Articles de revues sur le sujet « Fascism in mass media »
Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Fascism in mass media.
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Fascism in mass media ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Kelly, Joseph. « New Perspectives on Italian Fascism : A Review Article ». Modern Language Review 119, no 2 (avril 2024) : 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2024.a923554.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACT: This article examines developments in the historiography of Italian Fascism through an appraisal of four major recent contributions to the field, addressing aspects such as theatre production, intervention in the Spanish Civil War, mass media and propaganda, imperialism, the exportation of Fascism, and anti-Fascism. Beyond the scholarly merits of each work, the article highlights the shift from a scholarship based on establishing Fascism’s intentions and assessing its success, towards one which probes the intertwining tensions and negotiations at play between Fascism and the chosen subject matter.
2
Ambasciano, Leonardo. « An Evolutionary Cognitive Approach to Comparative Fascist Studies : Hypermasculinization, Supernormal Stimuli, and Conspirational Beliefs ». Evolutionary Studies in Imaginative Culture 5, no 1 (1 juin 2021) : 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26613/esic.5.1.208.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract After summarizing Roger Griffin’s Fascism: An Introduction to Comparative Fascist Studies (2018), I describe the academic subfield of Comparative Fascist Studies (CFS). I argue that CFS could be strengthened by integrating it with cognitive science, evolutionary psychology, and religious studies. That biocultural integration would make it more effective as both a scholarly endeavour and an antifascist vaccine for democratic societies. I explain the role of traditional mass media and digital social media in the rise of dominance-style leadership and radical-right populism, construct a neurosociological revision of the CFS concept of fascism as a “political religion,” and characterize ultranationalism as a set of maladaptive supernormal stimuli. These revisions of CFS aim at providing a cross-disciplinary framework able to explain the spread of alt-right conspiracy theories online and offline.
3
Day, Ronald E. « RIGHT-WING POPULISM, INFORMATION, AND KNOWLEDGE ». Logeion : Filosofia da Informação 5, no 2 (20 mars 2019) : 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21728/logeion.2019v5n2.p38-54.
Texte intégralRésumé :
‘New media’ information technologies were recently thought to be so intrinsically different from ‘old,’ mass media, technologies that fascism would no longer be possible. Through new media information and communication technologies, the political ‘mass’ was supposedly replaced by the ‘crowd’ or the ‘swarm,’ and an old mass media replaced by a new media serving individual ‘information needs.’ However, extreme right-wing political populism and encroaching fascism today are world-wide phenomena in developed countries, not only despite new media, but partly because of it. How is this possible?
4
Focardi, Filippo. « Italy’s fascist past : A difficult reckoning ». Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no 3 (28 décembre 2018) : 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ITALY’S FASCIST PAST: A DIFFICULT RECKONINGIn January 2002, a survey conducted by a popular television program revealed that 25 percent of young Italians held a favorable opinion of Fascism and Dictator Benito Mussolini. Shortly thereafter, Italy’s most prominent scholar of Fascism, Emilio Gentile, warned of a “retroactive de-fascistization” in Italian society: the widespread tendency to cast fascism in a benevolent light forgetting, or softening, its repressive and brutal features. For many Italians, Fascism was very diff erent from Nazism and Communist Totalitarianism — it might have been an authoritarian regime but it was not a bloody one. This assessment was no doubt further conditioned by the politics of memory promoted at that time by Silvio Berlusconi’s center-right government. However the origins of this watered-down interpretation go back much further. The idea that Italian Fascism was not on a par with other totalitarian regimes took root in the collective conscience following the end of World War II, as Italy attempted to rehabilitate its reputation in the eyes of the world, hoping to be spared harsh judgment and punishment on the international stage. Its cornerstone was the contrast between Italian Fascism and German National Socialism. On one side, the brutality and ideological fanaticism of the Nazis and on the other, the Italian Fascists, who according to the narrative were over-bearing but not so criminal This distinction between Fascism and Nazism has permeated Italian public opinion throughout the history of the Italian Republic. It was shared by historian Renzo De Felice and pervasive from the 1980s onward in mass media which were inspired by the new wave of revisionism.Over the last twenty years, the ‘dark pages’ of Italian Fascism — from the regime’s anti-Semitic policies to crimes committed in the colonies and Balkan territories occupied during the Second World War — have been thoroughly investigated in the historiography. Broad sectors of the public still however consider Fascism a mild dictatorship not without its merits. The country that invented Fascism, therefore, is still struggling to come to terms with the legacy of its Fascist past.
5
Plantinga, Carl. « Fascist Affect in 300 ». Projections 13, no 2 (1 juin 2019) : 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/proj.2019.130202.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The stories we tell each other, or present via mass media, are important components of the cultural ecology of a place and time. This article argues that 300 (2007), directed by Zach Snyder and based on a comic book series both written and illustrated by Frank Miller, evinces what can legitimately be called a “fascist aesthetic” that depends in large part on the moods and emotions the screen story both represents and elicits. While many other commentators have charged this film with incipient fascism, this article both deepens and expands on the claim by showing how the film’s elicitation of affect contributes to this aesthetic. The article argues that the affects represented and elicited in 300, when taken in conjunction with and in relation to the ideology they support, constitute what can be called “fascist affect.”
6
Shyamali Banerjee, Sanju Xavier. « Mass Media, Propaganda & ; Ethics : An Overview of a New Upsurge of Fascism in India ». Proceeding International Conference on Science and Engineering 11, no 1 (18 février 2023) : 1515–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52783/cienceng.v11i1.303.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Mass Media, especially print media since its inception, if we look back, during Industrial Revolution and its concomitant Mass Production, has always been dwindled in between two binary epithets: Political Allegiance and Media Democracy. The duality lies in the fact that when the media has to work at the behest of political parties, ruling parties at the helm of body politique of the state, for its survival and sustenance, of course the other epithet which is ‘Media democracy’ or democratic rights of the media is questionable. However, the compulsion to show political allegiance to the ruling party at the governance is never accepted by the media without resistance and therefore any attempt of imposing censorship on media has been vehemently protested. Examples can be multiplied by drawing instances from history. Political censorship in Indian Media has never been such a recurrent phenomenon as it has become in the recent past. Also, ‘political allegiance’ when turned to propaganda tactics is more vulnerable than that of securing unflinching faith in the government. The number of defamation cases clamped against media houses, reporters and photo journalists have gone up from 13 to 167 as per a recent survey made by an independent journalist. This research study explores the fact that digital propaganda and political allegiance has been used by the ruling government to ensure a mass consensus over a number of socio-political issues, starting from Farmers’ Bill to Abrogation of Article 370 of Indian Constitution or for that matter Warfare Propaganda. The methodology that is used for this study is content analysis of media representation of information and speech analysis of PM Narendra Modi using a unique coding method. The samples are chosen on the basis of how media has represented announcement of different developmental schemes by the Modi Government and what they represent in reality. Most of the news reports that are analysed in this study between 2016-2022 are sourced from different newspapers and internet sources.
