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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Fascism – Greece »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Fascism – Greece"

Sumah, Stefan, et Anze Sumah. « Questioning on Several Forms of Fascism ». Academicus International Scientific Journal 26 (juillet 2022) : 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2022.26.07.

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The concept of fascism has been defined quite precisely by researchers in the field of political science and sociology, who also defined its main features or characteristics. However, with the word fascism (and its derivatives, e.g. fascists, fascist…) members of the left often label their opponents, thus, this is word is often misused. In essence, fascism is a word that has become synonymous with the word totalitarianism. With the analysis that was based on similar characteristics we concluded that totalitarianisms of both poles (if the classical left–right political spectrum is applied) exhibit more common features than, for instance, totalitarianisms and classical dictatorships, which are also often called fascist or semi-fascist regimes. Thus, German Nazism (often also presented as one of the forms of fascism) and Russian Bolshevism (as one of the extremes forms of socialism) or Titoism in Yugoslavia have more in common than e.g. German Nazism and Pinochet’s dictatorship in Chile or the dictatorship of colonels in Greece (both also frequently referred to as fascistic regimes or semi-fascist regimes). Using the word fascism is often not so much about denoting the actual content as it is more for political propaganda and slandering the opponent. If it was based on actual characteristics, fascism (fascist, fascists…) could become an adjective to denote all totalitarianisms (left fascism, right-wing fascism, Islamic fascism…).

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MARVAKIS, Athanassios. « The dialectics of new fascism in Greece ». Estudos de Psicologia (Campinas) 32, n^o 3 (septembre 2015) : 547–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-166x2015000300019.

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The success of historical fascism in the particular transitional period at the beginning of the 20th century was grounded in its contribution to the successive acceptance and application of the so-called Fordist model for the organization of labor (accompanied by the correspondent social conditions and relations). Historical fascism contributed thus, with its particular way, to establishing a new class compromise between the potentials related with the productive forces and the confinements emanating from the productive relations. This contribution constitutes the "creativity" of fascism. Such a historical perspective on social processes allows us not to fall into the trap of understanding fascism only as a (barbarian) "deception". Fascism cannot be a plain deception, because a "mere deceit" cannot mobilize people. Fascism takes over, adopts real and unfulfilled needs and hopes - which as such constitute resistance to the capitalist arrogance and logic of commodification of everything - and offers its own (fascist, barbarian) solution or fulfillment. Consequently, our responsibility cannot lie in rejecting these needs and hopes (which are basically needs and hopes for security) because of their distorted or "pervert" articulations. Our responsibility lies in the careful peeling of these hopes/demands from their (fascist) enwrapment. Nationalism (from the subalterns!) does not constitute a mere irrational leftover from the past, but contains potentially mystic and romantic pre- or anti-capitalist elements and references. Nationalism obtains its dynamics and persuasion (for the subalterns!) from and for the contemporary societal processes, thus constituting an active, political and actual demand/position within the restructuring of society - which is in itself a moment in the restructuring of capitalism. Herein also the "rational kernel" of the anti-capitalist antithesis by the New Right is founded as counter position to the "neutral" commodification of everything. This antithesis can of course not be the issue for us the opponents of fascism. The "problem" for us is the fascist perspective in which this antithesis is embedded; the political vision which has recruited the antithesis for confining solidarity only to "our people" and not broadening solidarity towards all people!

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Kallis, Aristotle, et George Souvlis. « Editorial Introduction ». Fascism 11, n^o 2 (16 novembre 2022) : 159–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10047.

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Abstract There are few more challenging tests of fascist core-periphery topographies than the case of interwar Greece. Greece can claim no significant fascist movement in the interwar years; no significant fascist political party; and no dictatorial regime inspired by a genuinely revolutionary ultranationalist vision. In the last category, the only possible candidate, the 4th of August dictatorial regime headed by the retired general Ioannis Metaxas, was established late (1936) and lasted only for a few short years until the death of the dictator (January 1941). The contributions to this special issue on interwar Greece feature not only diverse aspects of the Metaxas regime but also offer broader perspectives on the ideological and political dynamics of fascism across the 1920s and 1930s. This special issue intends to build bridges between historical and sociological approaches; between the study of ideas and the analysis of policies; between contextual specificities and international trends; and, in the end, between recent historiographies of generic fascism and of modern Greek history. Collectively, the contributions also evince a plea to take the fascist experience and the potential for radical ruptures in interwar Greece more seriously.

