Articles de revues sur le sujet « Family Indonesia Java Social conditions 20th »

Happiness research on economics has increasingly developed since Easterlin Paradox appeared. This research tries to analyze the determinants of happiness in Java Island, Indonesia. We use data from the Happiness Measurement Survey 2017 conducted by the BPS-Statistic Agency of Indonesia. Taking 23,456 observations, we employ binary logistic regression to test the effects of 13 independent variables on happiness. The results showed that income, education, health, social relations with family and society, environmental conditions, and a meaningful life affect happiness. In general, these findings strengthen some previous studies findings.

The objective of this article is to examine the impact of international female labor migration on left-behind parents by taking into consideration the daughters' marital status. Data were taken from in-depth interviews with 37 left-behind parents of migrant women in East Java Province. The study showed that left-behind parents had limited access to the remittances sent by married daughters, except when they carried out childcare responsibilities. Parents of unmarried daughters had some access to remittances, but this varied according to the economic conditions of the family. Left-behind parents were concerned about the safety of their daughters overseas, the marriage prospects of unmarried daughters, the stability of their daughters' marriages and the welfare of left-behind grandchildren. Because the migration of married and unmarried daughters has diverse impacts on left-behind parents, this should be considered in programs that aim to mitigate potential negative impacts of women's migration.

<p>The objectives of this study are described as follows: (1) To examine the conditions of<br />social, economic and demographic characteristics of poor farmer families who live at<br />uplands and lowlands areas, (2) to describe the social-cultural and agroecosystem<br />conditions of poor farmer families who live at uplands and lowlands areas, (3) To<br />explain type of gender relations of poor farmer families who live at uplands and<br />lowlands areas, and (4) to analyze factors that influenced subjective family well-being<br />of poor farmer families who live at uplands and lowlands areas. The chosen research<br />sites were Nanggung Sub-district, Bogor District as an upland area, and West Teluk<br />Jambe Sub-district, Karawang District, West Java Province as a lowland area. The total<br />of 189 farmer families was used for this study (n= 90 in uplands district areas, and n=<br />99 in lowlands district areas). It was found that the conditions of social-cultural and<br />agroecosystem differ between upland and lowland areas. In general, both upland and<br />lowland areas gender roles on farming activities, in terms of access and control to<br />agricultural resources, were dominated by men. Family well-being was directly<br />influenced by higher education of husband and wife, indirectly influenced by less<br />economic pressure of the family, directly influenced by higher gender relations between<br />husband and wife, and directly influenced by less or higher external support. Thus,<br />wealthy farmer families were the family that had educated husband and wife, less<br />economic pressures, equal gender relations and partnerships, and less or more receive<br />external supports. It is recommended that the next study should add variables of family<br />coping strategies related to family economic pressure and gender roles between husband<br />and wife.</p>

Background: Leprosy is a disease that causes social, psychological, and economic issues. Failure to treat the causes of the immune system dysregulation in endemic areas of leprosy conditions makes the transmission of the bacteria easier. This paper aims to analyze the comparison of family income, occupation types of mothers and fathers, number of children, access to health facilities, and education of mothers, fathers, and children in mothers and children with leprosy in endemic and non-endemic areas. Materials and Methods: A cross sectional study by survey was done in both an endemic and a non-endemic area of leprosy in Tuban Regency, East Java, Indonesia. Retrieval of research data was done using interview techniques. Respondents who participated in this study were 106 pairs of mother and child respondents who met the research restriction criteria. Subjects were divided into 5groups based on diagnosis of leprosy and area of living. Bivariate analysis was performed by comparing the independent variables in each group A, B, C, and D with group E. Results:It was found that the variables that differed significantly between the endemic and non-endemic areas were the variable number of children with a p-value=0.004, family income with a p-value=0.049 and the variable mother’s education with a p-value=0.016. Meanwhile, other variables do not have significant difference. Conclusions:We found significant difference on the number of children, father’s education, mother's education, and family income. These variables can be a risk factor for leprosy. To make efforts to prevent the transmission of leprosy, stakeholders should consider these factors.

