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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Fascism and youth – Italy – History »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Fascism and youth – Italy – History"

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Kuck, Jordan. « Renewed Latvia. A Case Study of the Transnational Fascism Model ». Fascism 2, no 2 (2013) : 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202005.

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This article examines the lesser-known authoritarian regime of Kārlis Ulmanis, the Vadonis [Leader] of Latvia from 1934-1940, as a case study of transnational fascism. Specifically, by investigating the nature of Mazpulki [Latvian 4-H] – an agricultural youth organization modeled on American 4-H which became during the Ulmanis regime a sort of unofficial ‘Ulmanis Youth’ institution – and its international connections, and particularly with Italy, the article contends that we should view the Ulmanis regime as having been part of the transnational fascist wave that swept over Europe in the period between the two world wars. The article also makes the historiographical point that the transnational fascism model offers key analytical methods for interpreting fascism’s syncretic nature, especially in the case of those regimes which had some recognizable features of ‘generic’ fascism but which have previously been categorized as merely authoritarian. Future studies of such regimes will expand our understanding of the nature of and links between the many varied manifestations of interwar fascism.
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MAMMONE, ANDREA. « The Transnational Reaction to 1968 : Neo-fascist Fronts and Political Cultures in France and Italy ». Contemporary European History 17, no 2 (mai 2008) : 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004384.

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AbstractA transnational analysis of neo-fascism in France and Italy can elucidate historical processes that are usually only analysed within a specific national context or deemed to be by-products of individual nation-states. This article highlights the crucial importance of 1968 in the development of neo-fascist electoral and political strategies in both countries, as well as in the rise of extremist cultural activism. It reveals similar reactions to the hegemony of the political left over popular and youth culture as well as a striking commonality of ideals. Through the examination of a relatively brief period (1968 to the end of the 1970s), this article attempts to demonstrate patterns of cross-fertilisation, ideological transfer and the prominence of the Movimento Sociale Italiano which strongly influenced the French neo-fascists in the establishment of the Front national. The importance, and the trans-border impact, of the Nouvelle Droite in the cultural milieu and its attempt to update neo-fascist and racist ideals is also highlighted.
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Kallis, Aristotle. « Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian : The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe ». East Central Europe 37, no 2-3 (25 mars 2010) : 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.

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The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-British foreign policy and a strong deference to both the Crown and the church/religion. Nevertheless, in this chapter, I argue that the 4th of August regime should be relocated firmly within the terrain of fascism studies. The establishment and consolidation of the regime in Greece reflected a much wider process of political and ideological convergence and hybridisation between anti-democratic/anti-liberal/anti-socialist conservative forces, on the one hand, and radical rightwing/fascist politics, on the other. It proved highly receptive to specific fascist themes and experiments (such as the single youth organisation, called EON), which it transplanted enthusiastically into its own hybrid of ‘radicalised’ conservatism. Although far less ideologically ‘revolutionary’ compared to Italian Fascism or German National Socialism, the 4th of August regime’s radicalisation between 1936 and 1941 marked a fundamental departure from conventional conservative-authoritarian politics in a direction charted by the broader fascist experience in Europe.
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Ridolfi, Maurizio. « "Al di lŕ della destra e della sinistra" ? Tradizioni e culture politiche nell'Italia repubblicana ». MEMORIA E RICERCA, no 41 (février 2013) : 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041004.

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A sharp contrast between left and right arose in Italy especially after World War Two, as a legacy of the conflict between fascism and anti-fascism, which had developed between the two wars. However, at this cleavage was added the majority and hegemonic centre pole represented by Christian Democracy (both anti-fascist than anti-communist), which would make more mobile the identity boundaries and more marked the dissonances between the reality of political-administrative life and the self-representation of left and right widespread cultures. A history of politics truly attentive to the social and cultural factors, contribute to overcome the dissociations between a limited political representation of an ungraspable right and the wider circulation of languages and images of identity (in the moderate and populist press, in the youth field, in the silent majority).
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Wien, Peter. « Arabs and Fascism : Empirical and Theoretical Perspectives ». DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no 3-4 (2012) : 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a4.