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Kallis, Aristotle. « Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian : The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe ». East Central Europe 37, n^o 2-3 (25 mars 2010) : 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.

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The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-British foreign policy and a strong deference to both the Crown and the church/religion. Nevertheless, in this chapter, I argue that the 4th of August regime should be relocated firmly within the terrain of fascism studies. The establishment and consolidation of the regime in Greece reflected a much wider process of political and ideological convergence and hybridisation between anti-democratic/anti-liberal/anti-socialist conservative forces, on the one hand, and radical rightwing/fascist politics, on the other. It proved highly receptive to specific fascist themes and experiments (such as the single youth organisation, called EON), which it transplanted enthusiastically into its own hybrid of ‘radicalised’ conservatism. Although far less ideologically ‘revolutionary’ compared to Italian Fascism or German National Socialism, the 4th of August regime’s radicalisation between 1936 and 1941 marked a fundamental departure from conventional conservative-authoritarian politics in a direction charted by the broader fascist experience in Europe.

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Kallis, Aristotle. « International Fascism and the Allure of the ‘Third Way’ in Interwar Greece ». Fascism 11, n^o 2 (16 novembre 2022) : 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10048.

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Abstract The rise and victory of Italian Fascism in the first half of the 1920s passed Greece by. Yet soon afterwards the international experience of ‘fascism’ found more receptive audiences within the prodigious dissident ‘third spaces’ where more and more mainstream Greek political actors chose to operate in the interwar period. This article explores the dynamics of the ideological and political formation of ‘third ways’ in interwar Greece, paying attention to the interplay between international stimuli and local contextual singularities. In these thirding spaces ‘fascism’ was understood and operationalised in very different, subjective, and ever-shifting ways by each of these actors. It was regarded mostly as a potential component of diverse thirding processes/solutions and rarely as the desired outcome thereof. This explains why fascism came to inform a range of very different thirding projects in interwar Greece—from pursuing rupture and renewal to aspiring to status quo-affirmation; from liberal to conservative to authoritarian visions; from searching for a short-term ‘remedy’ to envisioning a long-term radical transformation.

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Villari, Giovanni. « A Failed Experiment : The Exportation of Fascism to Albania ». Modern Italy 12, n^o 2 (juin 2007) : 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362698.

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Using Italian and Albanian archive sources, this essay analyses the effectiveness of Italian policy in Albania, during the years of its union with Italy (1939–1943), in the creation of a model Fascist state and in the generation of support for Italy among the Albanian population. Through the creation of party and state structures similar to those in Italy, Fascism intended to give voice to Albanian Nationalist demands, but Italian policy was undermined by a basic defect which helped to cool any initial enthusiasm: the loss of all semblance of Albanian independence and the exploitation of local resources to the benefit of the Italians alone. The Italy-Greece conflict cast a shadow on the Fascist fighting ability which not even the creation of ‘Great Albania’ (thanks to the help of the Germans) removed. As Italy's military fortunes changed for the worse, they were forced to address a growing resistance until the tragic conclusion of 8th September 1943 and the end of the occupation.

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Kallis, Aristotle A. « Fascism and Religion : The Metaxas Regime in Greece and the ‘Third Hellenic Civilisation’. Some Theoretical Observations on ‘Fascism’, ‘Political Religion’ and ‘Clerical Fascism’ ». Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 8, n^o 2 (18 mai 2007) : 229–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760701321148.

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Souvlis, George. « Genuine Fascist Theory or Non-Systematic Conceptualisations of the New Authoritarian Order ? » Fascism 11, n^o 2 (16 novembre 2022) : 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10045.

