Thèses sur le sujet « Fascism and youth – Italy – History »

Defence date: 24 September 2021; Examining Board: Professor Lucy Riall (European University Institute); Professor Alexander Etkind (European University Institute); Professor John Foot (University of Bristol); Professor Marla Stone (Occidental College)
My PhD has utilised the cultural representation of Italy’s most popular military figure from the Fascist period to account for the myth-making and warped remembrance of Rodolfo Graziani in Modern-day Italy. By proving himself to Mussolini with his brutal tactics, namely, mass hangings, the erection of concentration camps, and utilisation of poison gas during the Italian ‘pacification’ of Libya in the 1920’s and the Fascist conquest of Ethiopia in 1936, my project highlights that Graziani was chosen by the Fascist government to be a national imperial war hero. Facilitated by the dawn of totalitarianism and mass consumption, the propaganda campaign to promote the Fascist Empire utilised Graziani as a modern-day celebrity, through many mediums, which became the source base for my research. Images of Graziani filtered back to Italy in the 1930s through postcards, books, magazines, film, radio, busts and the like. During the Second World War, collaboration with the Nazis under the Salò Republic led to his trial in 1948, but his colonial crimes remained unquestioned, testament to the effect of heroisation for his previous colonial career. Since then, this manipulation of historical consciousness has continued to pervade Italian society as the state searched for a collective ‘usable’ past from the remnants of the Fascist dictatorship. As Mussolini’s most popular enterprise, colonial ambition remained a shared goal across the political spectrum in the immediate post-war period. By countering national insecurities through the utilisation of male symbols, men like Graziani provided an opportunity to promote such ideals through untainted virtues of masculinity. Institutionally therefore, the role of individuals in bringing ‘civilisation’ to its African colonies continued to be revered in post-fascist and post-colonial Italy. Moreover, most recently, a regionally funded monument that was built in Graziani’s honour near Rome in 2012 only led to public outcry abroad and from interested national parties with almost no negative response from the Italian public. Graziani’s memory thus remains a fervent, multifaceted one and signifies tension in popular attitudes to Italy fascist and colonial history. It is with this timely and noteworthy case-study that I aim to shed light on the persistently neglected darker aspects of Italy’s recent past.

In 1934, four Argentine-born soccer players participated for the Italian team that won the FIFA World Cup on home soil. As children born to parents who participated in a wave of Italian immigrants that helped reshape Argentine society in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, these four players were part of a larger trend where over one hundred Argentine soccer players of Italian descent were signed by Italian clubs in the late 1920s and through the 1930s. This thesis examines the liminal space between Italian and Argentine identity within the broader context of diaspora formation in Argentina through a look at these four exemplars of the transatlantic talent shift. Utilizing sources that include Italian and Argentinian newspapers and magazines, national federation documents, and census and parish records, the thesis reveals the fluidity and temporality of national identity among Italo-Argentine immigrant offspring during the early twentieth century.

This research analyses the issue of Clerico-Fascism, within the framework of Italian political life of the Twenties, with a particular focus on the figure of Filippo Crispolti. After the rise to power of Fascism, Crispolti and the Clerico-Fascists supported the new Regime, which they supposed would promote Catholic renewal in opposition to the secularisation of Italian society and of its liberal institutions. The Centro Nazionale Italiano (Cni), founded in 1924 by pro-Fascist Catholics, was the most representative form of Italian Clerico-Fascism. The Cni members, and Crispolti between them, guaranteed their complete political support of fascism. At the centre of their ideological project there was the indissoluble and god-given link between Catholicism and the Italian nation. Fascism, according to this view, would definitely have allowed the catholic faith to regain its position of importance which it was due to hold in the public sphere. The clerical and conservative background of Cni members, allowed them to converge with the moderate nationalism and the conservative sectors of fascism, as well as causing some friction with the squadrismo and the nationalists of lay origin. The Vatican cautiously approved of the foundation of the Cni, but began to view it with suspicion because of its exaggerated pro-Fascism and its independence from the Holy See. The mistrust increased in consequence of frictions with Italian Azione Cattolica and the condemnation of Action Française. Finally in 1928 Pope Pius XI condemned the Cni, causing the end of any Clerico-Fascist project; the agreement between the fascist regime and Catholic aspirations was to continue in the Lateran Pacts of 1929.

This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.