AbstractObjectiveThis study explored the characteristics, causality, and suicidal behavior among family members with suicide history in Wonogiri, Central Java, Indonesia.MethodsQualitative semistructured interviews were conducted with 15 family members who had made suicide attempts. The interviews directly explored the relationships among characteristics, causality, and suicidal behavior. The research data were analyzed using the Miles and Huberman approach.ResultsThe results indicate that there are relationships among characteristics, causality, and suicidal behaviors. The characteristics contributing to suicide attempts were male gender, age (adolescence and old age), lack of religious activities, introvert nature, low economic status, chronic diseases, unemployment, and a history of family members with suicide attempts. The causality of suicide was joblessness, economic crisis, unemployment, family conditions, personality disorder, depression, sickness, and suicide ideation.ConclusionsThe findings highlight the relationships among characteristics, causality, and suicidal behaviors. Suicide occurs when individuals have some problems that they cannot solve because of the lack of family support. The causal factors were related to one another, which caused the suicidal behavior. One of the most effective suicide prevention strategies is educating the community on how to identify suicidal signs and increase social supports.

The study's goals were to determine the impact of community empowerment for the springs and forest preservation in the Arjuna mount area from the environmental communication perspective. The quantitative descriptive research method was used, with the study population covered communities around the forest and springs that were domiciled in three villages, namely Leduk, Jatiarjo, Dayurejo Villages, Pasuruan-East Java, Indonesia. Data was gathered from respondents with a questionnaire and analysed using SEM (structural equation modelling) to find an overview of respondents' responses about community participation in preserving the Arjuna mount forest. Human resources around the forest, namely the level of education and employment, contribute to the success of revegetation of forests; family economic conditions such as personal and family income, ownership of fields and rice fields for business, and livestock and fisheries businesses assist successful forest revegetation; social characteristics of the community around the forest such as cooperation and kinship between community members contribute to forest revegetation; community institutions, namely forest village community institutions, are a vehicle for the community to revegetate forests successfully; the availability of village community facilities and infrastructures such as paved road access, transportation and communication networks, education and health facilities contribute to the successful revegetation of Arjuna mount forest.

Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine different types of primary healthcare utilization and its influencing factors among the elderly in Indonesia. Design/methodology/approach Data were obtained from the 5th Indonesian Family Life Survey, a longitudinal database of demography and health information using multistage stratified sampling of households. Older adults aged at least 60 years were sampled; proxy respondents and incomplete data were excluded from the study. Findings Most of the elderly preferred to visit nurse/midwives practitioner (NP), followed by the community health centers (CHC). Those who lived outside of the Java region were more likely to visit NP; moreover, those without formal education and lived in the rural area were more likely to use CHC. Education level, region and chronic conditions were significant predicting factors for almost all types of primary healthcare use. Social implications Indonesia is moving towards an aged society in the coming decades. However, there are significant barriers to access almost all types of primary health care by the elderly in Indonesia. This shows the possibility of health care inequality for the elderly population. This study provides evidence of the various types of primary healthcare use by the elderly and its influencing factors. It hopes policymakers can use the data to develop an effective strategy to enhance the quality of primary healthcare services provides to the elderly population. Originality/value Indonesian nurses fulfill vital functions in the health system and are often the only human resource for health not only in remote and poor rural areas but also in urban areas. Nurses, as a part of primary care providers, require an adequately trained to contribute to the better primary care system.

PurposeUsing nationally representative data, this study estimated the probability of a household receiving RASKIN rice in general as well as the rate of excluding poor households and including nonpoor households in relation to the targeting accuracy of the RASKIN program.Design/methodology/approachThe data came from the National Socioeconomic Survey conducted by the Central Bureau of Statistics in March 2015. Several independent variables were included, such as the head of household's age, gender and marital status, in addition to highest educational level among family members, household size, economic status, regional district and residential classification.FindingsThe results showed that a household's probability of receiving RASKIN rice increases if the head of household is older, female and a widower, and the household has more human capital accumulation, more family members, lower economic status and is in a rural area and/or Java and Nusa Tenggara. The estimated probabilities of poor households excluded from the RASKIN program and nonpoor households included are 44.8 and 35.1%, respectively, suggesting mistargeting occurred where eligible recipients were undercovered, and revealed the loss of funds to ineligible households.Originality/valueThe present study focused on the program's targeting accuracy while at the same time keeping in mind the social and geographical conditions in Indonesia. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, little to no such research has been conducted.