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Abstract This article analyses legal texts written by Nikolaos Koumaros that were foundational to the 4th of August regime in Greece. It demonstrates the regime possessed an ideology that did not differ substantially from other authoritarian regimes of the period. In particular, the choice of Koumaros as the central legal theorist of the regime can be explained by his familiarity with anti-liberal theories of the time. His engagement with these theories was linked with his studies in France and Italy during the interwar period, exposing him to fascist ideals. A detailed examination of the conceptual transfers that informed the main legal texts of the regime demonstrated their reasoning followed closely the theoretical developments of the time. Mussolini’s doctrine of fascism and a specific reading of Rousseau functioned as the basis for the legitimisation of a new, anti-liberal political order. These ideas became key analytical pillars of the legal texts that gave shape to the regime’s normative and political foundation, demonstrating that explicit fascist theories informed the political physiognomy of the regime.

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Tzanaki, Demetra. « Libido, Psychic Eugenics and Abnormality ». Fascism 11, n^o 2 (16 novembre 2022) : 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10044.

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Abstract This article attempts to resituate the Greek regime of 4th of August 1936 within the wider context of interwar fascism in Europe and address it as fascist ideology and practice. It does so by pointing to the ways in which the biomedical discourse on gender and sexuality was pivotal in Ioannis Metaxas’s project in terms of playing a crucial role in normalising ideas of racial, class, sexual and gender hierarchy. The article has two areas of focus. The first approaches the eugenic discourse developed in Greece and Europe under liberal governments. This relied on the premise that the mental or psychic disorders it accounted for, identified mainly among the lower classes, were diagnosed as diseases of the ‘libidinous libido’ when it came to criminality, poverty, strikes, psychic diseases and brutal deaths. The second area of focus reveals how, once trained to detect biological and psychical anomalies, Metaxas’s regime managed to perform something that now gives the impression of a magic trick: by waving the wand of psychiatric technocracy over a scene of profound economic inequality, it cultivated an authoritarian, patriarchal, biomedical discourse on psychic normality.

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CHRISTIAENS, KIM. « ‘Communists are no Beasts’ : European Solidarity Campaigns on Behalf of Democracy and Human Rights in Greece and East–West Détente in the 1960s and Early 1970s ». Contemporary European History 26, n^o 4 (17 octobre 2017) : 621–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000364.

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Ever since the collapse of the Greek military regime in 1974 European campaigns over human rights and democracy in Greece have been commonly understood within an anti-totalitarian narrative that has celebrated resistance against both communist dictatorship and right-wing authoritarianism as part of a common journey towards a democratic continent. This article analyses the little-studied history of European solidarity movements with Greece during the 1960s and early 1970s that stretched across both the West and East of the continent. In so doing, it suggests that these campaigns were a facet of the politics of détente and rapprochement that brought together Western and Eastern Europe. Communist peace movements played a central role in these human rights campaigns. This was far from a common anti-totalitarian movement; rather, campaigns for Greece were enmeshed within movements that worked on a wide range of issues – from support for Eastern European dissidents and anti-fascism to world peace and protest against the Vietnam War. Nor were they about ‘a return to Europe’: above all they thrived on common connections in East and West with the Third World.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Fascism – Greece"

Anastasakis, Othon Evangelos. « Authoritarianism in 20th century Greece : ideology and education under the dictatorships of 1936 and 1967 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1304/.

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This study examines the authoritarian ideology and educational policy of two dictatorial regimes of 20th century Greece: the Metaxas' dictatorship of 1936-1941 (the 4th of August regime); and the military junta of 1967-1974 (the 21st of April regime). Although viewed comparatively, the regimes in question are shown to have been different, due to crucial differences stemming from their contemporary international and domestic settings. Moreover, their ideologies were shaped by the way dictatorial rulers perceived and interpreted their reality. Influenced by the inter-war fascist context, the 4th of August regime tried to accommodate a radical fascist rhetoric to a nationalistic and traditionalist set of beliefs. Metaxas' perception of reality was exemplified in his educational policy, through which the dictator unsuccessfully tried to mobilise from above the youth, on the imported model of the fascist youth movements. The 21st of April regime contrasted sharply with the post-war international liberal environment, while its ideology was marked by the distinct and often contradictory mentalities of the colonels. The contradictions and inconsistencies of the military mind were reproduced at the educational level, as the military rulers attempted to demobilise a highly organised youth, to reverse the previous liberal educational reforms and to appoint loyalists to key posts. So, while the 4th of August saw the legitimation of its authority in the use of an openly authoritarian discourse and the mobilisation of the youth, the 21st of April regime, by contrast, torn by the conflicting mentalities of its military rulers, sought legitimacy through clientelistic networks of support and the demobilisation of the youth.