Cette étude analyse l'émergence en Italie du clérico-fascisme, en se référant plus particulièrement à la figure de Filippo Crispolti. Après la Marche sur Rome, Crispolti et les clérico-fascistes supportèrent le nouveau régime, car ils voyaient dans la consolidation du fascisme la possibilité de soutenir les intérêts du catholicisme, en opposition à la sécularisation de la société italienne et de ses institutions libérales. Le Centro Nazionale (CNI), fondé en 1924 par les catholiques pro-fascistes, fut le rassemblement le plus significatif du clérico-fascisme italien. Les membres du CNI, et Crispolti entre eux, garantirent tout leur soutien au fascisme. Leur vision politique demeurait centrée sur le lien indissoluble et providentiel entre catholicisme et nation italienne. Le fascisme, d’après eux, ne manquerait pas de redonner à la foi catholique toute l’importance qui lui revenait dans la sphère publique. La mentalité cléricale et conservatrice des membres du CNI leur permit ainsi de converger avec le nationalisme modéré et les secteurs conservateurs du fascisme; des difficultés surgirent au contraire avec le squadrismo et les nationalistes d'origine laïque. L’attitude du Vatican fut d'abord de soutenir les clérico-fascistes, mais au cours des années le Saint-Siège accentua ses perplexités envers le CNI, en raison de son pro-fascisme exacerbé. La méfiance augmenta à la suite de la condamnation de l'Action française et des frictions entre fascisme et Azione Cattolica. Enfin, en 1928, le pape Pie XI condamna le CNI, provoquant la fin du projet clérico-fasciste, tandis que l'accord entre le régime fasciste et les aspirations catholiques aurait abouti aux Pactes du Latran
This research analyses the issue of Clerico-Fascism, within the framework of Italian political life of the Twenties, with a particular focus on the figure of Filippo Crispolti. After the rise to power of Fascism, Crispolti and the Clerico- Fascists supported the new Regime, which they supposed would promote Catholic renewal in opposition to the secularisation of Italian society and of its liberal institutions. The Centro Nazionale Italiano (Cni), founded in 1924 by pro-Fascist Catholics, was the most representative form of Italian Clerico-Fascism. The Cni members, and Crispolti between them, guaranteed their complete political support of fascism. At the centre of their ideological project there was the indissoluble and god-given link between Catholicism and the Italian nation. Fascism, according to this view, would definitely have allowed the catholic faith to regain its position of importance which it was due to hold in the public sphere. The clerical and conservative background of Cni members, allowed them to converge with the moderate nationalism and the conservative sectors of fascism, as well as causing some friction with the squadrismo and the nationalists of lay origin. The Vatican cautiously approved of the foundation of the Cni, but began to view it with suspicion because of itsexaggerated pro-Fascism and its independence from the Holy See. The mistrust increased in consequence of frictions with Italian Azione Cattolica and the condemnation of Action Française. Finally in 1928 Pope Pius XI condemned the Cni,causing the end of any Clerico-Fascist project; the agreement between the fascist regime and Catholic aspirations was tocontinue in the Lateran Pacts of 1929

Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a ‘dark wood’ or ‘life’s journey’ recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elite’s efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to ‘make Italians’, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his city’s prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dante’s life and literary endeavours.

Au début du XXème siècle, l'espace urbain de Rhodes est marqué par la coexistence de sujets Orthodoxes, Musulmans, Juifs et Catholiques. En 1912, l’Italie occupe ce centre d’une province ottomane. Après le Traité de Lausanne de 1923, l’occupation militaire italienne devient une administration civile et Rhodes devient ainsi un protectorat de l’état fasciste. L’historiographie a traité cet objet d’étude soit en se concentrant sur une seule des communautés confessionnelles, soit sur les structures gouvernementales, et elle montre une tendance à voir les dernières années d’administration Ottomane et l’administration italienne comme deux objets d’analyse séparés. Cette thèse offre une approche plus inclusive à travers la combinaison de sources de type, langue, et origine différente. Situé au carrefour entre histoire sociale et culturelle, le récit est centré sur les trajectoires de vie d’individus appartenant aux différentes confessions et sur leur rapport avec les institutions pendant le passage de la domination ottomane à la domination italienne. À part les changements de pratiques de gouvernance au sein des institutions, il est possible d’observer à cette époque des diverses innovations relatives à l’espace et aux formes de socialisation. Cette thèse interroge cette double échelle de transformation à travers une perspective inspirée par les études en sciences sociales autour de la notion de génération et jeunesse. L’étude porte sur les pratiques de démarcation et circulation de ressources entre les différentes générations d’une famille. De plus, la recherche inclut les configurations qui s’étendent au-delà des limites de la famille mais qui sont influencées par les rapport entre générations, comme l’école, les associations, les partis. Dans le contexte étudié, les institutions locales essaient de réguler la divergence produite par le fait que, dans la plupart des familles, les enfant sont socialisés différemment par rapport à leur parents. Cela aboutit à une communalisation et à une étatisation des ressources, deux tendances qui persistent avec des modalités et des motifs différents, de la période ottomane à l’italienne. Le but de ce processus est de domestiquer des formes de sociabilité et il se penche sur l’évocation de la « jeunesse » comme objet de cette domestication. Ainsi, le terme « jeunesse » sert à prescrire des normes de conduite et à légitimer l’intervention institutionnelle dans la régulation de la gestion des ressources
In the early twentieth century, the urban setting of Rhodes was characterized by the coexistence ofOrthodox, Muslims, Jews and Catholics. In 1912, this Ottoman provincial center was occupied by Italy.After the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, the Italian military occupation changed to a civil administration,and Rhodes became a protectorate of the Fascist state. The historiography has dealt with this settingeither by focusing on one confessional community, or on governmental structures, tending to see the lateOttoman and the Italian administration as two mutually exclusive objects of analysis. This dissertationoffers a more inclusive approach through the combination of sources of different origin, type, andlanguage. Situated at the crossroad of social and cultural history, the narrative is centered on lifetrajectories of individuals belonging to all confessions and their encounter with institutions from Ottomanto Italian rule. Next to changes in institutions and practices of governance, several innovations related tospaces and forms of socialization are observable in this period. This dissertation investigates such doublelevel of change through a perspective inspired by studies in social sciences about generations and youth.In other words, the study focuses on practices of demarcation and circulation of resources between thegenerations of a family. Additionally, figurations expanding outside the boundaries of a family – schools,associations, parties, etc. – but reflecting such generational interplay are taken into account. Since formost families children socialized differently from their parents, local institutions were concerned aboutregulating this divergence. The corresponding communalization and statalization of resources are trendspersisting, with different modalities and motives, from the Ottoman to the Italian period. This processaimed at domesticating forms of sociability, and it relied on evoking “youth” as the object of thisdomestication. Thus, the term “youth” served the purpose of prescribing norms of behavior andlegitimizing institutional intervention in regulating the management of resources