7
Pavlik, John V., Adnan Abu Alsaad et Peter Laufer. « Speaking Truth to Power : Core Principles for Advancing International Journalism Education ». Journalism & ; Mass Communication Educator 75, no 4 (13 novembre 2020) : 392–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077695820946241.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A confluence of forces has brought journalism and journalism education to a precipice. The rise of fascism, the advance of digital technology, and the erosion of the economic foundation of news media are disrupting journalism and mass communication (JMC) around the world. Combined with the increasingly globalized nature of journalism and media, these forces are posing extraordinary challenges to and opportunities for journalism and media education. This essay outlines 10 core principles to guide and reinvigorate international JMC education. We offer a concluding principle for JMC education as a foundation for the general education of college students.
8
Suvin, Darko. « On Antiutopianism in Pragmatics and Narrative ». Utopian Studies 34, no 2 (juillet 2023) : 292–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/utopianstudies.34.2.0292.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACT This article refurbishes the view of antiutopianism as the ruling orthodoxy of late-capitalist common sense (pragmatics) and writings plus media (narrative). After a half-century descent into a contemporary neofeudalism (Fascism 2.0), the operation of totalized antiutopianism on utopian narrative genres is powerfully evident in the TV series Game of Thrones, a rigidly Social Darwinist fantasy world, reveling in mass slaughters and presupposing neofeudalism: a black fable for lesioned personalities.
9
Bialasiewicz, Luiza, et Sabrina Stallone. « Focalizing new-Fascism : Right politics and integralisms in contemporary Italy ». Environment and Planning C : Politics and Space 38, no 3 (29 août 2019) : 423–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654419871303.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this article, we examine the role of fringe new-Fascist movements within broader right-integralist politics in today’s Europe. Our focus lies with CasaPound, one of the most active movements in the Italian far-right galaxy, and highly visible in both the Italian as well as international mass media. We argue that while the strength of the movement itself should not be exaggerated, CasaPound has played a crucial role in the wider realm of integralist politics in Italy. Examining the movement’s discursive as well as material interventions in both urban and rural spaces, we suggest that CasaPound’s extreme rhetoric and highly spectacularized performances deserve attention for they serve to focalize in distinct ways migration and precarization, and in so doing help sustain calls by more “respectable” political forces to reclaim the national community from the assault of globalizing and neo-liberalizing forces and increasingly racialized migrant others.
10
Mokshina, Irina S., et Tatyana Yu Nechaeva. « Youth Periodical Press as a Means of Patriotic Education During the Great Patriotic War ». Vestnik slavianskikh kul’tur [Bulletin of Slavic Cultures] 65 (2022) : 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37816/2073-9567-2022-65-115-127.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The beginning of the 21st century was a time of comprehension of the results of the past century. Up until now the Great Patriotic War remains one of the most tragic pages in the history of our country. The victory over fascism was won not only on the battlefields, but also in the spiritual sphere. Considerable merit in this belonged to the youth press, which acted as the most important means of patriotic education of young people, mobilizing them to fight the enemy. The theme of protecting the Motherland became the leading one, which has ensured high efficiency and effectiveness of printed publications. An appeal to national pride, to the country's military successes in the past, has begun. The propaganda of love for one's Fatherland is closely associated with the exposure of the essence of German fascism, the inculcation of hatred for the invaders. Print media participated in the organization of mass training of combat reserves for the front, provided the population with significant assistance in mastering defense knowledge. The youth press is a valuable source for studying the exploits of young people who fought at the fronts and in the rear of the fascist German troops; labor and patriotic achievements of the youth of the Soviet rear. One of the most important functions of journalism was conducting of propaganda among the population of the areas temporarily occupied by the enemy. The most important aspect of the work of the youth press was the development and strengthening of ties between the front and the rear, consolidation of moral and political unity of the Soviet people. That said the experience of youth periodicals of the war period due to the richness of the content, variety of forms and methods of work and its high efficiency is still relevant and highly topical in our days.
11
Fuchs, Christian. « Authoritarian capitalism, authoritarian movements and authoritarian communication ». Media, Culture & ; Society 40, no 5 (27 avril 2018) : 779–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718772147.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Paolo Gerbaudo’s book The Mask and the Flag: Populism, Citizenism and Global Protest, whose approach is reflected in his Crosscurrents piece in the issue of Media, Culture & Society at hand, is a response to these societal, political and academic challenges. This CrossCurrents comment asks, I ask, the following: Why is it that right-wing authoritarian populism in recent times has become much more popular than left-wing movements? How do right-wing authoritarian movements communicate? Why is it that right-wing political communication strategies seem to garner and result in mass support? The critical theory of authoritarianism advanced by the Frankfurt School and related authors on fascism, Nazism, and the authoritarian personality help us to critically analyse the communication of authoritarianism. In this context, particularly the works by Franz Leopold Neumann, Erich Fromm, Theodor W. Adorno, Herbert Marcuse, Leo Löwenthal, and Willhelm Reich are relevant.