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The article establishes an interpretive framework for Arab responses to fascism during the 1930s and World War II. Promoters of the Islamofascism paradigm refer to this period as simply a manifestation of the allegedly illiberal inclinations of a vast majority of Arabs and Muslims. They present Arab expressions of sympathy for fascism as conditioned by alleged authoritarian or totalitarian structures inherent in the Islamic religion. In a more nuanced interpretation, Arab reactions to fascism form a phenomenon that can only be understood in the local and chronological contexts of decolonization, in which fascism was a model and reference as a tool of social disciplining with the ultimate goal of getting rid of colonial control. According to this framework, totalitarian references in political discourse were a means to an end that was widespread at the time. Other, equally nuanced interpretations see pro-fascist trends in Middle Eastern states—as they became manifest in party platforms, uniformed youth organizations, or collaboration schemes with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy—as manifestations of global fascism as a ‘type’. According to this reading, totalitarian and racial ideological systems and leader- and discipline oriented forms of social organization have to be understood as representations of a worldwide trend comparable to Marxist or Capitalist ideology. Examples from India and Latin America provide a comparative framework for this. Neither of the two latter approaches subscribes to a thesis of an Arab “Sonderweg” in the adoption of fascism. Reactions in the Arab world in particular and in Muslim societies in general did not differ substantially from those in other colonial societies.
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Mejdanija, Mirza. « PARADIGMA ITALIJANSKOG DRUŠTVA U ROMANU "CRVENI KARANFIL" ELIJA VITTORINIJA / A PARADIGM OF THE ITALIAN SOCIETY IN "THE RED CARNATION" BY ELIO VITTORINI ». Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo / Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Sarajevu, ISSN 2303-6990 on-line, no 23 (10 novembre 2020) : 288–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036990.2020.288.

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Following 1925, Italy was facing a downright fascist dictatorship. The ruling politics imposed dictatorship starting with oaths of faithfulness to the regime, all the way to newspapers and school textbooks censorship. The first novel by Elio Vittorini, The Red Carnation, was confiscated by fascist censors, then revised and edited by a Florentine official. The edited and censored novel was published for the first time in 1948 by Mondadori publishing and the version published was not the original version the author himself no longer possessed. The novel tells a story of a local youth, Alessio Mainardi, and his initiation into adult life. He lives in a student dormitory together with other boys of his age. He falls in love with a classmate, Giovanna, and even manages to kiss her on one occasion. As a token of her affection, Giovanna presents him with a red carnation that he keeps and holds dear. He is constantly holding onto this illusion of love and confides in his best friend, Tarquinio. The story in the novel takes place by the end of spring 1924, the days which are in Italy known for the Matteotti affair. Alessio and his friends consider themselves fascist. They attend protests against the Matteotti commemoration organised by antifascists. It is in this novel that Vittorini is trying to resort to a mythical transfiguration owing to which the narrative reality becomes fairytale-like, distant from time and space, without losing anything from its actual heaviness of the balance achieved between myth and reality. By means of a stylistic quest, Vittorini is trying to transfer history into a literary dimension in an allusive and symbolic way. He understands that his duty, as an author, is to transfer historical reality into symbols while the historical events depicted in the novel are the rise of fascism in Italy and Matteottiʼs murder. By means of fairytale imagery, myth and symbol, the author is trying to portray the reality in Italy at the time.
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Entwistle, Harold, et Tracy H. Koon. « Believe, Obey, Fight : Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922-1943 ». History of Education Quarterly 26, no 4 (1986) : 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369021.

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Grand, Alexander De, et Tracy H. Koon. « Believe, Obey, Fight : Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922-1943 ». American Historical Review 91, no 2 (avril 1986) : 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858234.

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Tumblety, Joan. « Alessio Ponzio, Shaping the New Man : Youth Training Regimes in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany ». Journal of Contemporary History 53, no 2 (avril 2018) : 448–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417749502e.

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Marcello, Flavia, et Paul Gwynne. « Speaking from the Walls ». Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, no 3 (1 septembre 2015) : 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2015.74.3.323.

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The Città Universitaria (or University City), built in Rome in the mid-1930s, used the reception of classical culture as a propaganda tool through its architecture, art, urban layout, and use of epigraphy. As Flavia Marcello and Paul Gwynne demonstrate, these elements communicated the broad sociopolitical construct of militarism and education characteristic of the Italian Fascist period. Building inscriptions using the immortal words of classical authors had both didactic and referential functions: they spoke peremptorily of accepted modes of behavior and highlighted the role of educated youth in the destiny of an (ideal) Fascist society within its teleological project of Romanità as past, current, and future glory. Speaking from the Walls: Militarism, Education, and Romanità in Rome’s Città Universitaria (1932–35) weaves together sociopolitical, cultural, and architectural frameworks through the study of epigraphy as a carefully constructed presence within orchestrated urban and interior space. Epigraphy completed the spatial experience of architecture in its urban context to construct the collective memory and identity of past, present, and future citizens of Italy.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Fascism and youth – Italy – History"

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Litvak, Jennifer Ashley. « The Competition for Influence : Catholic and Fascist Youth Socialization in Interwar Italy ». Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1209428086.