This study has the aim of exploring aspects of youth culture in Italy during the economic boom of the late 1950s and early 1960s. Its theoretical framework lies between the studies around Italian youth culture and those around the Italian Communist Party (PCI), investigating the relationship between young people and contemporary society and examining, for the first time, the relationship of the former with the PCI, its institutions and media organs. The arrival of an Anglo-American influenced pop culture (culture transmitted by the media and targeted at young people) and of its market, shaped the individualities of part of the pre-baby boomers that, finally, were able to create bespoke identities somewhat disconnected from the traditional party-related narrative while remaining on the left of the political spectrum. Pop symbols that blossomed in the late 1950s, such as the striped t-shirt, would characterise the style of young protesters who included them in their collective imagination from the early 1960s onwards. Simultaneously, a flourishing pop market gave space to other cultural experiences including Cantacronache, a group of young musicians based in Turin who vividly depicted Italy of the boom through their lyrics. Their efforts can be read as belonging to a pop market that finally starts to open up towards new musical stimuli. They aimed to make their music available beyond the circle of left-wing activism as well and they were produced by a label linked to the PCI that in those years was reshaping its approach towards society, getting rid of its radical fringes and opening to a dialogue with diverse strata of the public, including young people, women and non-members. The thesis investigates how the Communists and its Youth Federation (FGCI), reacted to the development of youth culture as an aspect of modernisation in general. Through an examination of the party’s approach to the youth revolts of the early 1960s and of its formal documents targeted at young people in general, we analyse how – and how successfully – the Communists tried to engage with young people while often, internal strands, the monolithic nature of the party and other elements, posed severe obstacles in meeting their demands, creating a fracture that would grow in the following years. The thesis also investigates how the party’s attempt to address young people was translated into the promotion of magazines in which serious political topics were discussed alongside other themes such as investigations into society and into the “questione giovanile.” In this respect, we will see how the FGCI journal Nuova generazione tried, in the late 1950s, to take account of youth inclinations paying attention to other important topics such as the emancipation of young women. The generation we look at is the first to claim the right to build its individual identities by drawing on pop culture and modernisation, developing codes and behaviours that pulled away from those set by the institutions.

Lo scrittore ed illustratore Antonio Rubino (1880-1964) fu artista di rilievo nel panorama letterario infantile del Novecento, prolifico nell’ideare opere connotate da forte ironia e da soluzioni espressive multimediali. La ricerca dà risalto a quanto pubblicato dall’artista sanremasco sulle pagine dei periodici per ragazzi nella prima metà del XX secolo, settore ad oggi privo di uno studio sistematico. Si tratta di un punto di vista favorevole a far emergere i contenuti trasmessi dall’autore al destinatario infantile, nonché a fare luce sul controverso rapporto con il fascismo e a tratteggiare l’evoluzione multimediale della sua produzione per l’infanzia. La definizione di una poetica rubiniana, che colga le matrici artistiche e le peculiarità ironiche della sua arte, conduce ad una riflessione educativa che interroghi la responsabilità assunta da Rubino nei confronti dell’infanzia lettrice.
The writer and illustrator Antonio Rubino (1880-1964) was a significant artist in the children’s literary panorama of the twentieth century. His works are connoted by strong irony and multimedia expressive solutions. This research is focused on Rubino’s works edited on children’s periodicals in the first half of the 20th century, a field that hasn’t been systematically studied yet by critics. This ideal point of view highlights the contents transmitted by the author to the young reader, underlines the relationship between the artist and the fascism and delineates the multimedia evolution of his children’s production. The analysis of the Rubino’s artistic thought, influenced by the contemporary trends, shows the peculiarities of his ironic style. It also guides to an educative consideration that examines the responsibilities of the author for young readers.