Background: Chronic kidney disease is identified as kidney damage for more than three months with glomerulus filtration rate less than 60ml / min / 1.73 m2.Objective: This study aims to explore the experience of life of patients with pre-dialysis chronic kidney disease used Roy’s adaptation model.Methods: This study was a qualitative study using descriptive phenomenology approach in the General Hospital of Cibabat Cimahi West Java, Indonesia. Data were obtained with depth interviews involved eight participants with pre-dialysis chronic kidney disease consisting of two men and six women, aged ranged from 35 to 65 years. The years living with chronic kidney disease ranged from 1 to 2 years. Data were analyzed using Colaizzi’s methods. Results: We found nine themes, namely: physical stimulus, psychic stimulus, socio-economic stimulus, physical coping mechanisms to control the situation, a coping mechanism to maintain health function, selecting behavioral adaptation physiology, selecting a behavior adaptation of the self-concept, selecting adaptation behaviors role function, and selecting behavioral adaptation interdependence. Conclusion: It can be concluded that the experience of patients with pre-dialysis chronic kidney disease complained physical, psychological, social, economic, and spiritual problems. Therefore, health care professionals need to design an intervention to improve patients’ coping mechanism to maintain kidney function, and adapt to diet for foods and drinks, activity patterns and roles according to their conditions, which also elaborate the function of family support.

Semarang city is the capital city of Central Java province that became the fifth largest city in Indonesia. Because of the progress the city is then not a few people who come to the city to seek their fortunes. According to source from news.okezone.com state that the community who came to Semarang mostly from Demak Regency, Kendal Regency, and Semarang Sub-District. The community comes to Semarang city one of which is the existence of street children. Street children are children who are most the time they use to the streets or other public places are good for a living or hang around. The majority of street children in the city of Semarang have been experiencing dropouts, caused by the limitations of the cost be a factor driving the street children take to the streets, and also the poverty factor that resulted in all members of the family are falls and street to meet the necessities of life. The results of the research conducted in the field researchers indicates that public participation Semarang against street children is immense, as seen from research done to road users in the area of the city of Semarang, the majority of road users are reluctant to give money to beggars or street children. The Act is done because road users recognize that the activities of street children conducted in the street not become the responsibility of road users and not because of the desire of the individual itself. Other forms of participation that is often done with road users give money or buy merchandise sold street children due to a sense of sympathy and pity towards the existence of street children in the city of Semarang. Factors that encourage community participation includes: a) the availability of Regulations; b) cooperation with the private City Government; c) adequate human resources; d) facilities and infrastructure; and e) budget. While becoming a barrier to participation in the efforts for the people of alleviating street children are: a) the existence of Urbanization; b) high rates of Poverty; c) conditions and social change.

The pandemic that occurred this year created conditions that changed the activities of parents and children, the role of parents working outside the home often led to a lack of parental involvement in child development, especially the development of independence. The conditions of the Covid-19 pandemic have caused parents and children to be in one place at the same time. This study aims to determine the effect of parental involvement and maternal employment status on the independence of children aged 7-8 years in the Covid-19 pandemic situation. This quantitative research uses a comparative causal ex-post facto design, with groups of working mothers and groups of non-working mothers. The sample of each group was 60 people who were randomly selected. The findings of the study with the calculation of the two-way ANOVA test obtained the value of Fo = 4.616> F table = 3.92 or with p-value = 0.034 <α = 0.05, indicating that there is an interaction between parental involvement and maternal employment status on children's independence, and Based on the results of hypothesis testing, there is no effect of parental involvement and mother's work status on the independence of the child even though there are differences in the average results of children's independence. Keywords: Children's Independence, Parental Involvement and Mothers' Employment References: Areepattamannil, S., & Santos, I. M. (2019). Adolescent students’ perceived information and communication technology (ICT) competence and autonomy: Examining links to dispositions toward science in 42 countries. Computers in Human Behavior. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2019.04.005 Benner, A. D., Boyle, A. E., & Sadler, S. (2016). 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The purpose of this research is to understand how the experience of women's lives, so that it becomes the basis of social workers in providing help for women with HIV/AIDS. This research used a qualitative method with descriptive design to three women with HIV/AIDS who received services from the Komisi Penanggulangan AIDS/AIDS Prevention Commission in Kerawang Regency, West Java. Data collection techniques used were interviews, observation and documentation studies. The results of the research showed that women experienced changes after contracting HIV/AIDS from: 1) physical aspects experiencing changes in skin color, decreased health conditions; 2) in the psychological aspect it becomes more sensitive and quickly offended; 3) social aspects still experience discrimination from the family, and still cannot negotiate with their husbands regarding condom use; 4) economically, experiencing more expenditure for accessing to health services and purchasing drugs; 5) service aspects still have no partner counseling services and educational activities for the environment so there is still stigma and discrimination. The recommendation for the results of this research is that the Komisi Penanggulangan AIDS/AIDS Prevention Commission: 1) establish a counseling service program for couples; 2) improve support group programs for women; 3) counseling about HIV/AIDS in the family and community environment so as not to stigmatize and discriminate against women with HIV/AIDS.