12
Sukalenko, Tetiana, et Nataliia Ladynyak. « The basic trends and perspectives for the development of military vocabulary in modern ukrainian-language mass media. » IVAN OHIIENKO AND CONTEMPORARY SCIENCE AND EDUCATION 20 (25 décembre 2023) : 114–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-7086.2023-20.114-127.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with identifying and characterizing of the main trends and pros-pects for the development of military vocabulary in modern mass media.A review of the Ukrainian scientists’ works on the study of the professional vocabu-lary of military personnel, military terminology, etc. was carried out. Attention is focused on the fact that linguists use the concepts of «military discourse» and «war discourse».In the modern realities of the language space of Ukrainians, linguists distinguish two types of military discourse – formal and informal.The concept of war discourse is more comprehensive in terms of verbal and non-verbal means of expression. The work emphasizes that the communicative situation of war discourse is specifi c and may be limited in time, since with the end of hostilities, part of the vocabulary may fall out of use due to the lack of need to nominate events, phenomena and objects related to the war.With the beginning of the war in Ukraine in 2022, the dictionary of military lexicon was replenished with both new lexemes and those that have already existed before, but now have acquired diff erent meanings.With the beginning of the large-scale Russian invasion, the tendency to write proper names, associated with the aggressor country, with a lowercase letter spread: Russia/russia, Moscow/moscow, RF/rf, Putin/putin:The lexeme «occupiers» acquired a new sound – these are those who participate in the occupation; the invaders.Previously, the lexeme «occupiers» was used to denote the German invaders dur-ing the Second World War. The lexeme «racism», which has a bright negative con-notation, also appeared, consonant with the word «fascism».The lexeme «orcs» («russian invaders», «russian military») has entered the mili-tary vocabulary, which is modifi ed by a new semantic load, as we fi x it on the pages of J.R. Tolkien’s works, who named the army of evil mythical creatures as such.The reality of the war is refl ected in the expansion of the meanings of words that appear in news releases, live communication of Ukrainians: cotton, hail, stretching, etc.A separate group of lexical innovations in the military discourse are the names of weapons: «Bayraktar», «Javelin», «NLAW», PFM-1 (anti-personnel high-explosive mine) «Petal», which are characterized by a high frequency of use.Another group consists of verbs formed from proper names: anthroponyms, topo-nyms, and the like: bayraktaryty, enloity, javelinity, stingerity, haimarsyty, kadyryty, macronyty, ukraiinyty, chornobaiity.Military slang is spreading in everyday use: digit, pixel (color of military cloth-ing), pokemon, fl ies, oars (types of weapons), etc.In the media space, we observe gender symmetry in relation to men and women who serve in the Armed Forces. Gender-marked vocabulary is characterized by a pos-itive connotation for both sexes. At the same time, we observe gender balance in the language of mass media and in relation to representatives of enemy forces but these are with the negative connotation.The vocabulary of the military is replenished both with new words, especially regarding the names of weapons, and by the acquisition of new meanings by lexemes. The second way concerns the words used to designate the participants in the confl ict. It is also productive to replenish the lexical system due to word formation, especially the nominative, which proves not so much the signifi cance of processes and actions, but rather the direct nomination of phenomena. We consider it promising to study the changes in the structure of the concept of «War» both during the last century and, in fact, from 2014 until now
13
Wandyszew, Walentyn N. « Karl Popper about Totalitarianism : Ideas and Practices ». Humanistyka i Przyrodoznawstwo, no 21 (18 août 2018) : 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/hip.406.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this article is to present the abovementioned events in Ukraine showed how the understanding o f them and experiencing o f the particular crisis situation can lead to the conditions when people start protesting against the ongoing socio-economic and political changes. Certainly, cultural, ethnic and religious identities have considerable importance. The author shows that Karl Popper was a witness of birth, adoption and death o f the totalitarian states o f the twentieth century, based on fascism and communism. He, as a thoughtful and observant scientist, fundamentally and profoundly studied the essence of Plato’s totalitarianism in Charmides. The scientific principles and scrupulosity o f Karl Popper also manifested in the fact that he repeatedly revised his study Open Society and Its Enemies, which was published in 1945, during more than two decades. Present media, subordinated to the creators o f new concepts and meanings and to the invisible fathers of netocracy, have already captured many of the commanding heights o f public life. And the modern censorship is focused not on blocking some messages or content, but on the promotion o f such messages and meanings, which deprive the consumer from the ability to know what is happening in the banking sector and infrastructural spheres of public life. Values o f the consumer society, still being imposed to a mass society, today, do not meet the spirit o f time. Thus, the world is still in between the past and the future, because authoritarianism and totalitarianism remain unresolved phenomena and these phenomena are aggressive and disguise themselves actively, using media resources. It is evident that the ruling elite o f the Russian society has set out to restore the former empire.
14
Grube, Norbert. « A “New Republic” ? The debate between John Dewey and Walter Lippmann and its reception in pre- and postwar Germany ». Encounters in Theory and History of Education 10 (27 octobre 2009) : 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/eoe-ese-rse.v10i0.2137.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article tackles the historical context, the genesis and the German reception of two different concepts of elitist governmental people’s instruction and public education drafted by two main intellectuals in the era of American progressivism – Walter Lippmann (1889–1974), journalist and former spin doctor of US-President Wilson (1856–1924), and the pragmatist philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952). The examination of Lippmann’s books Public Opinion (1922) and The Phantom Public (1925) and Dewey’s studies The Public and its Problems (1927) and Freedom and Culture (1939) reveals that both concepts are based on different notions of democracy, but on similar perceptions of modernity. Accelerated sequences of economic boom and depression, technological innovation, rapid social change and the seduction of mass media were seen as threats of public participation and of nationwide mobilization. These pessimistic notions of modernity as well as their implicit interactive perceptions of European socialism, nationalism and fascism facilitated the reception of Dewey and Lippmann in Germany. In doing so, German communication scientists, intellectuals, and pedagogues transformed terms like political leadership, community, action and creativity into the German context of nationalism and holistic community. But is this adoption a misreading or is this interpretation injected in the concept of both, Dewey and Lippmann? The comparison and reconstruction of these two concepts will show that their reception in Germany after 1945 was an amalgamation by intermingling different aspects of both models instead of a clear takeover of one model.
15
Schembs, Katharina. « Staging Work in the Corporatist State. Visual Propaganda in Fascist Italy and Peronist Argentina (1922-1955) ». Anuario de Historia de América Latina 58 (28 décembre 2021) : 270–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.58.162.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Starting in 1922, Benito Mussolini (1922-1943) reformed Italian labour relations by adopting corporatism. As such, he served as a model for many other heads of state in search of ways out of economic crisis. When the corporatist model spread throughout Latin America in the 1930s and 1940s, the Argentine president Juan Domingo Perón (1946-1955) drew significantly on the Italian precedent. Adhering to an aestheticised concept of politics and making use of modern mass media, both regimes advertised corporatism in their respective visual propaganda, in which the worker came to play a prominent role. The article analyses parallels and differences in the formation of political identities in fascist and Peronist visual media that under both corporatist regimes centred around work. Comparing different role models as they were designed for different members of society, I argue that – apart from gender roles where Peronism resorted to similarly traditional images – Peronist propaganda messages were more future-oriented and inclusive. Racist exclusions of parts of the population from the central worker identity that increasingly characterised fascist propaganda over the course of the 1930s were not adopted in Argentina after 1945. Instead, in state visual media the category of work in its inclusionary dimension served as a promise of belonging to the Peronist community.
16
Pérez, Vincent. « The Fourth Reich : Ishmael's Reed's The Terrible Twos and the Triumph of Celebrity Culture ». Popular Culture Review 28, no 2 (décembre 2017) : 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.2831-865x.2017.tb00328.x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractDonald Trump's rise to the U.S. presidency was foretold in many 20th century works of dystopian fiction as well as Western Marxist scholarship written during and after the Nazi era. The most prescient modern dystopian novel, Ishmael Reed's The Terrible Twos (1982), has much in common thematically with earlier American dystopian fiction while also sharing the bleak vision of U.S. mass (media) culture postulated by Frankfurt School theorists such as Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer in The Dialectic of Enlightenment (1947). But Reed's novel diverges dramatically from these earlier writings, whether fictive or scholarly, through its farcical and absurdist postmodernist depiction of a future neo‐fascist America in which popular (media) culture reigns triumphant even as spaces of resistance take shape amid the seemingly overdetermined ideological and cultural landscape.