Lo scrittore ed illustratore Antonio Rubino (1880-1964) fu artista di rilievo nel panorama letterario infantile del Novecento, prolifico nell’ideare opere connotate da forte ironia e da soluzioni espressive multimediali. La ricerca dà risalto a quanto pubblicato dall’artista sanremasco sulle pagine dei periodici per ragazzi nella prima metà del XX secolo, settore ad oggi privo di uno studio sistematico. Si tratta di un punto di vista favorevole a far emergere i contenuti trasmessi dall’autore al destinatario infantile, nonché a fare luce sul controverso rapporto con il fascismo e a tratteggiare l’evoluzione multimediale della sua produzione per l’infanzia. La definizione di una poetica rubiniana, che colga le matrici artistiche e le peculiarità ironiche della sua arte, conduce ad una riflessione educativa che interroghi la responsabilità assunta da Rubino nei confronti dell’infanzia lettrice.
The writer and illustrator Antonio Rubino (1880-1964) was a significant artist in the children’s literary panorama of the twentieth century. His works are connoted by strong irony and multimedia expressive solutions. This research is focused on Rubino’s works edited on children’s periodicals in the first half of the 20th century, a field that hasn’t been systematically studied yet by critics. This ideal point of view highlights the contents transmitted by the author to the young reader, underlines the relationship between the artist and the fascism and delineates the multimedia evolution of his children’s production. The analysis of the Rubino’s artistic thought, influenced by the contemporary trends, shows the peculiarities of his ironic style. It also guides to an educative consideration that examines the responsibilities of the author for young readers.

Pasolini va conceptualitzar en la seva obra els processos destructors del capitalisme posterior a la segona guerra mundial. La seva narrativa els enfoca des de la perspectiva dels grups socials dels suburbis degradats els quals van crear una cultura híbrida entre el substrat camperol i les respostes morals a les pressions d una vida urbana. El seu cinema explora la necessitat de reformular els mites humanístics per a fer front a la desertització espiritual i cultural a què ens condemna el consumisme del darrer capitalisme. La seva poesia narra els estralls personals que comporta l enfrontament contra aquests processos de destrucció i contra les convencions socials. El nostre treball pretén seguir el diàleg de Pasolini amb la tradició de pensament crític del marxisme romàntic i contextualitzar l originalitat de la seva obra dins d alguns dels corrents crítics que als anys seixanta qüestionaven la conversió del món en una pura mercaderia.
Throughhiswork, Pasolini conceptualized the destructive processes of post- SecondWorldWarcapitalism. Hisnarrativefocuses on the processes from the perspective of social groupsfromdilapidatedsuburbs: a mass of dispossessedpeoplewhocreated a hybridculturebetween the peasantsubstrataand the moral responses to the pressure of urbanlife.Hiscinematicwork explores the necessity of reforminghumanistmyths in order to combat the spiritualand cultural desertionthatcondemns us to the consumerism of contemporarycapitalism. Hispoetryspeaks of the personal havocthatleads to clashesagainstthesedestructive processes andagainst social conventions. Comingfrom a radical originality, Ourstudyaims to followPasolini sdialoguewiththe RomanticMarxisttradition of criticalthoughtand to bring context to the originality of hisworkwithinsome of the criticaltrends of the 1960s that, questioned the transformation of the worldinto a purelycommercialentity.

Ce travail vise à approfondir certains aspects de l’expérience des francs-maçons et laïques italiens qui ont été exilés en Belgique, suite à la persécution opérée contre eux par la dictature de Mussolini.

En effet, les premières associations qui ont été poursuivies légalement par le dictateur italien ont été les associations maçonniques et celles de la Libre Pensée. Jusqu’au il y a quelques années, l’historiographie ne pouvait pas analyser davantage les conséquences de cet exil, faute d’accès aux archives de ces associations.

À présent, il nous a été possible d’étudier cette documentation qui nous a permis de démontrer que certains francs-maçons et libres-penseurs italiens, qui ont pris la décision de quitter leur pays afin suite aux persécutions de la dictature, avaient été des exilés politiques et avaient trouvé asile dans certains pays européens grâce aux réseaux maçonniques et laïques qui y existaient déjà depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. La Belgique a été l’un de ces pays d’accueil, mais en outre elle avait été le pays où ces réseaux étaient nés et s’étaient le plus efficacement développés.

C’est cette généalogie des réseaux maçonniques et laïques qui nous a permis d’expliquer pour quelles raisons, même si la Belgique n’a pas été le principal pays d’accueil des exilés maçons et laïques italiens, un certain nombre d’entre eux y sont passés ou s’y sont installés avec l’aide de la Franc-maçonnerie et de la Libre pensée belges, pendant leur exil./

The aim of my research project is to investigate further into the experience of the Italian free-masons and free-thinkers who had to go on exile as a consequence of their persecution by the Mussolini dictatorship. As a matter of fact, the first associations to be persecuted by the Italian dictator were the free-mason and free-thinkers associations, but till few years ago, the contemporary historiography hadn’t really focused on the consequences of these actions because of the limited access to the Archives of these associations.

It was only at the beginning of this century that these documents were found and have been left at the disposal of the researchers.

The study of part of these documents allows me to demonstrate that these free-masons and free-thinkers who had taken the decision to leave their country, in order not to accept the dictatorship, were political emigrants and

that they found asylum in some European countries thanks to the free-mason and free-thinker networks that they had established since the end of 19th century. Belgium was one of these countries, but more importantly the one

where the relation networks concerned were born and developed.