This paper gives an overview of the environmental conditions, silviculture, distribution and area of teak forests in Indonesia. As Java is a densely populated island, the population pressure is also very high. Therefore specific forest management systems are applied. The tumpangsari (taungya) system as well as daily wage system are considered as having valuable social and economic aspects for people of the area surrounding the teak forests. This way they ultimately decrease further teak forests deterioration. Indirect government policies (such as family planning and transmigration) and policies aimed directly at the teak forests, such as application of the tumpangsari and daily wage systems, could maintain teak forests and teak production in Indonesia on a sustainable basis.

Abstract. Parikesit, Withaningsih S, Rozi F. 2021. Socio-ecological dimensions of agroforestry called kebun campuran in tropical karst ecosystem of West Java, Indonesia. Biodiversitas 22: 122-131. Traditional and modernized systems combining agricultural and forestry production systems-called agroforestry-was developed by humans under the influence of biophysical and social conditions which often result in heterogeneous landscape. The so-called kebun campuran (mixed gardens) is one of the agroforestry forms that can be encountered in the humid tropics of Indonesia. However, socio-ecological information of this man-made vegetation and its multidimensional functions in particular environmental settings like karst is still limited. This paper aims to elucidate socio-ecological dimensions of kebun campuran in karst ecosystem in Pangandaran District, West Java, Indonesia. A vegetation survey was carried out to reveal the bio-ecological dimensions of kebun campuran complemented with socio-economic questionnaires. The results show that kebun campuran played an important role for the owners as the majority of them gained economic benefits from this agroforest. More than 50% of the owners had their main income from kebun campuran, therefore, kebun campuran was considered a valuable family asset. Kebun campuran ownership put the owner in a higher social status, despite the fact that 80.9% of them had only elementary education background. Correlation analysis showed that there was a very significant correlation between the areas of kebun campuran, rice-field, and homegarden ownership. The analysis also indicated that the economic value of kebun campuran derived from its products increased as its area became larger. There were diverse products like timber, fruits, fuelwood and forages extracted from kebun campuran. Among economically important species were Albizia chinensis (silk tree), Cocos nucifera (coconuts), Manilkara zapota (sapodilla), Musa paradisiaca (banana). Despite its beneficial value, kebun campuran was not intensively managed. On the other hand, the structural vegetation pattern of kebun campuran was the result of various practices carried out by the owners through the processes of introduction, domestication, and selection of plant species. Maintaining kebun campuran in the coastal landscape of Pangandaran might ensure the future of karst ecosystem in this southern coastal area of West Java.

Pandemi Covid-19 telah mempengaruhi tatanan hidup dan kebiasaan masyarakat di dunia pada umumnya dan di Indonesia pada khususnya. Kesehariannya masyarakat yang telah terbiasa untuk berinteraksi secara langsung, karena adanya Covid-19 maka masyarakat harus mulai terbiasa dengan pola hidup sehat yaitu dengan penerapan social distancing. Keuangan keluarga mengalami dampak yang buruk akibat pandemi Covid-19. Implementasi pelaksanaannya dengan memberikan pembelajaran melalui daring dengan menggunakan aplikasi google meet dan dilanjutkan dengan melalui forum diskusi tanya jawab dengan mitra yang tergabung dalam KADIN Jawa Barat. Di masa pandemi Covid-19, keluarga harus mampu mengimplementasikan financial health chek up didalam keuangan rumah tangganya. Karena menurunnya keuangan keluarga berdampak pada menurunnya konsumsi belanja rumah tangga dapat berakibat pada menurunnya pertumbuhan perekonomian suatu negara. Strategi yang dapat digunakan oleh keluarga dalam menempuh kondisi masa pandemi Covid-19 ini adalah dengan mencatat dan merinci dari setiap pengeluaran dan pemasukan, membuat budget untuk setiap pengeluaran dan menghindari pengeluaran yang tidak perlu.Kata Kunci :Personal Financial Health Check-Up, Keuangan Keluarga, Pandemi Covid-19 The Covid-19 pandemic has affected the way of life and habits of people in the world in general and in Indonesia in particular. On a daily basis, people who are accustomed to interacting directly, because of Covid-19, people must start to get used to a healthy lifestyle, namely the application of social distancing. Family finances were badly affected by the Covid-19 pandemic. The implementation of the implementation is by providing online learning using the google meet application and continued by going through a question and answer discussion forum with partners who are members of the West Java KADIN. During the Covid-19 pandemic, families must be able to implement financial health check-ups in their household finances. Because the decline in family finances has an impact on decreasing consumption of household spending, it can result in a decline in the economic growth of a country. The strategy that can be used by families in dealing with the conditions of the Covid-19 pandemic is to record and detail each expenditure and income, create a budget for each expense and avoid unnecessary expenses.Keywords: : Personal Financial Health Check-Up, Family Finances, Covid-19 Pandemic

