu nie jest możliwe. W związku z tym przeprowadzana w niniejszej pracy analiza kodu komunikacyjnego męskościpolegała m.in. na próbie zrozumienia aspektu kulturowego danego przekazu, nie zaś na jego dosłownym tłumaczeniu.
W pracy wyróżniono dwa typykodu komunikacyjnego płci – kod komunikacyjny męskości i kod komunikacyjny kobiecości. Obydwa kody zostały poddane analizie:
kod męskości jako główny przedmiot badań, kod kobiecości jako kontekst pogłębiający
to badanie.
W toku przygotowań rozprawy zdecydowano przyjąć za główny cel badawczy zdefiniowanie kodu komunikacyjnego męskości, jego rozpoznanie w analizowanych tekstach, klasyfikację typów, ich opis i określenie funkcji, jakie pełnią w marketingu politycznym
w Polsce i we Francji. Za cel poboczny pracy przyjęto analizę poszczególnych typów kodu komunikacyjnego męskości, którąprzeprowadzono w oparciu o role społeczne związane
z płcią oraz współcześnie funkcjonujące przekonania na temat płci, w tym stereotypy. Ponadto podjęto próbę charakterystyki kodu komunikacyjnego kobiecości występującego
we Francji poprzez (analogicznie jak w przypadku kodu komunikacyjnego męskości)
jego rozpoznanie w analizowanych tekstach, klasyfikację typów, ich opis i określenie funkcji, jakie pełnią w marketingu politycznym.
Za hipotezę główną pracy przyjęto stwierdzenie, że kod komunikacyjny męskości
jest narzędziem marketingu politycznego w Polsce i we Francji, które uwypukla
u polityka męskie cechy charakteru i tym samym służy przekazaniu treści mających
na celu pozyskanie poparcia wyborców. Podczas formułowania powyższego stwierdzenia, uszczegółowieniu przedmiotu badań posłużyły następujące hipotezy poboczne:
kod komunikacyjny męskości ma wymiar społeczno-kulturowy, w związku z czym można
go badać w oparciu o role społeczne związane z płcią, wśród których głównymi są rola ojca
i męża oraz współcześnie funkcjonujące przekonania na temat płci, w tym stereotypy.
Celem przeprowadzonego w rozprawie badania jest zdefiniowanie kodu komunikacyjnego męskości, a następnie stwierdzenie, czy i w jaki sposób jest stosowany
jako narzędzie marketingu politycznego.In this dissertationit was assumed that communication code of gender is a tool of political marketing. The aim is to convey the content in order to gain the support of voters. It highlights those from self-presentation behavior of politicians, which are based on gender roles. According to this definition, it was assumed that the communication code of masculinity is used in those behavior of politicians, which refer to the social roles associated with masculinity. The aim of this code there isto transmit socio-cultural and politicalcontent, and in effect to create the image of politicians and promote it. The analysis in thisdissertation is a comparison of selected articles on the pre-election political behavior, which were published in the Polish and French press. The choice of these two countries is justified by many similarities but also differences between them, which allow to create the dimension of comparison. Understood in this way, the communication code of masculinity can be the subject of text analysis of cultural studies. However in these type of studies,it is needed to highlight that it is not possible to talk about one oarticular sense. Consequently, this analysis of communication code of masculinity is attempt to understand of the cultural aspect of the message, rather than the literal translation. In this dissertation there were distinguished two types of communication code of gender –code of masculinity and code of femininity. Both codes have been analyzed: the code of masculinity as the main object of analysis, the code of femininity as a context for deepening the study. The main thesis is that the communication code of masculinity is a tool of political marketing. It is used for sending messages in order to gain the support of voters. The main objective of the research is to define the communication code of masculinity, its recognition in the analyzed texts, the classification of types, description and definition of the role which they play in political marketing in Poland and in France. The secondary objective is the analysis of different types of communication code of masculinity, which are based on social gender roles and contemporary beliefs about the functioning of gender, including stereotypes. In addition, the author tried tocharacterize also the communication code of femininityin France through (as in the case of communication code of masculinity) by diagnosis if it is present in analyzed texts, the classification of types, their description and definition of the role that they play in political marketing. The main hypothesis is a statement that the communication code of masculinityis a tool of political marketing in Poland and France, which highlights male character of politicians behavior in order to gain the support of voters. The other hypotheses which were used are: communication code of masculinity hasthe socio-cultural dimension and because of that it is possible to analyze it on the basis of social roles based on gender, belong which the main are the role of father and husband, and on contemporary beliefs about gender, including stereotypes.The main aim of the dissertation is to define the communication code of masculinity and then to verify if and how it is usedas a tool of political marketing.