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WITKOWSKI, Victoria Margaret. « Remembering fascism and empire : the public representation and myth of Rodolfo Graziani in 20th-century Italy ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/72739.

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Defence date: 24 September 2021; Examining Board: Professor Lucy Riall (European University Institute); Professor Alexander Etkind (European University Institute); Professor John Foot (University of Bristol); Professor Marla Stone (Occidental College)
My PhD has utilised the cultural representation of Italy’s most popular military figure from the Fascist period to account for the myth-making and warped remembrance of Rodolfo Graziani in Modern-day Italy. By proving himself to Mussolini with his brutal tactics, namely, mass hangings, the erection of concentration camps, and utilisation of poison gas during the Italian ‘pacification’ of Libya in the 1920’s and the Fascist conquest of Ethiopia in 1936, my project highlights that Graziani was chosen by the Fascist government to be a national imperial war hero. Facilitated by the dawn of totalitarianism and mass consumption, the propaganda campaign to promote the Fascist Empire utilised Graziani as a modern-day celebrity, through many mediums, which became the source base for my research. Images of Graziani filtered back to Italy in the 1930s through postcards, books, magazines, film, radio, busts and the like. During the Second World War, collaboration with the Nazis under the Salò Republic led to his trial in 1948, but his colonial crimes remained unquestioned, testament to the effect of heroisation for his previous colonial career. Since then, this manipulation of historical consciousness has continued to pervade Italian society as the state searched for a collective ‘usable’ past from the remnants of the Fascist dictatorship. As Mussolini’s most popular enterprise, colonial ambition remained a shared goal across the political spectrum in the immediate post-war period. By countering national insecurities through the utilisation of male symbols, men like Graziani provided an opportunity to promote such ideals through untainted virtues of masculinity. Institutionally therefore, the role of individuals in bringing ‘civilisation’ to its African colonies continued to be revered in post-fascist and post-colonial Italy. Moreover, most recently, a regionally funded monument that was built in Graziani’s honour near Rome in 2012 only led to public outcry abroad and from interested national parties with almost no negative response from the Italian public. Graziani’s memory thus remains a fervent, multifaceted one and signifies tension in popular attitudes to Italy fascist and colonial history. It is with this timely and noteworthy case-study that I aim to shed light on the persistently neglected darker aspects of Italy’s recent past.
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Bigalke, Zachary. « “If They Can Die for Italy, They Can Play for Italy!” : Immigration, Italo-Argentine Identity, and the 1934 Italian World Cup Team ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22654.

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In 1934, four Argentine-born soccer players participated for the Italian team that won the FIFA World Cup on home soil. As children born to parents who participated in a wave of Italian immigrants that helped reshape Argentine society in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, these four players were part of a larger trend where over one hundred Argentine soccer players of Italian descent were signed by Italian clubs in the late 1920s and through the 1930s. This thesis examines the liminal space between Italian and Argentine identity within the broader context of diaspora formation in Argentina through a look at these four exemplars of the transatlantic talent shift. Utilizing sources that include Italian and Argentinian newspapers and magazines, national federation documents, and census and parish records, the thesis reveals the fluidity and temporality of national identity among Italo-Argentine immigrant offspring during the early twentieth century.
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Di, Lillo Ivano. « Opera and nationalism in Fascist Italy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283883.

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Aguirre, Mariana G. « Artistic collaboration in Fascist Italy : Ardengo Soffici and Giorgio Morandi ». View abstract/electronic edition ; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318288.

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Baragli, Matteo. « Dal popolarismo al clerico-fascismo : Cattolicesimo e nazione nell’itinerario di Filippo Crispolti (1919-1929) ». Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86040.