This fact allows us to explain the reason why a lot of Italian free-masons and free-thinkers passed in Belgium or some of them lived. Even if Belgium wasn't the country to which the most of these people exiled.

Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L'objet de cette thèse est d'étudier d'une part la place que tient la guerre dans l'œuvre de l'historien et philosophe italien Benedetto Croce (1866-1952), à la fois lorsqu'il étudie l'Histoire, notamment celle du XIXe siècle, et lorsqu'il réagit aux événements dont il est le contemporain : guerres d'Ethiopie de 1896 et 1935, de Libye de 1911-1912 et « pacification » dans les années vingt et trente, Première Guerre mondiale, Guerre d'Espagne, Seconde Guerre mondiale. La guerre est-elle parfois légitime ? Est-elle nécessaire à la construction et à l'affermissement de l'état italien ? Ou au contraire est-elle à éviter à tout prix ? Ces questions sont complexes car la guerre n'est pas l'apanage du fascisme, mais a déjà été l'un des caractères importants du régime libéral qui a précédé le fascisme en Italie. Ce travail de recherche porte également sur la pensée et l'action de Benedetto Croce en ce qui concerne le maintien puis la réinstauration de la paix, notamment après les deux guerres mondiales, et son engagement pro-européen. L'étude s'est appuyée sur le croisement entre les œuvres de Benedetto Croce et les documents contenus dans les Archives d'Etat à Rome, comme les dossiers de la Police Politique fasciste qui a surveillé Croce pendant des décennies à cause de son engagement antifasciste
The purpose of this thesis is first to study the part that war plays in the works of the Italian historian and philosopher, Benedetto Croce (1866-1952), when he studies History -in particular that of the 19th century- as well as when he reacts to the events of which he is a contemporary: wars in Ethiopia in 1896 and 1935, in Libya in 1911- 1912 and “pacification” in the nineteen twenties and thirties, First World War, Spanish War, Second World War. Is war sometimes legitimate? Is it necessary to the construction and strengthening of the Italian State? Or on the contrary is it to be avoided at all costs? These are complex questions, for war is not the prerogative of fascism but has already been one of the important characteristics of the liberal regime that preceded fascism in Italy. This research is also focused on the thought and action of Benedetto Croce concerning peace maintaining and then restoring, in particular after both world wars, and his commitment to Europe. The study is based upon the interplay of Benedetto Croce’s works and the documents found in the State Archives in Rome, like the files of the fascist political police who watched Croce during decades because of his anti-fascist commitment

Cette thèse a pour objectif d'étudier le monde journalistique turinois sous le régime fasciste, et en particulier lors de la deuxième décennie du régime. Cette période, coïncidant avec la montée et la consolidation du consensus (1929-1936) avant une remise en question progressive (1936-1940), est pour le journalisme italien celle de l'instauration progressive du contrôle de la profession par le régime. La répression, puis la mise au pas de la presse nationale et régionale, la création de structures de contrôle, particulièrement avec le Syndicat national fasciste des journalistes et son albo ou le ministère de la Culture populaire, l'uniformisation et l’institutionnalisation de la presse, notamment pour des usages propagandistes, bouleversent le monde journalistique et ses acteurs. Il s'agit dès lors de se focaliser sur les parcours collectifs et individuels de ces journalistes, en prenant comme laboratoire d'étude la ville de Turin. Les influences politiques, sociales et culturelles font en effet de cette ville un lieu particulier pour le fascisme, difficile à « normaliser ». Turin possède par ailleurs deux des plus importants journaux du pays (la Gazzetta del Popolo et La Stampa). L'étude prosopographique des 278 journalistes identifiés permet de mettre en perspective des caractéristiques sociales particulières, notamment en terme d'origine géographique ou de niveau d'instruction. De même, en s’intéressant aux liens avec le monde politique local et national, elle éclaire les frontières mouvantes entre politique et journalisme et permet de replacer la question du journalisme dans le cadre plus large du régime fasciste et particulièrement de ses ambiguïtés, entre contrôle, surveillance et répression d'un côté et les limites du totalitarisme de l'autre. L'étude prosopographique met également en évidence une continuité certaine, en terme de rédacteurs, entre le journalisme de l'époque libérale et celui de l'époque fasciste, remettant en question l'image d'une « épuration » sévère et totale de la profession. Dès lors, la question de la place nouvelle génération de journalistes, formés techniquement et imprégnés d'idéologie fasciste et dont la création était chère à certains hiérarques fascistes, Ermanno Amicucci en tête, prend tout son sens. Enfin, la seconde partie de la thèse s’intéresse à quelques parcours singuliers et itinéraires comparés, permettant d’illustrer une partie de la diversité des attitudes des journalistes turinois confrontés au régime fasciste et à sa volonté d'instituer un « nouveau modèle de journalisme ». Ces parcours se proposent ainsi d'éclairer plus spécifiquement certains aspects centraux de l'univers journalistique durant le régime, abordant notamment l'épuration des années 1927-1931 (avec par exemple Gino Pestelli, Leo Galetto ou Santi Savarino), les liens avec le monde politique local (Angelo Appiotti, Leo Rea) ou même la question des lois raciales (Deodato Foà). Entre relative résistance et renoncement, entre acceptation et tractations, entre illusions et pragmatisme, ces trajectoires biographiques mettent alors au jour des postures diverses dont les croisements, les stratégies, les contenus s'insèrent dans un cadre bien plus large, celui du ventennio fasciste et de ses tragédies
This work studies the turinese journalistic world during fascist system, especially the second decade. This decade coincide with the rise of the consensus (1929-1936) before the first time of contestation (1936-1940). The italian journalism is more and more controlled by the political authorities. The repression of the national and regional papers, and then the organization, standardization and institutionalization of the press, change drastically the journalism background. In view of this, this work focuses on collective and individual trajectories, with Turin as study place. The political, social and cultural influences of Turin make this city a particular place for the fascism, hard to “normalize”, and which possess two of the principal papers of the country (the Gazzetta del Popolo and La Stampa). The prosopographical study of the 278 identify journalists allows to put in perspective social characteristics (geographical origins, level of schooling etc...). The national and regional political connections light up the moving mark between politic and journalism and allow to replace the journalism question in the ampler setting of fascist regime and his ambiguities (between control, surveillance and repression, on one hand, and limits of totalitarianism of the other hand). The prosopographical study shows also a clear continuity of journalist between liberal and fascist periods, which questions the image of a harsh and total “purge” of the profession. In this context, the question of the place of the new journalistic generation, technically formed and permeated of fascist ideology, like Ermanno Amicucci and other fascist figures wanted, is central. Finally, the second part of the study takes an interest in a few singular trajectories and compared itineraries, which allows to illustrate a part of the diversity of turinese journalist attitudes, confronted with a regime who wants to institute a “new journalism model”. This trajectories intend to light up more specifically some of central aspects of journalistic world during the regime, like the purge of the years 1927-1931 (with for example Gino Pestelli, Leo Galetto or Santi Savarino),, the connections with local politic world (Angelo Appiotti, Leo Rea) or the racial laws and their impact (Deodoato foà). Between opposition and resignation, acceptation and negotiation, illusions and pragmatism, this biographical trajectories expose some varied positions, insert into a ampler context, which is the fascist ventennio, and his tragedies