17
Romanazzi, Grazia. « The Resistance of Montessori Education to Social-Media Regimentation ». EDUCATION SCIENCES AND SOCIETY, no 2 (décembre 2023) : 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ess2-2023oa16560.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Maria Montessori's educational proposal had a revolutionary significance since its origins. It freed childhood from the raising social marginalization to a "golden age". In a period marked by widespread national-popular illiteracy, a "New Education" originated exactly among the poorest social classes, represented a valuable tool for the literacy and regimentation of the masses to the rising fascist ideology. Montessori avoided it, paying with obstructionism and discredit. However, even today, Montessorian theory keeps on gaining credit as a "pedagogy of resistance" to the technical and technological revolution of information and communication. She is not even adverse to the use of technology in daily life or in education. Far from stopping the technical progress and the social technological literacy, it is a question of stemming the educational deprivation of the young people experience, rediscovering an active, direct and participative learning, with a specific attention to the early childhood. Experience offers a good and attractive alternative to the standstill caused by the overuse of the mass communication means. Preserving the 0-3 years children from the early abuse of technology, provides a "dilating education" of childhood's fields of experience and evolutive possibilities. In this way the child is ready to approach the technologies, in order to enjoy without suffering their growing capacities.
18
Tabernero, Carlos, Isabel Jiménez-Lucena et Jorge Molero-Mesa. « Colonial scientific-medical documentary films and the legitimization of an ideal state in post-war Spain ». História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 24, no 2 (8 décembre 2016) : 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702016005000025.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This paper explores the role of film and medical-health practices and discourses in the building and legitimating strategies of Franco’s fascist regime in Spain. The analysis of five medical-colonial documentary films produced during the 1940s explores the relationship between mass media communication practices and techno-scientific knowledge production, circulation and management processes. These films portray a non-problematic colonial space where social order is articulated through scientific-medical practices and discourses that match the regime’s need to consolidate and legitimize itself while asserting the inclusion-exclusion dynamics involved in the definition of social prototypes through processes of medicalization.
19
Neumayer, Christina. « Which Alternative ? A Critical Analysis of YouTube-Comments in Anti-Fascist Protest ». tripleC : Communication, Capitalism & ; Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no 1 (30 janvier 2012) : 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v10i1.313.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines the critical potential of YouTube-comments to foster the development of counter public (Negt and Kluge 1972). The argument is based on an analysis of YouTube-comments in anti-fascist protests taking place in East Germany in 2011. The comments represent political positions across the political spectrum and are analyzed as: [1] form of the comments; [2] different political positions as friend-enemy constellations; [3] the struggle for attention in the mass media; [4] the critical potential of the different alternatives represented in the comments. The article concludes with a discussion of the emancipative potential of social web platforms such as YouTube to support the struggle from below and to give voice to oppressed political positions.
20
Neumayer, Christina. « Which Alternative ? A Critical Analysis of YouTube-Comments in Anti-Fascist Protest ». tripleC : Communication, Capitalism & ; Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no 1 (30 janvier 2012) : 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/vol10iss1pp56-65.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines the critical potential of YouTube-comments to foster the development of counter public (Negt and Kluge 1972). The argument is based on an analysis of YouTube-comments in anti-fascist protests taking place in East Germany in 2011. The comments represent political positions across the political spectrum and are analyzed as: [1] form of the comments; [2] different political positions as friend-enemy constellations; [3] the struggle for attention in the mass media; [4] the critical potential of the different alternatives represented in the comments. The article concludes with a discussion of the emancipative potential of social web platforms such as YouTube to support the struggle from below and to give voice to oppressed political positions.
21
Pinheiro, Francisco. « O “lápis azul” no sport português – política, desporto e media ». FuLiA / UFMG 4, no 3 (23 juin 2020) : 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2526-4494.4.3.97-114.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Este artigo pretende analisar os processos de Censura dos principais jornais desportivos portugueses, por parte do regime fascista, fazendo uma reflexão alargada sobre a relação entre política e desporto no contexto do fascismo português. O objetivo é compreender as dinâmicas do denominado “lápis azul” da Censura sobre este género de imprensa especializada e identificar as interferências do regime nas visões sobre desporto. Procedeu-se, para isso, à análise dos processos de Censura dos principais jornais desportivos portugueses, entre os anos 20 e 60 do século XX, envolvendo A Bola, Mundo Desportivo, O Norte Desportivo e Record. Procurou-se identificar as ocorrências mais relevantes, as tipologias de punições por parte dos serviços de Censura e as formas de controlo e coação da imprensa desportiva adotadas pelo regime.
22
Slyshkin, Gennadiy G., Lidiya E. Malygina et Ekaterina S. Pavlova. « Linguistic security in the context of value, ideological and social changes ». Verhnevolzhski Philological Bulletin 1, no 28 (2022) : 64–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2499-9679-2022-1-28-64-69.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The work is devoted to analyzing the phenomenon of human language and information security in modern media dis-course. This article examines some approaches to understanding communicative manipulation techniques through media coverage of «anti-vaxxers». The authors of the article carried out a discourse analysis of 100 media materials from the beginning of the pandemic in March 2020 to December 2021. The model of manipulation based on the image of the «enemy», its strategies and tactics are analyzed. The appearance of such concepts as «covid-dissidence» and «vaccin dissidence» and their impact on society are traced. According to the results of the study, the authors offered markers to identify signs of manipulation in mass media texts on the topic of «anti-vaxxers», such as the lexicon on fascist themes, lexicon on the themes of fear and aggression, invective words and the use of precedent personalities and phenomena for this topic. One of the mechanisms to counteract the negative communicative influence based on the National Security Strategy 2021 and announced by the President of the RF V. V. Putin is an obligatory elementary rhetorical training for schoolchildren and students in the system of secondary and higher education, forming skills of receptive and productive types of speech activity, speech interaction skills, dialogue skills, as well as improving the methods of teaching rhetoric in pedagogical universities with an emphasis on the meta-subject approach.
23
Anikin, D. A., et S. A. Andrisenko. « The Policy of Remembrance of the Beginning of World War II : Features of Media Content in Modern Italy ». Tempus et Memoria 2, no 1 (2021) : 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/tetm.2021.1.003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the reflection in modern Italian mass media of the information agenda dedicated to the 80th anniversary of the outbreak of World War II. Based on the study of queries in the Google search engine, publications on this event were identified, as well as an analysis of political representations. An important condition for interpreting media content is the understanding that Italian memory policy for several decades refused to comprehend the fascist past, forming the myth of "honest soldiers who simply fulfilled their duty." In the context of modern pan-European memory policy, Italy, on the one hand, seeks to follow common trends (Holocaust memory), on the other hand, tries to exclude its past from the discourse of confession of guilt. In newspaper publications dedicated to the anniversary of the outbreak of war, the following trends can be distinguished: emphasizing the importance of war lessons for the future, striving to exclude Italy from the list of instigators of war, emphasizing the insufficient participation of Great Britain and France in the process of preventing World War II.