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This research analyses the issue of Clerico-Fascism, within the framework of Italian political life of the Twenties, with a particular focus on the figure of Filippo Crispolti. After the rise to power of Fascism, Crispolti and the Clerico-Fascists supported the new Regime, which they supposed would promote Catholic renewal in opposition to the secularisation of Italian society and of its liberal institutions. The Centro Nazionale Italiano (Cni), founded in 1924 by pro-Fascist Catholics, was the most representative form of Italian Clerico-Fascism. The Cni members, and Crispolti between them, guaranteed their complete political support of fascism. At the centre of their ideological project there was the indissoluble and god-given link between Catholicism and the Italian nation. Fascism, according to this view, would definitely have allowed the catholic faith to regain its position of importance which it was due to hold in the public sphere. The clerical and conservative background of Cni members, allowed them to converge with the moderate nationalism and the conservative sectors of fascism, as well as causing some friction with the squadrismo and the nationalists of lay origin. The Vatican cautiously approved of the foundation of the Cni, but began to view it with suspicion because of its exaggerated pro-Fascism and its independence from the Holy See. The mistrust increased in consequence of frictions with Italian Azione Cattolica and the condemnation of Action Française. Finally in 1928 Pope Pius XI condemned the Cni, causing the end of any Clerico-Fascist project; the agreement between the fascist regime and Catholic aspirations was to continue in the Lateran Pacts of 1929.
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Antonucci, Ryan J. « Changing Perceptions of il DuceTracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism ». Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1379111698.

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Hogan, Marina. « The fictional Savonarola and the creation of modern Italy ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0035.

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This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.
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Baragli, Matteo. « Dal popolarismo al clerico-fascismo : Cattolicesimo e nazione nell'itinerario di Filippo Crispolti (1919-1929) ». Paris, EPHE, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EPHE5016.

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Cette étude analyse l'émergence en Italie du clérico-fascisme, en se référant plus particulièrement à la figure de Filippo Crispolti. Après la Marche sur Rome, Crispolti et les clérico-fascistes supportèrent le nouveau régime, car ils voyaient dans la consolidation du fascisme la possibilité de soutenir les intérêts du catholicisme, en opposition à la sécularisation de la société italienne et de ses institutions libérales. Le Centro Nazionale (CNI), fondé en 1924 par les catholiques pro-fascistes, fut le rassemblement le plus significatif du clérico-fascisme italien. Les membres du CNI, et Crispolti entre eux, garantirent tout leur soutien au fascisme. Leur vision politique demeurait centrée sur le lien indissoluble et providentiel entre catholicisme et nation italienne. Le fascisme, d’après eux, ne manquerait pas de redonner à la foi catholique toute l’importance qui lui revenait dans la sphère publique. La mentalité cléricale et conservatrice des membres du CNI leur permit ainsi de converger avec le nationalisme modéré et les secteurs conservateurs du fascisme; des difficultés surgirent au contraire avec le squadrismo et les nationalistes d'origine laïque. L’attitude du Vatican fut d'abord de soutenir les clérico-fascistes, mais au cours des années le Saint-Siège accentua ses perplexités envers le CNI, en raison de son pro-fascisme exacerbé. La méfiance augmenta à la suite de la condamnation de l'Action française et des frictions entre fascisme et Azione Cattolica. Enfin, en 1928, le pape Pie XI condamna le CNI, provoquant la fin du projet clérico-fasciste, tandis que l'accord entre le régime fasciste et les aspirations catholiques aurait abouti aux Pactes du Latran
This research analyses the issue of Clerico-Fascism, within the framework of Italian political life of the Twenties, with a particular focus on the figure of Filippo Crispolti. After the rise to power of Fascism, Crispolti and the Clerico- Fascists supported the new Regime, which they supposed would promote Catholic renewal in opposition to the secularisation of Italian society and of its liberal institutions. The Centro Nazionale Italiano (Cni), founded in 1924 by pro-Fascist Catholics, was the most representative form of Italian Clerico-Fascism. The Cni members, and Crispolti between them, guaranteed their complete political support of fascism. At the centre of their ideological project there was the indissoluble and god-given link between Catholicism and the Italian nation. Fascism, according to this view, would definitely have allowed the catholic faith to regain its position of importance which it was due to hold in the public sphere. The clerical and conservative background of Cni members, allowed them to converge with the moderate nationalism and the conservative sectors of fascism, as well as causing some friction with the squadrismo and the nationalists of lay origin. The Vatican cautiously approved of the foundation of the Cni, but began to view it with suspicion because of itsexaggerated pro-Fascism and its independence from the Holy See. The mistrust increased in consequence of frictions with Italian Azione Cattolica and the condemnation of Action Française. Finally in 1928 Pope Pius XI condemned the Cni,causing the end of any Clerico-Fascist project; the agreement between the fascist regime and Catholic aspirations was tocontinue in the Lateran Pacts of 1929
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Finn, Sarah. « 'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945 ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.