Defence date: 13 December 2004
Examining Board: Prof. Victoria De Grazia, Columbia University and European University Institute ; Prof. Mario Isnenghi, Università di Venezia "Ca' Foscari" ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, Università di Torino (Supervisor) ; Prof. Mariuccia Salvati, Università di Bologna
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Defence date: 6 June 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Peter Becker, European University Institute (EUI) ; Prof. Christian Joerges, (European University Institute); Prof. Dario Melossi, (University of Bologna); Prof. António M. Hespanha, (New University of Lisbon)
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The analysis in the thesis unfold in three steps. It departs from a set of inquiries on the several discursive threads that intersected in the process of criminal codification in Italy, which, due to their eminently transnational nature, are rooted on a plane that goes beyond the strict Italian case (Part I). It then focuses on the process of criminal codification proper under fascism (Part II). Lastly, in Part III, the penal question is again addressed as a transnational theme, an operation that allows us to grasp the meaning of these juridico-penal institutions in terms of the political and social dimensions that underlie their fabric.

Defence date: 1 June 2015
Examining Board: Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Ángela Cenarro, Universidad de Zaragoza (External supervisor); Professor Lucy Riall, European University Institute; Professor Sven Reichardt, Universität Konstanz.
2016 recipient of the Ivano Tognarini Prize in Contemporary History.
This dissertation explores, from a transnational viewpoint, the historical relationship between war veterans and fascism in interwar Europe. Until now, historians have been roughly divided between those who assume that 'brutalization' (George L. Mosse) led veterans to join fascist movements, and those who stress that most ex-soldiers of the Great War became committed pacifists and internationalists. This dissertation overcomes the inconclusive debates surrounding the 'brutalization' thesis, by proposing a new theoretical and methodological approach, and offering a wider perspective on the history of both fascism and veteran movements. Drawing on a wide range of archival and published sources in five different languages, this work focuses on the interrelated processes of fascistization and transnationalization of veteran politics in interwar Europe. Firstly, it explains the connection between Italian Fascism and war veterans as the result of a process of symbolic appropriation of the notion of the 'veteran'. Then, it demonstrates that the cross-border circulation of the stereotype of the 'fascist veteran', and the diffusion of the 'myth of the fascist veterans', originating in the March on Rome, were crucial factors in the transnationalization of fascism and the fascistization of veteran politics in the 1920s. Furthermore, in the 1930s, networks of fascist veterans point to the existence of a transnational fascism, while new wars in Ethiopia and Spain strengthened the symbolic connection between veterans and fascism. Finally, the dissertation demonstrates that by 1939-1940, the fascist model of veteran politics was transferred into the new Spanish and French dictatorships. It is not 'brutalization', therefore, but rather a combination of mythical constructs, transfers, political communication, encounters, and networks within a transnational space that explain the relationship between veterans and fascism. Thus, this dissertation offers new insights into the essential ties between fascism and war and contributes to the theorization and conceptualization of transnational fascism.

