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1
AAGAARD, Anders Juhl. « Family formation and stability in western welfare states since 1960 : the influence of family and housing policy ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/68455.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence Date: 29 September 2020 (Online)Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Hans-Peter Blossfeld, (EUI); Prof. Dr. Anton Hemerijck, (EUI); Prof. Dr. Melinda Mills, (University of Oxford); Prof. Dr. Jon Kvist, (Roskilde University)
This thesis explains differences in changes to family formation and stability in France, Norway, the FRG and the GDR based changes to family- and housing policy. Focus is on developments from the 1960s to the early 2000s. Previous research has focused on more recent developments from the 1980s onwards. A new conceptualization of family policy is introduced that enables a distinction between policy that alleviate the care giving role of mothers (de-familialization) and policies that intervene more directly in the caring responsibility within the family, aiming for a more equal share of childcare between women and men (de-genderization). Findings show that higher educated women are more likely of entry into marriage, when family policy provides more de-familalization (France, GDR) or de-genderization (Norway). But higher educated women are less likely of entry into marriage in the FRG where family policy remained conservative, forcing these women to choose between family and career. In the FRG where family policy remained conservative, with low support for female employment, married women with low levels of education became more likely of entry into divorce. A difference between women with different educational levels is not observed where family policy has included more de-familialziaiton and de-genderization. Findings for changes to housing policy are less convincing. Soft deregulation of rent control and tenure security has a positive effect on entry into consensual union in all countries, making a two person income household better equipped to cover the cost of rent increases that this change introduced. But results for the influence of support for home-ownership show little effect on entry into a marriage and divorce in all four countries. This may be because the full effect has not manifested itself yet. Extending the time period of analysis may provide more insights on the influence of these changes.
2
Saillard, Sébastien. « Les institutions et aspects juridiques relatifs au contrôle aérien en Europe : Eurocontrol ». Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60706.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Organization for the Safety of Air Navigation (Eurocontrol) was created in 1960 for the centralization and harmonization of air traffic control, to meet the new requirements of increasing air traffic. The primary functions of Eurocontrol were modified because of the reluctance of several European member States to transfer their control on ATC. But air traffic was still increasing and is deemed to increase until the next century. The problem remains unsolved. Today, a new political trend in favor of Eurocontrol is emerging. This trend is shared by most of the European States as well as other organizations as the European Community and the European Civil Aviation Conference.The main legal aspects of Eurocontrol are analysed in this thesis, as well as its cooperation with other organizations involved. Eventually, the future of Eurocontrol is analyzed with respect to future air navigation systems (FANS) based on satellite technology.
3
Zhelo, Inessa. « Impact of Economic, Political, and Socio-Demographic Factors on the Parliamentary Election Outcomes in Central and Eastern European Countries ». Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2008. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29712.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study determines how economic, political, and socio-demographic factors impact the parliamentary election outcomes in central and eastern European countries in transition period. A one-way fixed-effect method has been applied to analyze two main economic models. The dependent variables are share of the Western-oriented and traditional-oriented parties. Data of sixteen countries have been used in the thesis. According to the results of this study, it is possible to conclude that outcomes of parliamentary elections in central and eastern European countries depended on political and socio-demographic factors from I 990-2001. Factors such as loans, received from the United States, per capita in the pre-election year, as a measure of external pressure, and share of agriculture in GDP, as a measure of country`s level of development, demonstrate consistent significance in both variations of the model.
4
Benke, Ildiko. « Power and energy geopolitical aspects of the transnational natural gas pipelines from the Caspian Sea basin to Europe / ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FBenke.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Second Reader: Lober, George. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Natural gas, transportation routes, pipelines, power rivalry, energy demand, energy resources, energy policy, energy security, post-Cold war era, Caspian Sea basin, Russian periphery, geopolitical, littoral states, political instability. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56). Also available in print.
5
Rubio, Diego. « The ethics of deception : secrecy, transparency and deceit in the origins of modern political thought ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3e92fabc-9e47-41a5-a739-00a0f67d6dcf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this thesis is to reflect on the importance that deception has had on the efficient functioning of societies and the development of individuals. I attempt to do so by adopting an historical perspective, analysing the development of the notion of lawful deception during the Middle Ages and, mainly, the Early Modern Age through theological and political discourses. The scope of my investigation is pan-European. I examine sources from the major Western territories, but I pay special attention to those produced in the Spanish-Habsburg Empire, which was a major political and cultural entity during this period. My claim is that between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries, the West witnessed the formation of what I call an "Ethics of Deception:" a trend of thought that, without challenging the Augustinian prohibition of lying, recognised deception as intrinsic to nature and mankind, thereby justifying its use from moral and political perspectives. I explain how this intellectual process was conducted, fostered by new social realities, and helped by the flourishing of casuistry, tacitism and neostoicism. Furthermore, I argue that the acceptance of deception contributed to the creation of a new view of the world, language and human interaction. A view that is in the very basis of some of the most characteristic features of Baroque art and that opened the door to some of the most transcendental cultural changes of the period, such as the creation of politics governed by reason rather than faith, the secularisation of social behaviour, and the emergence of the notions of individualism, privacy and freedom of thought. For these reasons, I claim that deception played an important role in the shaping of Modernity.