24
Aleksieieva, Daria, Maksym Bulyk et Iryna Gridina. « Propaganda on the temporarily occupied territories Donetsk and Luhansk regions : institutional and organizational mensuration ». Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series : History. Political Studies 10, no 28-29 (2020) : 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-28-29-143-153.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Russian propaganda war against Ukraine is an example of information warfare, which is a reflection of a wide range of non-military instruments that are used to exert pressure and influence over the behavior of the countries. With a skillful combination of disinformation, malicious attacks on large-scale information and communication systems, combined with psychological pressure, it is more dangerous than traditional weapons systems The article deals with the psychological aspect of information warfare, the leading component is the propaganda. Smartened and supplemented with new technologies, it is actively and masterly used by the Russian Federation to manipulate the mass consciousness of the international community, its own population, citizens of Ukraine, the occupied population of the occupied territories. The ideological fundamental theses of Russian propaganda are the "Donbass mythologeme" with the thesis about "civil conflict"; the project of "Novorossiya", which denies the historical belonging of Donbass to Ukraine and the separateness of Donbass, together to justify the "fight against Ukrainian fascism" for the independence of the region and its further integration into Russia. Propaganda tools are a mixture of militarized Russian and Soviet content and symbols in the public sphere, education, youth upbringing, leisure activities, and the like. The brainwashing of the population is based on a centralized information space management system. The main role in its construction is played by the Russian Federation in order to legitimize the occupation policy of the Russian authorities, to create the illusion of independence of decisions and actions of the occupation administration; an extensive media system. The goal of the mental alienation of the population of the temporarily occupied territories from Ukraine is achieved in various ways: the militarization of consciousness, the education of the Soviet Donbas identity, the imposition of historical myths, the creation of a quasi-held attributive simulacrum, and the like. Total control over information resources and communication means provides unlimited opportunities for the occupation administration to carry out propaganda actions, and the length of time makes the task of counter-propaganda extremely difficult.
25
Weinberg, Leonard, et William Lee Eubank. « Neo-Fascist and Far Left Terrorists in Italy : Some Biographical Observations ». British Journal of Political Science 18, no 4 (octobre 1988) : 531–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005251.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In recent years a good deal of concern has been expressed about the phenomenon of political terrorism in Italy. The mass media have directed our attention to spectacular acts of international terrorism committed on Italian soil by groups, largely from the Middle East, which have used the country as a teatro in which to stage their operations against targets of opportunity. Scholars and journalists have also drawn our attention to the problem of domestic terrorism. The kidnapping and assassination of the former Prime Minister Aldo Moro in 1978 may serve as the most dramatic example. It seems fair to say that much of this publicity has been focused on the Left. The attempts by various leftist groups, the Red Brigades (BR), Front Line (PL), Worker Autonomy (AO) and others, to use terrorist violence as a means of bringing about a Communist revolution was a source of apprehension in the Western world from the mid-1970s to the early 1980s. Allegations that the revolutionary groups were aided by the Soviets or other Warsaw Pact nations, as part of an effort to destabilize the Western democracies, did much to heighten the concern.
26
Babichev, Oleksandr. « Analysis of Russian Narratives Denying the Genocide of the Ukrainian Nation During the War, 2014-2024 ». SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no 42 (2024) : 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2024.i42.p.45.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Russia's information campaign against Ukraine is multifaceted and open to different interpretations. As a rule, the Russian information campaign is flexible and contextualized, and each narrative has its own style that takes into account all its peculiarities. There is no agreed-upon model that can be used to explain the current narrative of Russia's information war against Ukraine. Instead of hiding information, the Russian Federation often "floods" the media, providing a large amount of information about this or that event, skillfully combining it with disinformation. These media campaigns evoke strong emotions, promote a culture of fear and create panic. Each publication has a certain style of journalism. Some publications maintain a balanced point of view and avoid emotionalism. Others incite hatred against Ukrainians and manipulate public opinion, portraying Ukrainians as puppets of the West, traitors, criminals, fascists, extremists, separatists and other "true patriots". This article analyzes the methods of Russian propaganda in Ukraine. In particular, the main narratives of Russian propaganda are the following: Ukraine is a country that never existed; Ukraine needs regime change; there is a "third Maidan"; Ukraine revives fascist and Nazi practices and is Russophobic; the Ukrainian army is a den of criminals, and NATO soldiers fight on the side of the Ukrainian state; The Russian Federation has nothing to do with the "Ukrainian conflict"; Western countries are trying to destroy Ukraine. Russian mass media disseminate propaganda messages prepared by the Kremlin and present them in a mutually agreed upon form. Today, these practices have become particularly acute. The tactics of Russian propaganda consist in focusing on emotions, creating enemies, biased presentation of information and creating theories without empirical basis to "explain" events.
27
Ahmed, Saladdin Said. « Mass Mentality, Culture Industry, Fascism ». Kritike : An Online Journal of Philosophy 2, no 1 (1 juin 2008) : 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.25138/2.1.a.6.
Texte intégral
28
Fuchs, Christian. « Fascism 2.0 : Twitter Users’ Social Media Memories of Hitler on his 127th Birthday ». Fascism 6, no 2 (8 décembre 2017) : 228–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00602004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article analyses how Twitter users communicated about Hitler on his 127th birthday. It employs an empirical critique informed by critical Marxist theories of fascism. The analysis is based on a dataset of 4,193 tweets that were posted on 20 April 2016, and that used hashtags such as #Hitler, #AdolfHitler, #HappyBirthdayAdolf, #HappyBirthdayHitler. The results provide indications about how fascism 2.0 works. There are various strategies that fascism 2.0 uses, such as online authoritarianism, online nationalism, an online friend-enemy scheme, and online patriarchy and naturalism. The growth of fascism 2.0 is a consequence of a ‘fascism-producing’ crisis of society that requires adequate anti-fascist responses and strategies.
29
Rosenberg, Arthur. « Fascism as a Mass-Movement (1934) ». Historical Materialism 20, no 1 (2012) : 144–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920612x634898.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Arthur Rosenberg’s remarkable essay, first published in 1934, was probably the most incisive historical analysis of the origins of fascism to emerge from the revolutionary Left in the interwar years. In contrast to the official Comintern line that fascism embodied the power of finance-capital, Rosenberg saw fascism as a descendant of the reactionary mass-movements of the late-nineteenth century. Those movements encompassed a new breed of nationalism that was ultra-patriotic, racist and violently opposed to the Left, and prefigured fascism in all these ways. What was distinctive about the fascists in Italy and Germany was not so much their ideology (a pastiche of motifs that drew on those earlier traditions of the conservative and radical Right) as the use of stormtroopers to wage the struggle against democracy in more decisive and lethal ways. After the broad historical sweep of its first part, the essay looks at the factors that were peculiar to the Italian and German situations respectively, highlighting both the rôle of the existing authorities in encouraging the fascists and the wider class-appeal of the fascist parties themselves, beyond any supposed restriction to the middle-class or ‘petty bourgeoisie’.