Defence date: 20 November 2006
Examining board: Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt ; Prof. Yves Lequin ; Prof. Guido Neppi Modona ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli (supervisor)
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Defence date: 15 January 1999
Examining board: Prof. Giovanni Cherubini, Università di Firenze ; Prof. Gérard Delille, Istituto Universitario Europeo ; Prof. Olwen Hufton, Merton College Oxford (supervisor) ; Prof. Jean-Claude Maire Vigueur, Università di Firenze (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, Università di Losanna
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 22 June 2001
Examining board: Prof. Luisa Passerini (Istituto Universitario Europeo), supervisor ; Prof. Rober Lumley (University College, London), co-supervisor ; Prof. Ruth Ben-Ghiat (New York University, New York) ; Prof. Mario Isnenghi (Università degli studi di Venezia) ; Prof. Peppino Ortoleva (Università degli studi di Siena)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

L’apparition et la montée du fascisme en Italie sont des faits marquants du XXe siècle et plus précisément de l’entre-deux-guerres. Ce nouveau phénomène social a rapidement attiré l’attention de la communauté internationale. Il vient frapper les mentalités européennes dans le contexte de sociétés déjà polarisées par divers courants idéologiques. La Première Guerre mondiale a fait place à de fondamentales divergences d’opinions sur ce que devait être le futur, autant social qu’économique, des sociétés industrielles. S’étant imposé en Italie, le fascisme représente un de ses mouvements. Ce travail s’intéresse à la manière dont la société française a perçu la montée du fascisme italien. Pour ce faire, il retrace l’approche de plusieurs journaux français de 1919 à 1926 à l’égard de l’expérience italienne. L’analyse des grands journaux Le Temps, L'Humanité, Le Figaro et L'Action française permet un survol de l’opinion politique en France. La problématique avancée dans ce travail nous aide à en apprendre plus, non seulement sur l’apparition d’un phénomène majeur du siècle précédent, mais aussi, plus précisément, sur le regard porté sur lui par les grands courants politiques français. On a pu déceler plusieurs thèmes de prédilection abordés par la presse française. Premièrement, celle-ci a tenté de définir le fascisme, son origine et sa composition ainsi que le phénomène de la violence qui touchait la péninsule. Puis, le fascisme ayant accédé au pouvoir, elle a réfléchi sur le coup de force et ses répercussions. Finalement, elle a analysé la politique intérieure et extérieure du nouveau régime. Il en ressort une perspective unique grâce à l'analyse de quatre organes majeurs qui représentent et façonnent l'opinion publique en France. Notre analyse montre que le fascisme est un sujet préoccupant pour les contemporains par son caractère nouveau. Tous les journaux ont suivi l'évolution de ce mouvement avec attention. Les réactions en témoignent: ce fut, entre autres, l'exemple frappant d'une répression brutale pour les uns et l'émergence d'une idéologie susceptible de mettre fin à la terreur du bolchevisme pour les autres. Ce fut aussi un terrain d'affrontement idéologique.
The emergence and rise of fascism in Italy is a striking moment of the XXth century and more specifically of the interwar period. This new social phenomenon quickly attracted the attention of the international community. It influenced European mentalities greatly in the context of societies already polarised by different ideological trends. The First World War was followed by a period of divergent opinions on what should be the social and economic future of industrial societies. Fascism represents one of those movements that managed to impose itself in Italy This thesis examines the manner in which French society perceived the rise of Italian fascism. To that end, it retraces the narrative presented by major French newspapers from 1919 to 1926 when faced with the Italian experience. The analysis of the dailies Le Temps, L'Humanité, Le Figaro and L'Action française provides an overview of political opinion in France. The inquiry conducted in this dissertation allows us to learn more not only on the emergence of a major phenomenon of the past century but also, and more precisely, about the reaction to it by the main political trends in France. Several themes were taken up by the French press. First, it tried to identify fascism, its origins and composition and the phenomenon of violence that emerged in Italy. Then, once fascism was in power, it reflected on the seizure of power, followed by an analysis of both interior and foreign policy of the new regime. A unique perspective comes out of this study thanks to the analysis of four of the major organs that represent and help create public opinion. It shows that fascism, as a typically new phenomenon, was a subject of preoccupation for contemporaries. All of the dailies followed its evolution closely. It was, for some, the example of a brutal repression, among other things, and, for others, the emergence of a new ideology capable of ending the terror of bolshevism. It was also an issue for ideological confrontation.