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Mahla, Daniel. « Orthodoxy in the Age of Nationalism : Agudat Yisrael and the Religious Zionist Movement in Germany, Poland and Palestine 1912-1952 ». Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8Q81BCR.
Texte intégralRésumé :
While it is widely recognized that Zionism was inspired and shaped by modern European nationalism, Orthodox responses to Zionism (whether nationalist or anti-nationalist) are typically viewed as internal Jewish affairs. This dissertation argues that these responses, like Zionism itself, must be understood in their Eastern and Central European contexts. When appropriately contextualized, the anti-Zionist Agudat Yisrael and the Zionist Mizrahi movement take on a different meaning than that assigned them in the conventional narrative. In particular, these movements were not the natural and inevitable results of preexisting ideological differences but, rather, were a product of power struggles that, themselves, shaped and consolidated differing ideological positions.
Livres sur le sujet "Fear – Political aspects – Poland"
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Mosaic of fear : Poland and East Germany before 1989. Boulder : East European Monographs, 1998.
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Stearns, Peter N. American Fear. London : Taylor and Francis, 2006.
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Evrigenis, Ioannis D. Fear of enemies and collective action. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2008.
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Zielonka, Jan. Political ideas in contemporary Poland. Aldershot : Avebury, 1989.
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Fear. Delhi, India : Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, 2010.
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Alternative theatre in Poland, 1954-1989. Amsterdam, Netherlands : Harwood Academic Publishers, 1996.
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La culture de la peur. Paris : Galilée, 2008.
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The multiculturalism of fear. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2000.
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Stearns, Peter N. American fear : The causes and consequences of high anxiety. New York, NY : Routledge, 2007.
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Erickson, Chris. The poetics of fear : A human response to human security. New York : Continuum, 2010.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Fear – Political aspects – Poland"
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Nowak, Andrzej W. « Fear, Doubt and Money. War of Ideas, Production of Ignorance and Right-Wing Infrastructures of Knowledge and Hegemony in Poland ». Dans International Political Economy Series, 223–49. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78915-2_13.
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Landström, Yrsa. « Remaining Foreign Fighters : Fear, Misconceptions and Counterproductive Responses ». Dans Understanding the Creeping Crisis, 51–67. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70692-0_4.
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AbstractThe Syrian conflict gave rise to a large mobilization of Islamist foreign fighters. In recent years, many of these foreign fighters have asked to be repatriated from overcrowded refugee camps in northern Syria, camps known as hotbeds for radicalization. While researchers and humanitarian organizations largely agree that repatriation can prevent further radicalization and transnational threats, political leaders refuse to act. As the dire humanitarian situation in the camps and a denial of responsibility at home intensify, the situation is becoming more acute. This chapter explores the issue of remaining foreign fighters in Syria and the evolving threat situation as an example of a creeping crisis. The chapter focuses specifically on the Swedish handling of these foreign fighters. At least three hundred Swedish citizens traveled to Syria in 2012. In recent years, many of these have asked to be repatriated. Similar to its European counterparts, the Swedish government has refused to meet these foreign fighters’ requests, potentially generating a broader global threat. The Swedish response is the focus of this chapter and illuminates one of the key aspects of a creeping crisis.
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Wesołowska, Judyta, Małgorzata Mirecka et Tomasz Majda. « The Evolution of the Planning System in Poland from Sectoral to Integrated Strategic Planning ». Dans Smart and Sustainable Planning for Cities and Regions, 225–37. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57764-3_15.