Introduction The aim of this paper is to examine whether recent catastrophic tsunamis have driven a cultural shift in the awareness of Australians to the danger associated with this natural hazard and whether the media have contributed to the emergence of “tsunami” as a new Australian catastrophe. Prior to the devastating 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster (2004 IOT), tsunamis as a type of hazard capable of generating widespread catastrophe were not well known by the general public and had barely registered within the wider scientific community. As a university based lecturer who specialises in natural disasters, I always started my public talks or student lectures with an attempt at a detailed description of what a tsunami is. With little high quality visual and media imagery to use, this was not easy. The Australian geologist Ted Bryant was right when he named his 2001 book Tsunami: The Underrated Hazard. That changed on 26 December 2004 when the third largest earthquake ever recorded occurred northwest of Sumatra, Indonesia, triggering the most catastrophic tsunami ever experienced. The 2004 IOT claimed at least 220,000 lives—probably more—injured tens of thousands, destroyed widespread coastal infrastructure and left millions homeless. Beyond the catastrophic impacts, this tsunami was conspicuous because, for the first time, such a devastating tsunami was widely captured on video and other forms of moving and still imagery. This occurred for two reasons. Firstly, the tsunami took place during daylight hours in good weather conditions—factors conducive to capturing high quality visual images. Secondly, many people—both local residents and westerners who were on beachside holidays and at the coast at multiple locations impacted by the tsunami—were able to capture images of the tsunami on their cameras, videos, and smart phones. The extensive media coverage—including horrifying television, video, and still imagery that raced around the globe in the hours and days after the tsunami, filling our television screens, homes, and lives regardless of where we lived—had a dramatic effect. This single event drove a quantum shift in the wider cultural awareness of this type of catastrophe and acted as a catalyst for improved individual and societal understanding of the nature and effects of disaster landscapes. Since this event, there have been several notable tsunamis, including the March 2011 Japan catastrophe. Once again, this event occurred during daylight hours and was widely captured by multiple forms of media. These events have resulted in a cascade of media coverage across television, radio, movie, and documentary channels, in the print media, online, and in the popular press and on social media—very little of which was available prior to 2004. Much of this has been documentary and informative in style, but there have also been numerous television dramas and movies. For example, an episode of the popular American television series CSI Miami entitled Crime Wave (Season 3, Episode 7) featured a tsunami, triggered by a volcanic eruption in the Atlantic and impacting Miami, as the backdrop to a standard crime-filled episode ("CSI," IMDb; Wikipedia). In 2010, Warner Bros Studios released the supernatural drama fantasy film Hereafter directed by Clint Eastwood. In the movie, a television journalist survives a near-death experience during the 2004 IOT in what might be the most dramatic, and probably accurate, cinematic portrayal of a tsunami ("Hereafter," IMDb; Wikipedia). Thus, these creative and entertaining forms of media, influenced by the catastrophic nature of tsunamis, are impetuses for creativity that also contribute to a transformation of cultural knowledge of catastrophe. The transformative potential of creative media, together with national and intergovernmental disaster risk reduction activity such as community education, awareness campaigns, community evacuation planning and drills, may be indirectly inferred from rapid and positive community behavioural responses. By this I mean many people in coastal communities who experience strong earthquakes are starting a process of self-evacuation, even if regional tsunami warning centres have not issued an alert or warning. For example, when people in coastal locations in Samoa felt a large earthquake on 29 September 2009, many self-evacuated to higher ground or sought information and instruction from relevant authorities because they expected a tsunami to occur. When interviewed, survivors stated that the memory of television and media coverage of the 2004 IOT acted as a catalyst for their affirmative behavioural response (Dominey-Howes and Thaman 1). Thus, individual and community cultural understandings of the nature and effects of tsunami catastrophes are incredibly important for shaping resilience and reducing vulnerability. However, this cultural shift is not playing out evenly.Are Australia and Its People at Risk from Tsunamis?Prior to the 2004 IOT, there was little discussion about, research in to, or awareness about tsunamis and Australia. Ted Bryant from the University of Wollongong had controversially proposed that Australia had been affected by tsunamis much bigger than the 2004 IOT six to eight times during the last 10,000 years and that it was only a matter of when, not if, such an event repeated