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SOUVLIS, George. « Towards an anatomy of Metaxas’s fascist experiment : organic intellectuals, antiparliamentarian discourse and authoritarian state building ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/60984.

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Defence date: 6 February 2019
Examining Board: Prof. Ann Thomson, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Lucy Riall, European University Institute Prof. Aristotle Kallis, Keele University, (Ext. Advisor); Prof. Dylan Riley, University of California at Berkeley
Main aim of this thesis is to shed a new light on the 4th of August of regime, the authoritarian state that was established in August 1936 by Metaxas, and the anti-parliamentarian ideology that it developed during the years of its existence. Despite increasing production of literature on this topic in the last few years the bibliographical lacunae are still many and there is still a high degree of puzzlement in regard to the understanding of the nature of the regime. This thesis attempts to form a new understanding of its political nature and the discourses that it has developed as a regime on its own physiognomy. The anti-parliamentarian discourse is chosen to be analyzed from the ideological motives that the regime adopted since it is considered crucial for the understanding of the mentality of Greek fascist experiment. The overcoming of the parliamentarian rule was one of the key reasons for its establishment considered as destructive for the existence of the national totality. I adopt the concept of 'anti-parliamentarianism' as a more suitable term than that of 'anti-democratic' because it leaves room for alternative definitions of democracy.

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Triantafillou, George. « Golden Dawn and Front National : A Comparison of Ideological Discourse ». Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34868.

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The literature has lacked a comparative analysis into Greece's Far Right party, Golden Dawn's, (GD) ideological discourse. The Far Right party is the most extreme in the Greek Parliament, promoting an ultra-nationalist agenda and being accused of operating as a terrorist organisation by the state. Looking at characteristics such as nationalism, euroscepticism and authoritarianism, this thesis compares GD to the prototypical radical right party, Front National (FN), and predicts that they will be more radical in every aspect of their discourse. In addition, it seeks to fit them within a party classification.

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Spiliotis, Susanne-Sophia. « Transterritorialität und nationale Abgrenzung : Konstitutionsprozesse der griechichschen Gesellschaft und Ansätze ihrer faschistoiden Transformation, 1922/24-1941 / ». München : R. Oldenbourg, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37206846n.

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FEDERICO, LUCA. « L'apprendistato letterario di Raffaele La Capria ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Genova, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11567/1005664.

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Superati «novant’anni d’impazienza» e dopo un lungo periodo votato all’autocommento e all’esplorazione delle proprie intenzioni, Raffaele La Capria ha raccolto le sue opere in due Meridiani curati da Silvio Perrella. La Capria ne ha celebrato l’uscita nella prolusione inaugurale di Salerno Letteratura, poi confluita nel breve autoritratto narrativo "Introduzione a me stesso" (2014). In questa sede, l’autore è tornato su alcuni punti essenziali della sua riflessione sulla scrittura, come la relazione, reciproca e ineludibile, fra tradizione e contemporaneità. All’epilogo del «romanzo involontario» di una vita, La Capria guarda retrospettivamente alla propria esperienza come ad un’autentica educazione intellettuale. Perciò, muovendo da un’intervista inedita del 2015, riportata integralmente in appendice, la tesi ha l’obiettivo di ricostruire l’apprendistato letterario di La Capria dai primi anni Trenta, quando l’autore ancora frequentava il ginnasio, fino all’inizio dei Sessanta, quando ottenne il premio che ne avrebbe assicurato il successo. Il percorso, che riesamina l’intera bibliografia lacapriana nella sua varietà e nella sua stratificazione, si articola in una serie di fasi interdipendenti: la partecipazione indiretta alle iniziative dei GUF (intorno alle riviste «IX maggio» e «Pattuglia»); l’incursione nel giornalismo e l’impegno culturale nell’immediato dopoguerra (sulle pagine di «Latitudine» e di «SUD»); l’attività di traduttore dal francese e dall’inglese (da André Gide a T.S. Eliot); l’impiego alla RAI come autore e conduttore radiofonico (con trasmissioni dedicate a Orwell, Stevenson, Saroyan e Faulkner); la collaborazione con «Il Gatto Selvatico», la rivista dell’ENI voluta da Enrico Mattei e diretta da Attilio Bertolucci; e le vicende editoriali dei suoi primi due romanzi, “Un giorno d’impazienza” (1952) e “Ferito a morte” (1961), fino alla conquista dello Strega. La rilettura dell’opera di uno scrittore semi-autobiografico come La Capria, attraverso il costante riscontro di fonti giornalistiche, testimonianze epistolari e documenti d’archivio che avvalorano e occasionalmente smentiscono la sua versione dei fatti, diventa allora un’occasione per immergersi nella sua mitografia personale e avventurarsi in territori finora poco esplorati: come la ricostruzione del suo profilo culturale, a partire dal milieu in cui La Capria vive e opera, o l’incidenza delle letture e delle esperienze giovanili sulla sua prassi letteraria.