30
von Eggers, Nicolai. « Federalist Fascism ». Fascism 10, no 2 (26 novembre 2021) : 298–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article analyses the New Right’s understanding of the French Revolution. Since the most prominent intellectual of the New Right, Alain de Benoist, frames ‘Jacobinism’ as the New Right’s main enemy, the New Right may be understood as a counter-tradition to what it understands as Jacobinism. De Benoist defines Jacobinism as an ideology that makes people essentially equal and identical by means of the state. Against this, he posits what he calls ‘federalism’—a project which aims at promoting and defending ethnic, cultural and other differences. In this article, the author shows how the New Right creates a mythical counter-tradition of federalism. We should understand this as a ‘federalist fascism’: instead of mass parties and an authoritarian nation-state, the New Right seeks the mythical rebirth of an Indo-European community consisting of various regional peoples who will supposedly realise their authentic nature through ethnically purified societies governed by a federal European-wide system.
31
Banaji, Jairus. « Fascism as a Mass-Movement : Translator’s Introduction ». Historical Materialism 20, no 1 (2012) : 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920612x632791.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis Introduction to Rosenberg’s essay starts with a brief synopsis of his life, then summarises the key arguments of the essay itself before looking briefly at the twin issues of the social base of the fascist parties (wider than just the ‘petty bourgeoisie’) and the passive complicity/compliance of ‘ordinary Germans’, as the literature now terms whole sectors of the civilian population that were defined by their apathy or moral indifference to the horrors of the Nazi state.
32
Jackson, Paul Nicholas. « Debate : Donald Trump and Fascism Studies ». Fascism 10, no 1 (24 juin 2021) : 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-10010009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Since coming to prominence, Donald Trump’s politics has regularly been likened to fascism. Many experts within fascism studies have tried to engage with wider media and political debates on the relevance (or otherwise) of such comparisons. In the debate ‘Donald Trump and Fascism Studies’ we have invited leading academics with connections to the journal and those who are familiar with debates within fascism studies, to offer thoughts on how to consider the complex relationship between fascism, the politics of Donald Trump, and the wider maga movement. Contributors to this debat are: Mattias Gardell, Ruth Wodak, Benjamin R. Teitelbaum, David Renton, Nigel Copsey, Raul Cârstocea, Maria Bucur, Brian Hughes, and Roger Griffin.
33
Radenković Šošić, Bojana. « DVADESETI VEK U OGLEDALU ITALIJANSKE REKLAME ». Nasledje, Kragujevac XX, no 54 (2023) : 249–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/naskg2354.249rs.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Advertising, as one of the most dominant contemporary communication and cultural sig- nifying practices, clearly reflects the overall socio-political environment and ongoing cultural tendencies. The circumstances in Italy are not an exception to that. Like never before, in the pre- vious century, thanks to technological and media advancements, intensive world-wide historical events and innovative cultural and artistic tendencies, advertising has become a fragmented canvas and a blueprint of reality. Therefore, this study presents a historical overview of the twen- tieth century interpreted through the prism of the most popular print ads from the period. It starts with an in-depth analysis of the very first futuristic advertisements, Fascist propaganda and unique “alliances” between art and propaganda. Moreover, it is argued that the development of consumer society and severe critics of consumerism, the blossoming of advertising in the eighties, seen as a reflection of the mass culture, and the expansion of socially responsible adver- tisements in the nineties have become important elements of Italian culture and art. Finally, manifold artistic, philosophic, linguistic and semiotic interpretations of advertising during the twentieth century have significantly influenced contemporary Italian advertising, reflecting new and emerging cultural paradigma, recognised as metamodernism. Chosen advertisements are analysed by applying qualitative content and discourse analysis of visual, verbal and audio messages. As one of the main outcomes, the significant modern, postmodern and metamodern properties in advertising are being outlined and profoundly examined.
34
Bryant, Jesse Callahan. « Ecos, Ethnos, and Fascism ». Contexts 21, no 3 (août 2022) : 51–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15365042221114992.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In many documents left behind by recent white domestic terrorists we see the re-emergence of a national identity that fuses people and land. From Christchurch to El Paso, old articulations "the people" which came to a head most famously in the Nazi sense of the volk and the politics of blood and soil are today resurfacing. This article traces the broad contours of this politics that fuses ethnos and ecos in order to morally justify political exclusion, genocide, and today terrorism via mass shooting.
35
Hartenian, Larry. « The Role of Media in Democratizing Germany : United States Occupation Policy 1945–1949 ». Central European History 20, no 2 (juin 1987) : 145–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012589.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Allied defeat of the German Wehrmacht in May 1945 brought the military struggle against fascism in Europe to an end. Yet with the occupation of Germany the struggle against fascism was to continue on other fronts. Germany was to be “demilitarized,” the economy “decartelized,” and the society “denazified. ” Ultimately Germany was to be “democratized.” The newly established media were to play a major role in the transformation of German attitudes, in this attempt to “reeducate” the Germans.
36
Berezin, Mabel. « Fascism and Populism : Are They Useful Categories for Comparative Sociological Analysis ? » Annual Review of Sociology 45, no 1 (30 juillet 2019) : 345–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-073018-022351.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Political developments in the United States and Europe have generated a resurgence in the use of the terms fascism and populism across multiple media. Fascism is a historically specific term that Benito Mussolini coined in Italy to define his regime. Over time, political analysts erased the historical specificity of fascism and deployed it as an analytic category. In contrast, populism is an analytic category that, depending on context, includes varying aggregates of popular preferences that often lack a coherent and unifying ideology. This review draws upon interdisciplinary scholarship and empirical cases to revisit the terms fascism and populism, focusing on institutionalized politics. Contemporary fascist and populist politics are increasingly global. This review argues that comparative political and historical sociologists need to develop an analytically cogent approach to researching this encroaching political phenomenon. The review suggests a research agenda that treats fascism and populism as more than conceptual categories.
37
Neugärtner, Sandra. « Anti-Fascist Exile, Political Print Media, and the Variable Tactics of the Communists in Mexico (1939–1946) ». History of Communism in Europe 11 (2020) : 41–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce2020113.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article deals with the role of the political print media popular with communists in Mexico when anti-fascism became the code for the behaviour of democratic forces in the face of the provocation of Hitler’s fascism. Under the facade of anti-fascist unity, the German-speaking communist exiles established a publishing culture, from which Hannes Meyer and Lena Meyer-Bergner, who had come to Mexico from Soviet exile and who committed themselves to proletarian internationalism, soon separated or were excluded. Independent of the group, they developed strategies in accord ance with their anti-imperialist mission, from propaganda media for the Soviet state to the implementation of a sign language that would enable communication across borders: the International System of Typographic Picture Education (Isotype). The goal of my analysis is to provide a starting point for classifying Meyer and Meyer-Bergner’s work in print media, beyond the extensively researched Taller de Gráfica Popular context, but within the polarization of international opposition to fascism and totalitarian regimes during the Second World War.