itself (Bryant, "Second Edition"). Whilst his claims had received some media attention, his ideas did not achieve widespread scientific, cultural, or community acceptance. Not-with-standing this, Australia has been affected by more than 60 small tsunamis since European colonisation (Dominey-Howes 239). Indeed, the 2004 IOT and 2006 Java tsunami caused significant flooding of parts of the Northern Territory and Western Australia (Prendergast and Brown 69). However, the affected areas were sparsely populated and experienced very little in the way of damage or loss. Thus they did not cross any sort of critical threshold of “catastrophe” and failed to achieve meaningful community consciousness—they were not agents of cultural transformation.Regardless of the risk faced by Australia’s coastline, Australians travel to, and holiday in, places that experience tsunamis. In fact, 26 Australians were killed during the 2004 IOT (DFAT) and five were killed by the September 2009 South Pacific tsunami (Caldwell et al. 26). What Role Do the Media Play in Preparing for and Responding to Catastrophe?Regardless of the type of hazard/disaster/catastrophe, the key functions the media play include (but are not limited to): pre-event community education, awareness raising, and planning and preparations; during-event preparation and action, including status updates, evacuation warnings and notices, and recommendations for affirmative behaviours; and post-event responses and recovery actions to follow, including where to gain aid and support. Further, the media also play a role in providing a forum for debate and post-event analysis and reflection, as a mechanism to hold decision makers to account. From time to time, the media also provide a platform for examining who, if anyone, might be to blame for losses sustained during catastrophes and can act as a powerful conduit for driving socio-cultural, behavioural, and policy change. Many of these functions are elegantly described and a series of best practices outlined by The Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency in a tsunami specific publication freely available online (CDEMA 1). What Has Been the Media Coverage in Australia about Tsunamis and Their Effects on Australians?A manifest contents analysis of media material covering tsunamis over the last decade using the framework of Cox et al. reveals that coverage falls into distinctive and repetitive forms or themes. After tsunamis, I have collected articles (more than 130 to date) published in key Australian national broadsheets (e.g., The Australian and Sydney Morning Herald) and tabloid (e.g., The Telegraph) newspapers and have watched on television and monitored on social media, such as YouTube and Facebook, the types of coverage given to tsunamis either affecting Australia, or Australians domestically and overseas. In all cases, I continued to monitor and collect these stories and accounts for a fixed period of four weeks after each event, commencing on the day of the tsunami. The themes raised in the coverage include: the nature of the event. For example, where, when, why did it occur, how big was it, and what were the effects; what emergency response and recovery actions are being undertaken by the emergency services and how these are being provided; exploration of how the event was made worse or better by poor/good planning and prior knowledge, action or inaction, confusion and misunderstanding; the attribution of blame and responsibility; the good news story—often the discovery and rescue of an “iconic victim/survivor”—usually a child days to weeks later; and follow-up reporting weeks to months later and on anniversaries. This coverage generally focuses on how things are improving and is often juxtaposed with the ongoing suffering of victims. I select the word “victims” purposefully for the media frequently prefer this over the more affirmative “survivor.”The media seldom carry reports of “behind the scenes” disaster preparatory work such as community education programs, the development and installation of warning and monitoring systems, and ongoing training and policy work by response agencies and governments since such stories tend to be less glamorous in terms of the disaster gore factor and less newsworthy (Cox et al. 469; Miles and Morse 365; Ploughman 308).With regard to Australians specifically, the manifest contents analysis reveals that coverage can be described as follows. First, it focuses on those Australians killed and injured. Such coverage provides elements of a biography of the victims, telling their stories, personalising these individuals so we build empathy for their suffering and the suffering of their families. The Australian victims are not unknown strangers—they are named and pictures of their smiling faces are printed or broadcast. Second, the media describe and catalogue the loss and ongoing suffering of the victims (survivors). Third, the media use phrases to describe Australians such as “innocent victims in the wrong place at the wrong time.” This narrative establishes the sense that these “innocents” have been somehow wronged and transgressed and that suffering should not be experienced by them. The fourth theme addresses the difficulties Australians have in accessing Consular support and in acquiring replacement passports in order to return home. It