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Livres sur le sujet "Fascism – Greece"

Spiliotis, Susanne-Sophia. Transterritorialität und Nationale Abgrenzung : Konstitutionsprozesse der griechischen Gesellschaft und Ansätze ihrer faschistoiden Transformation, 1922/24-1941. München : R. Oldenbourg, 1998.

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Myth and memory in the Mediterranean : Remembering fascism's empire. Houndmills, Hampshire : Macmillan, 1997.

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Ditfurth, Jutta. Entspannt in die Barbarei : Esoterik, (Öko-)Faschismus und Biozentrismus. Hamburg, Germany : Konkret Literatur Verlag, 1996.

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1931-, Scarfe Allan, et Scarfe Wendy, dir. All that grief : Migrant recollections of Greek resistance to fascism, 1941-1949. Sydney, NSW : Hale & Iremonger, 1994.

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Kleitsikas, Nikos. Phainomena tromokratias : Ho Hellēnikos neophasismos mesa apo ta aporrēta engrapha tōn Mystikōn Hypēresiōn. Chalandri : Proskēnio, 2003.

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Il fascino "fatale" di Semele tra letteratura e musica. Bari : Florestano edizioni, 2017.

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Una faccia una razza ? : Grecia antica e moderna nell'immaginario italiano di età fascista. Roma : Carocci editore, 2013.

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Hē pneumatikē zōē hypo epitērēsē : To paradeigma tou periodikou to "Neon Kratos" : analytika heuretēria kata teuchos, themata kai syngrapheis. Athēna : Hidryma K. kai H. Ouranē, 2010.

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Biehl, Janet. Ecofascism : Lessons from the German experience. Edinburgh : AK Press, 1995.

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Baldo, Dieter. Bertolt Brechts "Antigonemodell 1948" : Theaterarbeit nach dem Faschismus. Köln : Pahl-Rugenstein, 1987.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Fascism – Greece"

Pelt, Mogens. « Stages in the Development of the ‘Fourth of August’ Regime in Greece ». Dans Rethinking Fascism and Dictatorship in Europe, 198–218. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137384416_9.

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Hayes, Paul M. « Greece under Metaxas and the Colonels ». Dans Fascism, 177–90. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003074762-19.

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« Conservatism, authoritarianism and fascism in Greece, 1915–45 ». Dans Fascists and Conservatives, 208–25. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203393239-11.

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« Conservatism, authoritarianism and fascism in Greece, 1915-45 ». Dans Fascists & ; Conservatives Europ, 206–23. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203389409-13.

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Campbell, Ian. « Background ». Dans The Addis Ababa Massacre, 9–48. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190674724.003.0002.