38
Bernstein, Sanders Isaac. « On the Uses and Abuses of Fascism ». American Literary History 35, no 1 (1 février 2023) : 445–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajac242.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This essay reviews Bruce Kuklick’s Fascism Comes to America: A Century of Obsession in Politics and Culture (2022). It discusses how the book contributes to ongoing debates about defining fascism by offering a wide-ranging historical survey of the term’s use in the US and by, ultimately, questioning the term’s analytic value. Fascism Comes to America tracks the concept in the US over the past century, drawing on journalism, mass entertainment, and academic scholarship to illuminate its many contradictory applications. Considering both evolving uses of fascism leading up to World War II and its enduring legacy since, Kuklick’s historical survey posits that fascism has become little more than one of the “political swear words,” a sign of contempt without consistent descriptive content. It suggests scholars should consider jettisoning the term. While valuable for its rigorous scholarship, Fascism Comes to America does, though, overlook how fascism’s polysemy might resolve to more specific and consistent uses within distinct traditions within America. Rather than succeeding as an argument for why scholars should abandon the concept of fascism in a US context, Fascism Comes to America succeeds in illuminating how important it is to historicize one’s use of it.[T]o name something “fascist” is both a matter of analytic value and politics. For Bruce Kuklick, . . . the analytic value of the term fascism should be called into question.
39
Roberto, Michael Joseph. « The Origins of American Fascism ». Monthly Review 69, no 2 (3 juin 2017) : 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-069-02-2017-06_3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
What can a class analysis tell us about fascism's national particularities and early forms? Why was there no mass movement for a separate fascist party in the United States? The lessons of several now-forgotten works of scholarship from the 1930s are critical to our understanding of American fascism—not only for what they tell us about its history, but also about how to fight it today.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.
40
Malchenkov, Stanislav A., et Vladislav G. Fedorov. « Fascism as a Form of Suppression of Freedom and Humanity : Political and Psychological Analysis ». Humanitarian : actual problems of the humanities and education 23, no 1 (31 mars 2023) : 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.061.023.202301.095-107.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. The relevance of the problem is associated with the rapidly growing threat of rethinking of the crimes of fascism, which is largely due to the loss of the content essence of this phenomenon. Axiological and normative distortions of the essence of fascism only provoke the process of concealing the most important characteristics and emphasizing the secondary ones. The political-psychological approach makes it possible to reveal the nature of fascism and weed out the layers of interpretative manipulation around this concept. Methods. The study is constructed on the basis of psychoanalytic and dialectical methods. The use of a systematic approach was important. Results and Discussions. The deep nature of fascism goes back to the intrapersonal dichotomy between individualization and mass initiation, between the desire for freedom (negative and positive) and conformal enslavement. Under the influence of ideology, a person dissolves in the general flow of masses (states, nations and societies). The large-scale crisis state of the Italian and German people influenced the conceptual birth of fascism, which relied on mass depression, revenge, fear and the sadomasochistic inclination of human nature. Conclusion. Fascism is in many ways a opportunistic phenomenon, the emergence of which can be influenced by a general national upheaval and the unfulfillment of false hopes in a period of crisis and decline. The establishment of autocratic power by the political elite allows you to create your own reality, expressed in the exacerbation of xenophobia, nationalism, national exclusivity, imperialism, the cult of heroism, passionarity, as well as the idea of “a special mission to save the world and all mankind”.
41
Kalyan, Rohan. « Eventocracy : Media and Politics in Times of Aspirational Fascism ». Theory & ; Event 23, no 1 (janvier 2020) : 4–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tae.2020.0001.
Texte intégral
42
Fateeva, Irina A. « MIKHAIL GUS AND HIS CONTRIBUTION TO RUSSIAN CULTURE ». Sign problematic field in mediaeducation 51, no 1 (6 mai 2024) : 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.47475/2070-0695-2024-51-1-71-78.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The author analyzes on the basis of archival, biographical, historical-genetic and some other methods the figure of Mikhail Semyonovich Gus (1900–1984), which has not yet become the subject of special consideration in a monographic way. The aim of the paper is to try to systematize the information already available in the literature and to introduce into scientific circulation information still unknown to the public about his personality and multilateral activities and on this basis to present his contribution to Russian culture. Tracing the life path of M. S. Gus, the author dwells in more detail on his most significant episodes, reproduced on the basis of documents from the writer’s personal archive stored in RGALI, as well as publications in open sources. These include the period of his formation as a journalist and organizer of the new press system in the early years of Soviet power in Ukraine; journalistic, editorial activities and newspaper studies in the 1920s, as well as counter-propaganda work on the radio in 1941–1946. In addition, the author gives examples of literary and literary-critical creativity of the writer. As a result of the research, the author comes to the conclusion that Hus made the most valuable contribution to the development of such areas as journalism and mass communications (periodicals, radio, news agencies, journalism, anti-fascist counter-propaganda), the science of journalism (newspaper studies), training for the media, the sectoral trade union movement, historical genres in literature. Whereas during his lifetime he was known primarily as a critic, literary researcher and organizer of party and political work among Soviet writers
43
Sergeenkova, I. F. « FASCISM IN THE WORKS OF THE AMERICAN HISTORIAN GEORGE MOSSE (1918-1999) ». Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 6, no 4 (24 décembre 2022) : 527–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-4-527-544.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The author examines the assessments of fascism presented in the works of the famous American historian G. Mosse. G. Mosse was one of the first to consider fascism as a pan-European phenomenon, emphasizing both the diversity and similarity of various fascist movements. Among the common features that should be considered in national contexts, he singled out: the concept of revolution as a "spiritual revolution", nationalist or racist mysticism, the search for a "third way", revolutionary dynamism and the problem of "taming the revolution", the myth of the new man, the fusion of bourgeois morality and respectability with the ethics of fascism, represented by militant and traditionalist models of courageous men. G. Mosse was one of the first to turn to anthropology to reconstruct the belief system of people who lived in the late XIX and early XX centuries to explain how the Third Reich could become a political reality. G. Mosse pays great attention to the ideological factor, considering the prerequisites of fascism, at a time when the fascist ideology was perceived by historians as complete nonsense. G. Mosse characterizes fascism as a secular religion and turns to the study of the "liturgical elements" of fascism, symbols and myths as means to understand how modern mass movements received popular support. His numerous publications contributed to a paradigm shift in fascist studies. In this sense, he anticipated the cultural orientation of later authors, such famous historians of fascism as S. Payne, R. Griffin and E. Gentile.
44
Gaufman, Elizaveta. « World War II 2.0 : Digital memory of fascism in Russia in the aftermath of Euromaidan in Ukraine ». Journal of Regional Security 10, no 1 (2015) : 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x151spg48.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The events in Ukraine in 2013-2014 will have long-lasting ramifications for the future of international security being in essence the end of a post Cold War order. While the scale of Russia's involvement in Ukraine is still debated, the discursive construction of Ukrainian crisis in Russian media undeniably draws heavily on the World War II narrative of fascism. Representing Euromaidan participants as being on the 'wrong side of history' helps bolster an existential threat frame that resonates extremely well on the Post-Soviet space. This paper explores the digital memory of fascism on Russian social media in the aftermath of Euromaidan in Ukraine by analysing debates on Russian segments of social networks, such as Twitter, Livejournal.com and Vkontakte.com.