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Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a ‘dark wood’ or ‘life’s journey’ recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elite’s efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to ‘make Italians’, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his city’s prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dante’s life and literary endeavours.
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Livres sur le sujet "Fascism and youth – Italy – History"

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Believe, obey, fight : Political socialization of youth in fascist Italy, 1922-1943. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, 1985.

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Growing up under Fascism in a little town in southern Italy. [U.S.] : Xlibris Corp, 2009.

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Shaping the new man : Youth training regimes in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Madison, Wisconsin : The University of Wisconsin Press, 2015.

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Rizzi, Andrea. La valle della giovinezza : Storia dell'ultimo Campo dux e dei ragazzi di Salò in Val d'Astico nell'estate 1944. Sommacampagna (Verona) : Cierre, 2011.

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Per violino solo : La mia infanzia nell'Aldiqua : 1938-1945. Bologna : Il Mulino, 1995.

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Per violino solo : La mia infanzia nell'aldiqua, 1938-1945. Bologna : Il mulino, 2010.

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Discovery of the world : A political awakening in the shadow of Mussolini. London : Verso, 2014.

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Lazzari, Primo De. Storia del Fronte della gioventù nella Resistenza, 1943-1945. Milano : Mursia, 1996.

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Fascist Italy. 2e éd. Arlington Heights, Ill : H. Davidson, 1985.

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Grand, Alexander J. De. Italian fascism : Its origins & development. 2e éd. Lincoln : University of Nebraska Press, 1989.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Fascism and youth – Italy – History"

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Germani, Gino. « Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Regimes : Italy and Spain ». Dans Authoritarianism, Fascism, and National Populism, 245–80. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429334559-12.

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Lowe, Norman. « Italy, 1918–45 : the first appearance of fascism ». Dans Mastering Modern World History, 295–308. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-27724-4_13.

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Lowe, Norman. « Italy 1918–45 : the first appearance of fascism ». Dans Mastering Modern World History, 251–65. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14374-0_12.

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Lowe, Norman. « Italy 1918–45 : The First Appearance of Fascism ». Dans Mastering Modern World History, 94–107. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19612-8_6.

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Trentacoste, Davide. « Medici Ambitions and Fascist Policies. (Re)reading the Relations between Italy and the Levant in the 1930s through the Historiography on Fakhr al-Dīn II ». Dans Rereading Travellers to the East, 141–61. Florence : Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-579-0.09.

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Résumé :
On 13 April 1635, Druze emir Fakhr al-Dīn Maʿn was executed in Constantinople, after years of ambiguous relations with the Ottoman sultan. Exactly three centuries later, a biography of the emir was published in Rome, edited by Maronite father Paolo Carali and financed by the Fascist government. The reason why Fascism was interested in his figure can be traced back to the policy implemented by Italy in the 1930s, which sought to penetrate the territories of Lebanon and Syria. However, these were regions in which Fascist Italy had no real interest or claim, and so it sought to build a tie between the Levant and Italy by rereading the historiography of the relationship between “Faccardino” and Medici Tuscany at the beginning of the seventeenth century. By comparing the policies of the Medici and Fascism, it will be possible to highlight how, through Carali’s work, the latter sought to construct a history that would support its ambitions towards the eastern Mediterranean.
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Passmore, Kevin. « 3. Italy : ‘making history with the fist’ ». Dans Fascism, 44–55. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199685363.003.0003.

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Passmore, Kevin. « 4. Italy : ‘making history with the fist’ ». Dans Fascism, 50–61. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780192801555.003.0004.

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« The ‘pre-history’ of Italian Fascism ». Dans The Fascist Experience in Italy, 15–32. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203984772-8.

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« ITALY AND THE RISE OF FASCISM ». Dans A History of the World, 155–62. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203641767-25.

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Germani, Gino. « Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Regimes : Italy and Spain ». Dans Authoritarianism, Fascism, and National Populism, 245–80. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429336072-9.

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