6
Baldwin, Rowenna Jane. « Rethinking patriotic education in the Russian Federation : invitations to belong to 'imagined communities' : (a case study of St Petersburg) ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/47099/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis discusses how patriotic education is openly promoted by the government in contemporary Russia through a series of programmes, entitled the ‘State Programme for the Patriotic Education of the Citizens of the Russian Federation’, promoted since 2001. However, this thesis presents the argument that patriotic education cannot fully be understood through examination of these formally organised initiatives. Instead, the thesis contributes towards a rethinking of patriotic education as a communicative process whereby multiple ideas of the nation are delivered to young people, both in formal and informal settings. The thesis argues that this promotion of patriotic education is connected to long-standing debates on nations and nationalism in Russia, but also places these within the more general discourse on nations and nationalism, in particular Anderson’s (2006) definition of the nation as an ‘imagined community’. The thesis is positioned within, and contributes to, more recent arguments surrounding the need to examine everyday ideas of the nation, but maintains a sense of the role played by elites in producing ideas of the nation by intercepting state-produced ideas represented within the education system. Importantly, the three-stage research design maps not only the delivery of these state ideas, but also accesses how these ideas are received and articulated by young people themselves, thus contributing to an understanding of cultural production. This is achieved through triangulation of three qualitative methods: analysis of textbooks, classroom observation, and semi-structured interviews with teachers and students, conducted in St Petersburg. The data generated demonstrates that young people articulate both a sense of local and national belonging, cultivated just as much through their surroundings (historic buildings etc.) as through formal education. The thesis contributes to studies of (Russian) youth by demonstrating that young people negotiate with formal and informal ideas of belonging as they formulate their own understandings and expressions of belonging.
7
Schneider, Christian Elias. « Orientation towards Asia Pacific or Europe - Political, economic and socio-cultural aspects of the current discourse on identity in New Zealand ». St. Gallen, 2006. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/02604973001/$FILE/02604973001.pdf.
Texte intégral
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Ferreira, Antunes Sandrina. « New pragmatic nationalists in Europe : experienced flemish and scottish nationalists in times of economic crisis, 2004-2012 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209497.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the 90´s, Europe used to be depicted as the most privileged political arena for regional nationalist political parties to access for “more” political power. In that sense, whereas formal channels of regional interest representation were taken for granted by those standing within federal political systems; informal channels of regional interest representation were highly valued by regional nationalists standing in decentralized or devolutionary constitutional settlements. In spite of nuanced institutional preferences, Europe was rationally inspired (Ostrom 2005) as it used to be perceived as an aggregation of formal-legal structures that could be used as a means to prescribe, proscribe and permit a certain behavior in exchange of a personal utility. Moreover, regional nationalists were policy “maximizers” who acted in isolation, away from the center, using their own limited political resources to maximize their policy gains by pursuing distinctive forms of political autonomy. However, by the end of the 90’s, both categories of regional nationalists plunged into European disillusion due to the limits of a sovereign logic prevailing in Europe.However, in the 21st century, as soon as a new European policy cycle started to emerge and the economic crisis started to cripple, experienced regional nationalists realized that they could use the benefits of regional economic resources in face of the European Economic strategy to justify further concessions of policy competences that are still shared, either in theory or in practice, as well as to argue for new ones. The political plan would consist of using the reference of the European Economic targets to deliver policies, which would allow them to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, in both layers of governance, as well as to induce regional citizens into their political plan so they can finally reach the legal threshold to endorse a new state reform. Moreover, since they were rationally bounded, in the sense that they were lacking the policy expertise to perform these goals, they have learned to rely on a policy narrative (Shabahan et al 2011; Jones and Beth 2010; Radaelli 2010) embedded in a territorial economic argument to make sense of an advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1993), using informal channels of regional interest intermediation as “cognitive” structures (Scot 1995a) to articulate a policy strategy to be implemented in Europe and at the regional level of governance.
Therefore, and irrespectively of nuanced constitutional settlements, all experienced regional nationalists have returned to the center, using informal channels as an instrument of governance (Salamon 2002) to clarify the best policy options to be implemented in both layers of governance. In other words, regional nationalists have become “policy satisficers” (Simon 1954) who have learned to forgo immediate satisfaction in Europe to collect major gains of political power across multiple layers of governance. If the term “usage” can be defined as the act of using something to achieve certain political goals (Jacquot and Wolf 2003), in this research, we will apply the concept of “usage” to demonstrate that experienced regional nationalists in government have moved from a rational to a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to perform renewed political preferences across multiple layers of governance.
Departing from an actor centered institutionalist approach (Mayntz and Sharp 1997), we will demonstrate that the N-VA in Flanders, since 2004, and the SNP in Scotland, since 2007, have become new pragmatic nationalists. In that sense, we will argue that, in a clear contrast with pragmatic nationalists of the 90’s who expected to legitimize their nationalist aspirations in Europe by the means of a rational “usage” of the European institutions; experienced regional nationalists have become new pragmatic nationalists as they have learned to rely on a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, no longer in Europe, but through Europe.