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This chapter points out similarities between Ethiopian and Roman empires in terms of their history, in particular the adoption by both empires of Christianity as state religion in the 4th century, their fragmentation into warring states, and their subsequent re-unification as sovereign states in the second half of the 19th century. Italy’s unsuccessful attempt at Adwa to occupy Ethiopia in 1896 is summarized. This event was followed by the rise of Fascism and Italy’s second invasion of Ethiopia, the geo-political aims of which are discussed. The chapter outlines the failure of the League of Nations to protect Ethiopia, one of its earliest members, and explains the role of the 6th Blackshirt Division in the suppression of Ethiopian civilians. The author dismisses the idea that the invasion of Ethiopia was a colonial expedition, pointing out that as a sovereign state, Ethiopia was not a candidate for colonialism. It was a victim of Fascist expansionist policy, along with other victims such as Greece, Albania and Yugoslavia.

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« Leonidas Philippidis And The Beginnings Of The History Of Religions As An Academic Discipline In Greece ». Dans The Study of Religion under the Impact of Fascism, 281–302. BRILL, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004163263.i-663.51.

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Campbell, Ian. « Reflections ». Dans The Addis Ababa Massacre, 351–54. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190674724.003.0013.

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This chapter reflects upon the degree of savagery of the massacre of Addis Ababa, in the context of Fascism’s glorification of war and suffering. The author notes that the techniques of civilian repression tried and tested by the Italians in Ethiopia were subsequently employed in Albania, Greece and Yugoslavia, sometimes by the same commanders who had deployed them in Ethiopia. He also reflects on the fact that although Hitler copied many of the policies and strategies of Mussolini. Yet unlike the Germans, who were taken to task for the excesses of the Nazis, the Italians were never held accountable for the excesses of the Fascists, none of whom were ever sent to trial for the atrocities in Ethiopia, Albania, Greece or Yugoslavia.

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Saraiva, Tiago. « Wheat : Food Battles, Elite Breeds, and Mussolini’s Fascist Regime ». Dans Fascist Pigs. The MIT Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9780262035033.003.0002.

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This chapter describes the design of new wheat breeds by the Italian geneticist Nazareno Strampelli and their role in the Battle of Wheat, the first mass mobilization of Mussolini’s fascist regime. The combination in Strampelli’s most successful breed – Ardito – of immunity to rust and resistance to lodging leading to increased use of chemical fertilizers, an early version of the Green Revolution, made seem plausible fascist dreams of the national soil feeding the national community. More than that, Strampelli’s Ardito performed the fascist permanent mobilization of the nation, blurring peace and war, transforming every Italian involved in the campaign for wheat autarky into a defender of the Fatherland, a human Ardito, the name of the Italian storm troopers of First World War and the basis of Mussolini’s paramilitary black shirts.

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Winter, Jay. « The Road from Rome ». Dans The Day the Great War Ended, 24 July 1923, 177—C7.P66. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192870735.003.0008.

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Abstract The Italian delegation was just as determined as the French that the war was over in Anatolia. For two years, under the shrewd guidance of Carlo Sforza, the Italian position had turned towards collaboration in the task of rebuilding Turkey after a decade of war. Even when Benito Mussolini came to power, this Italian initiative was maintained, and Italian diplomats played a crucial role in ironing out differences in the text of the Peace Treaty. Virtually as soon as it was signed, though, Mussolini did a volte-face, and accused the Greek government of responsibility for the murder of Italian troops mapping the border between Greece and Albania. No one knows who the culprits were, but the Allies decided to appease Mussolini and defuse the crisis. Here was the first time that the League of Nations was blocked by the Great Powers from acting as a major peacekeeper, and the first time that appeasement became the strategy of choice of those faced by a fascist dictator. It would not be the last.

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Keßler, Mario. « Ossip K. Flechtheim (1909-1998) ». Dans Transatlantic Radicalism, sous la direction de Frank Jacob et Mario Keßler, 221–48. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859609.003.0010.