usually goes on to describe how they have difficulty in gaining access to accommodation, clothing, food, and water and any necessary medicines and the challenges associated with booking travel home and the complexities of communicating with family and friends. The last theme focuses on how Australians were often (usually?) not given relevant safety information by “responsible people” or “those in the know” in the place where they were at the time of the tsunami. This establishes a sense that Australians were left out and not considered by the relevant authorities. This narrative pays little attention to the wide scale impact upon and suffering of resident local populations who lack the capacity to escape the landscape of catastrophe.How Does Australian Media Coverage of (Tsunami) Catastrophe Compare with Elsewhere?A review of the available literature suggests media coverage of catastrophes involving domestic citizens is similar globally. For example, Olofsson (557) in an analysis of newspaper articles in Sweden about the 2004 IOT showed that the tsunami was framed as a Swedish disaster heavily focused on Sweden, Swedish victims, and Thailand, and that there was a division between “us” (Swedes) and “them” (others or non-Swedes). Olofsson (557) described two types of “us” and “them.” At the international level Sweden, i.e. “us,” was glorified and contrasted with “inferior” countries such as Thailand, “them.” Olofsson (557) concluded that mediated frames of catastrophe are influenced by stereotypes and nationalistic values.Such nationalistic approaches preface one type of suffering in catastrophe over others and delegitimises the experiences of some survivors. Thus, catastrophes are not evenly experienced. Importantly, Olofsson although not explicitly using the term, explains that the underlying reason for this construction of “them” and “us” is a form of imperialism and colonialism. Sharp refers to “historically rooted power hierarchies between countries and regions of the world” (304)—this is especially so of western news media reporting on catastrophes within and affecting “other” (non-western) countries. Sharp goes much further in relation to western representations and imaginations of the “war on terror” (arguably a global catastrophe) by explicitly noting the near universal western-centric dominance of this representation and the construction of the “west” as good and all “non-west” as not (299). Like it or not, the western media, including elements of the mainstream Australian media, adhere to this imperialistic representation. Studies of tsunami and other catastrophes drawing upon different types of media (still images, video, film, camera, and social media such as Facebook, Twitter, and the like) and from different national settings have explored the multiple functions of media. These functions include: providing information, questioning the authorities, and offering a chance for transformative learning. Further, they alleviate pain and suffering, providing new virtual communities of shared experience and hearing that facilitate resilience and recovery from catastrophe. Lastly, they contribute to a cultural transformation of catastrophe—both positive and negative (Hjorth and Kyoung-hwa "The Mourning"; "Good Grief"; McCargo and Hyon-Suk 236; Brown and Minty 9; Lau et al. 675; Morgan and de Goyet 33; Piotrowski and Armstrong 341; Sood et al. 27).Has Extensive Media Coverage Resulted in an Improved Awareness of the Catastrophic Potential of Tsunami for Australians?In playing devil’s advocate, my simple response is NO! This because I have been interviewing Australians about their perceptions and knowledge of tsunamis as a catastrophe, after events have occurred. These events have triggered alerts and warnings by the Australian Tsunami Warning System (ATWS) for selected coastal regions of Australia. Consequently, I have visited coastal suburbs and interviewed people about tsunamis generally and those events specifically. Formal interviews (surveys) and informal conversations have revolved around what people perceived about the hazard, the likely consequences, what they knew about the warning, where they got their information from, how they behaved and why, and so forth. I have undertaken this work after the 2007 Solomon Islands, 2009 New Zealand, 2009 South Pacific, the February 2010 Chile, and March 2011 Japan tsunamis. I have now spoken to more than 800 people. Detailed research results will be presented elsewhere, but of relevance here, I have discovered that, to begin with, Australians have a reasonable and shared cultural knowledge of the potential catastrophic effects that tsunamis can have. They use terms such as “devastating; death; damage; loss; frightening; economic impact; societal loss; horrific; overwhelming and catastrophic.” Secondly, when I ask Australians about their sources of information about tsunamis, they describe the television (80%); Internet (85%); radio (25%); newspaper (35%); and social media including YouTube (65%). This tells me that the media are critical to underpinning knowledge of catastrophe and are a powerful transformative medium for the acquisition of knowledge. Thirdly, when asked about where people get information about live warning messages and alerts, Australians stated the “television (95%); Internet (70%); family and friends (65%).” Fourthly