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AbstractThe paper focuses on the evolution of the planning system in Poland. Its purpose is to show the evolution from short-term planning, subordinated to the requirements of the country’s economic development, to a long-term planning system, integrating various aspects of development—spatial, natural, economic, and social, taking place over the last century. The process described in the paper was largely conditioned by historical events, and the poor economic situation of the country in the post-war period and the changes taking place in the political system. The need for rapid economic development of the country dominated the planning of the interwar period (1920s and 1930s) and post-war period (1950s to 1970s), although the economic, social, and natural conditions were taken into account in 1930s spatial planning. The most complete representation of spatial integration of various planning scopes is visible in the “National Spatial Development Concept 2030,” which was the main subject of the study, as the basic document concerning national spatial planning. The research demonstrates the novelty of this document in relation to previous ones. It is based on the vision of Polish space on, the development of functional areas, determined on the basis of socioeconomic and spatial features treated in a dynamic approach. The need for changes in applicable law that would allow the “National Spatial Development Concept 2030” to be implemented in planning practice is also pointed out. The material presented in the paper may form the basis for comparative studies of planning documents on a national level in various European countries.
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Wiącek, Marcin. « Constitutional Crisis in Poland 2015–2016 in the Light of the Rule of Law Principle ». Dans Defending Checks and Balances in EU Member States, 15–33. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-62317-6_2.
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AbstractThis chapter concerns the constitutional crisis in Poland that began in 2015. It was triggered by appointing judges of the Constitutional Tribunal, by the outgoing Parliament, and then by re-appointing new judges for the same vacancies. Thus, the status of three judges elected by the previous Parliament and three judges elected by the current Parliament remains disputable.One of the crucial elements of the rule of law is the principle of legality. There are two aspects of this principle: the presumption of legality that covers all acts of state bodies; the revoking of this presumption may be performed only within procedures prescribed by the law. The law should indicate a state body competent to revoke the presumption of legality and define the legal effects of such revoking. If the law is incomplete, incoherent or imprecise in that scope—that may lead to legal and political crisis. Polish legislation and Constitution fail to comply with the said standard. This is one of the causes of the constitutional crisis in Poland.In a state governed by the rule of law state bodies should mutually respect their acts. State bodies should not treat acts or decisions issued by other state bodies as invalid or non-existent, unless it is declared within a procedure prescribed by the law. Otherwise, a legal chaos may occur. Courts are not empowered to evaluate the lawfulness of the Tribunal’s judgments. One of the crucial elements of the rule of law principle is the certainty of law.
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Rebane, Martin. « Some aspects of telling political jokes in Soviet Estonia ». Dans ESTONIA AND POLAND : Creativity and tradition in cultural communication, 111–16. ELM Scholarly Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ep.1.rebane.
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Shklar, Judith N. « Hobbes and Modern Contract Theory ». Dans On Political Obligation, sous la direction de Samantha Ashenden et Andreas Hess, 105–20. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300214994.003.0010.
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In these chapters Shklar takes the reader through the various aspects of early modern and modern contract theories of government. She looks into Hobbes’s fear of protracted civil war and what could be done about it discusses Locke’s response to Hobbes, and Hume’s, Rousseau’s and Kant’s theories of what consent means and what this implies for loyalty and obedience.
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Daniel, Rob. « Introduction ». Dans Cape Fear, 9–18. Liverpool University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800857018.003.0002.
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The introduction provides an overview of the 1991 Cape Fear, and aspects of it the book will analyse. How the remake began as a Steven Spielberg film, and how Spielberg and Robert De Niro drew Martin Scorsese into a project for which he originally had little interest. An overview of the original John D. MacDonald novel, The Executioners, plus the original film adaptation from 1962. How Scorsese’s recruitment of cinematographer Freddie Francis and title designers Saul and Elaine Bass are evidence of him approaching Cape Fear as a horror film. An introduction to the controversy in 1991, including misogyny accusations levelled at the film, plus the cultural and political milieu into which the film was released. General introduction to why Cape Fear makes most sense as horror cinema, and how commentary at the time used language better suited to describing horror films when discussing what was ostensibly a thriller.