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The political scientist Ossip Kurt Flechtheim (1909-1998) lived in different countries on both sides of the Atlantic: Germany, France, Switzerland, and the United States. He specialized in various fields of research: contemporary history, political science, and future studies, and he taught and wrote in several languages. Flechtheim belonged to three different parties of the left: before 1933 he was a member of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). After his return to Berlin in 1952 he had joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD), which he then left in 1962. From 1979 until his death Flechtheim was a member of the Alternative Liste that was part of the ecological Green Party. Flechtheim’s work, which includes nearly twenty books and a great number of edited volumes, is devoted to crucial problems of the twentieth and the twenty-first century: to war and peace, democracy and dictatorship, fascism and anti-fascism, the north-south conflict, and capitalism and Communism in its various forms. The last chapter of the volume gives a biographical overview and tries to explain how Flechtheim’s life’s path between Europe and America influenced his thinking as a versatile scholar and radical socialist.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Fascism – Greece"

Ramesh, Aparna. « Le Corbusier in Chandigarh : A Search for the Natural Order ». Dans LC2015 - Le Corbusier, 50 years later. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/lc2015.2015.784.

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Abstract: This paper is an attempt to analyse and decode Le Corbusier’s application of his exceptionally singular and complex understanding of the order of the natural world in his urban masterpiece- Chandigarh City. It was Le Corbusier’s strong belief that architecture was a personal search for truth, a truth that was contained in the organic harmony of nature. He was convinced that with the advent of the machine in the 19th century, ties between man and nature had been severed. For the sake of the citizen’s physiological and psychological health, he felt it was essential that future cities focus on reconnecting man to nature through large green parks open to the sky, unpolluted by the machine. His own formative years in the lush forests of the Swiss countryside, sketching and abstracting natural forms helped him observe and internalise the inherent logic in their geometry. Over the years, a deeper study of mathematical proportions of the human body led Le Corbusier to propose the Modulor as a standard for the human scale in architecture. This only further cemented his belief that there was no separate natural order and man-made order; man was a part of nature and therefore a part of the natural order as well. However, it was the spiritual aspect of city planning that fascinated Le Corbusier the most. After a life long study of natural forms, he was fully convinced that this Spirit was hidden in the geometries of nature. To him, it was essential that the twentieth century city employ this spiritual order as a means restore harmony between man, nature and the cosmos. Resumen: Este trabajo conforma un intento para analizar y decodificar la aplicación de Le Corbusier en su comprensión excepcionalmente singular y compleja del orden del mundo natural en su obra maestra urbana - La Ciudad de Chandigarh. La firme creencia de Le Corbusier era que la arquitectura constituía una búsqueda personal de la verdad, una verdad establecida en la armonía orgánica de la naturaleza. Estaba convencido de que con el surgimiento de las máquinas en el siglo XIX, los lazos entre el hombre y la naturaleza se habían roto. Por el bien de la salud fisiológica y sicológica de los ciudadanos, sentía que era fundamental que las ciudades futuras se enfocaran en reconectar al hombre con la naturaleza a través de grandes parques verdes abiertos al cielo, sin ser contaminados por máquinas. Sus propios años de formación en los frondosos bosques del campo Suizo, esbozando y captando formas naturales lo ayudaron a observar e internalizar la lógica inherente en su geometría. Con el transcurso de los años, un estudio más profundo de proporciones matemáticas del cuerpo humano, llevaron a que Le Corbusier propusiera el Modulor como un estándar para la escala humana en arquitectura. Esto sólo consiguió consolidar aun más su creencia de que no había una separación entre el orden natural y el hecho por el hombre; el hombre era parte de la naturaleza y por lo tanto parte del orden natural también. Sin embargo, fue el aspecto espiritual de la planificación de la ciudad lo que más fascinó a Le Corbusier. Luego de un estudio de formas naturales a lo largo de la vida, se convenció por completo acerca de que este Espíritu estaba escondido en las geometrías de la naturaleza. Para él era primordial que la ciudad del siglo veinte empleara este orden espiritual como un medio para restaurar la armonía entre el hombre, la naturaleza y el cosmos. Keywords: Chandigarh; City Planning; Capitol Complex; Modulor Man; Open Hand; Natural Order. Palabras clave: Chandigarh; Planificación de la ciudad ; Capitol Complex; Modulor Man; Open Hand; Orden del Mundo Natural. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/LC2015.2015.784

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