Ce mémoire porte sur l’instrumentalisation politique de la figure du compositeur Giacomo Puccini (1858-1924) et de ses œuvres, plus spécifiquement Turandot (1926), pendant la période fasciste en Italie (1922-1945). Il traite de la dichotomie entre tradition et modernité présente dans la propagande culturelle fasciste, notamment dans la réappropriation du mythe de Puccini à la suite de son décès en 1924, puis de façon exacerbée dans l’utilisation politique de Turandot, plus particulièrement au moment de la création de l’opéra en 1926. Cette recherche repose sur l’étude de la presse italienne et des revues culturelles de l’époque afin d’analyser la manipulation du discours entourant la figure de Puccini. L’exploitation de son statut de compositeur national, le développement de son image d’homme du peuple et l’exaltation de son génie musical, vu à la fois comme universel et italien, ont permis aux représentants du régime d’héroïser Puccini selon les divers idéaux fascistes. Ultimement, ce mémoire vise à montrer comment Puccini a fait l’objet d’une récupération idéologique afin de favoriser un consensus populaire et une consolidation identitaire permettant la légitimation du pouvoir mussolinien. Ce cas de figure exemplifie les effets de la rhétorique et des mécanismes culturels d’une hégémonie totalitaire dans la vie musicale d’une nation.
This thesis explores the political appropriation of composer Giacomo Puccini (1858-1924) and his operas during the fascist period in Italy (1922-1945). It highlights the dichotomy created by the regime’s insistence on both tradition and modernity in its cultural propaganda, as mirrored in the reinterpretation of the myth surrounding Puccini after his death in 1924—particularly in the political use of Turandot after the opera’s 1926 premiere. Based on a detailed study of the Italian press of the time and of cultural magazines controlled by the regime, this research analyzes the manipulation of the discourse surrounding Puccini’s image in fascist Italy. Party members exploited Puccini’s myth by insisting on his status as a national Italian composer, his image as a man of the people, and his musical genius, considered as both universal and quintessentially Italian. Through this rhetoric, Puccini became a standard-bearer of fascist ideology, praised both as a composer of the great Italian opera tradition and as a highly modern creator. Ultimately, the aim of this thesis is to understand how Puccini was subjected to an ideological appropriation that legitimized fascist authority by fostering social consensus and establishing a strong Italian collective identity. Puccini’s case exemplifies the effects of a totalitarian regime’s rhetoric and cultural mechanisms on the musical life of a nation.

Ce mémoire porte sur la récupération politique de la figure et des œuvres du compositeur Giuseppe Verdi (1813-1901) pendant la période fasciste en Italie (1922-1943), et plus précisément à l’occasion des manifestations relatives aux célébrations du quarantième anniversaire de sa mort en 1941, alors que l’Italie est en guerre contre la France et l’Angleterre. Le premier chapitre explore le développement du mythe de Verdi, et montre comment le compositeur est graduellement transformé en héros national pour devenir une icône de l’art lyrique italien, s’inscrivant dans un effort de glorification du passé pour la promotion d’un esprit nationaliste italien pour, ultimement, attester de la suprématie du pouvoir fasciste. Le deuxième chapitre propose une étude de l’organisation des festivités de 1941; il se penche aussi bien sur les événements musicaux que sur les discours et les publications, pour ensuite présenter une analyse plus approfondie des célébrations organisées à Parme. Il y est question de la riche réception des manifestations, qui assurent l’entretien et la fortification du mythe verdien. Le troisième chapitre analyse les éléments discursifs entourant les festivités, afin de démontrer que l’encensement de la figure de Verdi suit diverses lignes de force qui convergent vers la représentation fasciste de la civilisation italienne. Par l’exploitation des sujets nationalistes véhiculés dans ses opéras, la restitution de son image révolutionnaire et patriotique et l’exaltation de son génie, présenté comme étant à la fois italien et universel, les adhérents du régime ont entretenu et développé le mythe Verdi selon le canon de l’idéologie fasciste. Le but ultime de ce mémoire est de montrer comment, pendant la période fasciste et plus particulièrement au cours des célébrations de 1941, Verdi a fait l’objet d’une récupération idéologique visant à appuyer la légitimité du pouvoir en place pour créer une hégémonie favorable au climat de consensus nécessaire au régime en temps de guerre.
This thesis focuses on the political recovery of the figure and works of the composer Giuseppe Verdi (1813-1901) during the fascist period in Italy (1922-1943), and more specifically in 1941 during the celebrations commemorating the fortieth anniversary of his death, a moment in time which coincided with Italy’s war against France and England. The first chapter explores the development of Verdi’s myth and sheds light on how the composer was gradually transformed into a national hero to become an icon of Italian opera. This was part of a wider effort to glorify the past in order to promote an Italian nationalist spirit, and ultimately, attest to the supremacy of the fascist power. The second chapter studies the organization of the festivities of 1941; it examines musical events as well as speeches and publications, and presents a more in-depth analysis of the celebrations organized in Parma. It deals with the rich reception of the manifestations, which assure the maintenance and the fortification of the Verdian myth. The third chapter analyzes the discursive elements surrounding the festivities, in order to demonstrate that the exalting of Verdi’s figure follows various lines of force that converge towards the fascist representation of the Italian civilization. By exploiting nationalist subjects conveyed in his operas, restoring his revolutionary and patriotic image and exalting his genius, presented as being both Italian and universal, the adherents of the regime maintained and nurtured a Verdian myth according to the fascist’s cannon. The ultimate goal of this thesis is to show how, during the fascist period and more specifically during the celebrations of 1941, Verdi was subjected to an ideological appropriation that aimed, on the one hand, at given the legitimacy to the fascism authority and on the other, establish a climate of social consensus essential to the exercise of power during wartime.