and significantly, when individuals were asked what they thought being caught in a tsunami would be like, responses included “fun (50%); awesome (75%); like in a movie (40%).” Fifthly, when people were asked about what they would do (i.e., their “stated behaviour”) during a real tsunami arriving at the coast, responses included “go down to the beach to swim/surf the tsunami (40%); go to the sea to watch (85%); video the tsunami and sell to the news media people (40%).”An independent and powerful representation of the disjunct between Australians’ knowledge of the catastrophic potential of tsunamis and their “negative” behavioral response can be found in viewing live television news coverage broadcast from Sydney beaches on the morning of Sunday 28 February 2010. The Chilean tsunami had taken more than 14 hours to travel from Chile to the eastern seaboard of Australia and the ATWS had issued an accurate warning and had correctly forecast the arrival time of the tsunami (approximately 08.30 am). The television and radio media had dutifully broadcast the warning issued by the State Emergency Services. The message was simple: “Stay out of the water, evacuate the beaches and move to higher ground.” As the tsunami arrived, those news broadcasts showed volunteer State Emergency Service personnel and Surf Life Saving Australia lifeguards “begging” with literally hundreds (probably thousands up and down the eastern seaboard of Australia) of members of the public to stop swimming in the incoming tsunami and to evacuate the beaches. On that occasion, Australians were lucky and the tsunami was inconsequential. What do these responses mean? Clearly Australians recognise and can describe the consequences of a tsunami. However, they are not associating the catastrophic nature of tsunami with their own lives or experience. They are avoiding or disallowing the reality; they normalise and dramaticise the event. Thus in Australia, to date, a cultural transformation about the catastrophic nature of tsunami has not occurred for reasons that are not entirely clear but are the subject of ongoing study.The Emergence of Tsunami as a “New Australian Catastrophe”?As a natural disaster expert with nearly two decades experience, in my mind tsunami has emerged as a “new Australian catastrophe.” I believe this has occurred for a number of reasons. Firstly, the 2004 IOT was devastating and did impact northwestern Australia, raising the flag on this hitherto, unknown threat. Australia is now known to be vulnerable to the tsunami catastrophe. The media have played a critical role here. Secondly, in the 2004 IOT and other tsunamis since, Australians have died and their deaths have been widely reported in the Australian media. Thirdly, the emergence of various forms of social media has facilitated an explosion in information and material that can be consumed, digested, reimagined, and normalised by Australians hungry for the gore of catastrophe—it feeds our desire for catastrophic death and destruction. Fourthly, catastrophe has been creatively imagined and retold for a story-hungry viewing public. Whether through regular television shows easily consumed from a comfy chair at home, or whilst eating popcorn at a cinema, tsunami catastrophe is being fed to us in a way that reaffirms its naturalness. Juxtaposed against this idea though is that, despite all the graphic imagery of tsunami catastrophe, especially images of dead children in other countries, Australian media do not and culturally cannot, display images of dead Australian children. Such images are widely considered too gruesome but are well known to drive changes in cultural behaviour because of the iconic significance of the child within our society. As such, a cultural shift has not yet occurred and so the potential of catastrophe remains waiting to strike. Fifthly and significantly, given the fact that large numbers of Australians have not died during recent tsunamis means that again, the catastrophic potential of tsunamis is not yet realised and has not resulted in cultural changes to more affirmative behaviour. Lastly, Australians are probably more aware of “regular or common” catastrophes such as floods and bush fires that are normal to the Australian climate system and which are endlessly experienced individually and culturally and covered by the media in all forms. The Australian summer of 2012–13 has again been dominated by floods and fires. If this idea is accepted, the media construct a uniquely Australian imaginary of catastrophe and cultural discourse of disaster. The familiarity with these common climate catastrophes makes us “culturally blind” to the catastrophe that is tsunami.The consequences of a major tsunami affecting Australia some point in the future are likely to be of a scale not yet comprehensible. References Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC). "ABC Net Splash." 20 Mar. 2013 ‹http://splash.abc.net.au/media?id=31077›. Brown, Philip, and Jessica Minty. “Media Coverage and Charitable Giving after the 2004 Tsunami.” Southern Economic Journal 75 (2008): 9–25. Bryant, Edward. Tsunami: The Underrated Hazard. First Edition, Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2001. ———. Tsunami: The Underrated Hazard. Second Edition, Sydney: Springer-Praxis, 2008. 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