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Stoner, Andrew E. « Politics Mediated ». Dans Fear, Hate, and Victimhood, 141–76. University Press of Mississippi, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496838452.003.0006.
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This chapter explores the role of media in covering political campaigns as adventure and entertainment, with a lack of focus on issues or policy discussion. Public imagery and public relations aspects override examination of thorough appraisal of candidate positions. The author examines: symbiotic relationship of the media and candidates; creation of “good copy” for reporters; development of relationships between journalists and campaigns. There is a trend of placing blame on the media for simmering discontent and controversy – “blame the messenger.” Increased uses and gratifications by media audiences moves political discourse more toward entertainment. The author investigates the growing resentment of and threats to a free press, the supplanting traditional media via social media, and the “dramatic potential” of television to cast candidates as characters, allowing them to override issues of absence of logic, pandering, or manipulation.
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Stoner, Andrew E. « Politics of Success and Failure ». Dans Fear, Hate, and Victimhood, 177–86. University Press of Mississippi, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496838452.003.0007.
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This chapter provides explanations for Trump’s success where Wallace found only electoral failure. The author explores: vast similarities between the candidates where braggadocious and mockery are respected and enjoyed aspects of speech, but differences in their “back story” and persona before the media; skewed ideas of success versus failure; influence of money upon political campaigns. Tight controls placed upon media exposure to the candidate via rallies or other favourable backdrops, as opposed to interviews, are examined, along with an emphasis upon the aesthetic and/or physical dimensions of the candidate rather than their positions on issues.
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McQueen, Alison. « The Wages of Fear ? » Dans Philosophy and Climate Change, 152–77. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796282.003.0008.
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What role, if any, should appeals to fear play in climate change communication? Moral and practical worries about fear appeals in the climate change debate have caused some to turn toward hope appeals. This chapter argues that fear can be a rational and motivationally powerful response to climate change. While there are good reasons to worry about the use of fear in politics, climate change fear appeals can be protected against the standard criticisms of political fear. Hope appeals, by contrast, seem vulnerable to serious motivational drawbacks in the case of climate change. We should not therefore abandon fear appeals in favor of hope appeals. Instead, we should take our bearings from Aristotle in an effort to cultivate fear more responsibly. Aristotle offers an appealing model of “civic fear” that preserves the best aspects of hope, elicits rather than extinguishes our sense of agency, and invites rather than forecloses deliberation.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Fear – Political aspects – Poland"
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Makrevska Disoska, Elena, et Katerina Shapkova Kocevska. « THE IMPACT OF HUMAN FREEDOMS ON ECONOMIC GROWTH ». Dans Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2020.0016.
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The impact of formal institutions, including rule of law, human rights, and civil liberties on economic growth has been in the focus of the latest research agenda of the new institutional economics due to the current pandemic of the Corona-19 virus. Some limitations are necessary to be imposed to address a pandemic, but this is a real risk of lasting deterioration in basic human freedoms. Increased surveillance, restrictions on free expression and information, and limits on public participation are becoming increasingly common. The present fear is that the authorities worldwide are using the current situation to repress human rights for political purposes. This paper aims to explore the effect of the overall institutional environment, understood as the concept of human freedom, on economic prosperity in different jurisdictions around the world. Human freedom is a general term for personal, civil, and economic freedom and therefore the interconnection with economic growth can be seen in both directions. In our analysis, we use the Human Freedom Index published by the Fraser Institute as a proxy for human freedom. Here, human freedom is understood as the absence of coercive constraint. The index is calculated based on 79 distinct indicators representing different aspects of personal and economic freedom. This analysis seeks to answer several questions. First, we are interested in examining whether there is empirical evidence about the causality between human freedoms and economic growth. Second, we are interested in whether human freedom has a positive impact on growth rates. And third, we are interested in examining the influence of other determinants on economic growth. To test the causality between human freedom and economic growth, we have conducted a Granger causality analysis. The empirical strategy for identification of the possible influence of human freedom to growth rates includes the development of ordinary least squares (OLS) panel regression models for selected economies of the world, or around 174 cross-section units (countries) in the period between 2008 and 2017.