45
Ost, David. « REN PILL Politics in Poland ». Current History 121, no 833 (1 mars 2022) : 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.833.108.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Poland’s ruling Law and Justice Party has drawn international attention with its hard-line right-wing rhetoric and policies on a range of issues, from immigration to LGBT rights to attempts to gain control over formerly independent institutions such as the judiciary and the media. Some critical voices in Poland and elsewhere have drawn comparisons with fascism. The party denounces such parallels, pointing out that Poland suffered Nazi occupation, even though it venerates Polish politicians of the World War II era who espoused positions such as eliminationist anti-Semitism. To avoid such impasses created by raising fascism in analyses of contemporary politics, this essay proposes using Poland as a case study for a new category of analysis: Right-wing Exclusionary Nationalist Popular Illiberalism, encompassing both classic fascism and today’s right-wing populism.
46
Ha, Sha. « The Problem of a National Literary Language in Italy and in China in the 20th Century : Antonio Gramsci, Pier Paolo Pasolini, Lu Xun ». International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies 7, no 3 (31 juillet 2019) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.7n.3p.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Italian scholar and political leader Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) was an active opponent of the dictatorial government ruling his country before the 2nd World War. He was kept in prison for11 years, until his death, by the ruling Fascist Party and during that time he filled over 3,000 pages, writing about Linguistics, History and Philosophy. He was concerned with the duty of Italian progressive intellectuals to create a ‘common literary language’, accessible to the under-privileged Italian people, who until then had been excluded from culture. After the war, during the sixties of last century, a ‘common Italian language’ started developing, through the introduction of the 10-years long compulsory school and the increasing power of mass media: that language was not fit to become the common literary language of the Nation. The writer and movie director Pier Paolo Pasolini (1922-1975), who in his novels gave voice to the sub-urban proletarians of the city of Rome, was highly unsatisfied with the new common language that was in the process of being established in the country. As for China, when the imperial system was abolished by the ‘Xinhai revolution’, in 1911, the belief became increasingly widespread among intellectuals that the rebirth of China had to be based in the global rejection of the Confucian tradition and that the ‘Báihuà’ (people’s language) should be adopted in literature, replacing the ‘Wényán’ (classical language), not accessible to the common people. Lu Xun and his colleagues eventually succeeded in their efforts of establishing the ‘Báihuà’ as the common literary language of China. Purpose of the paper is the comparison between the efforts exerted by these literati in creating a ‘common literary language’ in their respective countries.
47
Kolomiiets, Dmytro. « Housing and Communal Services of Kyiv during the German-Soviet War Based on the Materials of the Occupation Press (September 1941 — September 1943) ». Kyiv Historical Studies 16, no 1 (2023) : 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2023.110.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is dedicated to the state of housing and communal services in Kyiv as covered in the periodicals «Ukrainske Slovo», «Nove Ukrainske Slovo» and «Ostanni Visti» during the period of German occupation. Analysis of the newspapers' materials made it possible to outline the state of the housing stock and communal infrastructure from the entry of the occupying forces into the city until the end of the German administration's activities. The newspapers' pages contain information on statistical calculations of the destruction in Kyiv, as well as activities related to the localization and elimination of these consequences. The materials reveal propaganda cliches, distortion, and exaggeration of information regarding the state of affairs in housing and communal services. For the mentioned aspect, it is possible to reflect the common and distinct features of German propaganda in the periodicals used in all the territories where it was active. This includes the use of “soft power” by the occupying press to instill new political beliefs, friendliness towards Germans in the population of Kyiv. In particular, appealing to the destruction of housing and critical infrastructure of the city by the Soviets. Attention to the materials of the occupation press and their objective evaluation not only allows for determining the degree of distortion of the information provided in the context of the historical time reviewed but also in comparison with the activity of such presses in the modern world. Russian occupation administrations currently use the full spectrum of mass media, including the press, to distort reality and conduct political propaganda on temporarily occupied territories in Ukraine. In many respects, the occupiers adhere to similar or identical forms of the fascist regime of reflecting non-existent reality, including issues related to housing and communal services destroyed or damaged by themselves in the territories they occupy.
48
Todorov, Іhor. « Embassy of Ukraine in Hungary in Countering Russian Aggression ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XXII (2021) : 803–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-43.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the activity of the Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Hungary in the context of countering Russian aggression. In particular, the author examines the involvement of the Ukrainian embassy in the Hungarian media to convey the truth about Russian invasion of Ukraine and describes Ukrainian events in Hungary aimed at informing the country about Russian aggression. It has been proven that Russian aggression against Ukraine has significantly affected security in Central and Eastern Europe, the region still seen by the Kremlin as its own sphere of influence. It has been found that in Hungarian society it is difficult to prove that Russia is not a problematic neighbour with whom it is possible to negotiate but an ‘existential enemy’, whose goal is the complete demolition of the Ukrainian state, the destruction of the European Union and NATO. From the very beginning, Russian invasion of Ukraine has had the character of a civilisational clash and, more broadly, the ‘Ukrainian front’ in the war of civilisations. That is why in the narratives, including those for Hungary, there were and remain distorted evaluations of the Revolution of Dignity as a fascist coup initiated by the EU and NATO; of the attempted annexation of Crimea as a natural step of Russia left with no other option; of the occupation of Donetsk and Luhansk regions and the establishment of puppet regimes of ‘DPR/LPR’ as a result of the ‘internal Ukrainian conflict’; of the implementation of the Minsk Agreements according to the Russian scenario, including through a direct dialogue between Kyiv and Donetsk and Lugansk; of Russia’s denial of the downing of MH17 and violations of navigation rules in the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait, etc. Since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the activities of the Embassy of Ukraine have been aimed at persuading the Hungarian authorities and Hungarian society to stop de facto interpreting the Russian Federation as a democratic and civilised state. Victory over Russian aggression, including hybrid aggression, is possible only by consolidating the West (including Ukraine as its integral part) on the basis of common liberal-democratic values, which need to be protected and propagated in the current geopolitical conditions of turmoil and uncertainty. Keywords: Russian aggression, Ukrainian-Hungarian relations, common values, Hungarian mass media, Embassy of Ukraine in Hungary.
49
Epstein (book editor), Mark, Fulvio Orsitto (book editor), Andrea Righi (book editor) et Eloisa Morra (review author). « Totalitarian Art : The Visual Arts, Fascism(s) and Mass-society ». Quaderni d'italianistica 38, no 2 (4 février 2019) : 219–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v38i2.32243.
Texte intégral
50
Sica, Beatrice. « TOTalitarian ARTs. The Visual Arts, Fascism(s) and Mass-Society ». Italian Studies 74, no 1 (2 novembre 2018) : 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00751634.2019.1537110.
Texte intégral