We will then conclude that in the 21st century, and against traditional dogmas of the 90’s, the “usage” of Europe by regional nationalists is cognitively twisted, economically driven and collectively performed. It embraces all experienced regional nationalist political parties in government, irrespectively of their constitutional settlement or nationalist credo, as long as they possess the ability to anchor a political strategy embedded in “identity” without sticking to strict politics of nationalism.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
9
Paye, Olivier. « La représentation libérale de la famille en Belgique : contribution à l'étude des doctrines politiques contemporaines ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211715.
Texte intégral
10
Lu, Tailai. « International Debt Crisis : Interaction of Economics and Politics ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935791/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study attempts to examine the international debt crisis in the 1980s from a primarily political perspective, to permit a greater understanding of the interaction between economics and politics in the course of crisis management The process of dealing with the current international debt crisis provides an pat case for investigation of how economic concerns affect political outcomes, and how political factors influence economic outcomes, and how political factors influence economic policies. This study concentrates on the two regions of Latin America and Eastern Europe where the debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt problem has been increasingly politicized in the contemporary international relations, and that its solution, in addition to the economic aspects, calls for political willingness by all parties concerned.
11
Maes, Renaud David. « L'action sociale des universités à l'épreuve des mutations de l'enseignement supérieur en Europe ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209345.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les réformes de l'enseignement supérieur européen reconfigurent en profondeur les missions et l'organisation des universités. L'objet de notre thèse est de décrire les caractéristiques de la « nouvelle université capitaliste » telle qu’elle émerge progressivement par la mise en application du « modèle » de l’université de marché.Dans une première partie, nous questionnons l'origine de ce modèle d'université de marché, en le confrontant aux différents "modèles historiques" qui ponctuent l'histoire des universités modernes. Nous étudions alors l'évolution des missions de recherche et d'enseignement des universités.
Afin d'interroger la description ainsi offerte de la nouvelle université capitaliste à l'aune de constat empiriques, nous interrogeons dans la seconde partie les différentes manières par lesquelles elle contribue à reproduire les inégalités sociales, à produire des héritiers et des « miraculés ». Cela nous permet de raffiner la description et de montrer quelques propriétés particulières de l'université en cours d'avènement.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
12
Breindl, Yana. « Hacking the law : an analysis of internet-based campaigning on digital rights in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209836.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.
Doctorat en Information et communication
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
13
Zigante, Valentina. « Consumer choice, competition and privatisation in European health and long-term care systems : subjective well-being effects and equity implications ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/850/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Consumer choice has become a key reform trend in the provision of public services in Western European welfare states. Research on the welfare effects of choice reforms – including greater provider choice for the individual and competition between providers – has largely focused on economic evaluations of the extrinsic (outcome) effects of choice, thereby leaving its intrinsic, or procedural, value unexplored. The overarching objective of this thesis is to investigate the welfare effects of choice in the provision of health and long-term care (LTC) and their implications for equity. The thesis utilises the subjective well-being approach – incorporating both procedural and outcome utility from choice – to measure welfare effects based on quantitative analysis of survey data. Welfare effects and equity implications are examined in relation to: competition in health care in the English National Health System (NHS); choice of care package in the German long-term care system; and individual preferences and views of choice as a priority in the provision of health care in three NHS countries. The thesis argues that both service characteristics – extent of competition, information availability, technical complexity – and individual capabilities – ability to process information, capacity to manage transaction costs, availability of private support – influence the benefits that individuals derive from choice. Results suggest that choice policies have an overall positive welfare effect in both health and long-term care. However, while direct evidence of outcome improvements is found, the empirical analysis only finds indirect evidence of procedural utility. Middle class characteristics, primarily income and education, are found to have a positive influence on the benefits of choice, amounting to evidence of inequitable facets of choice policies. The middle class further exhibits preferences for choice over and above other characteristics of health care systems. Overall, this thesis advocates a holistic approach to the analysis of choice, incorporating its procedural value and paying particular attention to the equity implications of the choice situation, information processing and differences in available options as well as preferences for choice.
14
Renard, Philippe. « Les politiques de l'enseignement supérieur en Europe : de l'intégration à l'harmonisation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211983.
Texte intégral
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Melo, Ana Katarina Leimig Saraiva de. « Síndrome de alienação parental : um estudo através do olhar de psicólogos e assistentes sociais peritos ». Universidade Católica de Pernambuco, 2013. http://www.unicap.br/tede//tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=916.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A Alienação Parental é percebida como fenômeno que surge no seio de famílias em conflito de guarda, principalmente no âmbito judicial, e que há pouco tempo tornou-se foco de
estudos científicos no campo de atuação da Psicologia, da Psiquiatria e do Direito. Nesse contexto, são necessárias pesquisas e discussões acerca da temática, de forma a contribuir para um maior aprofundamento na prática da Psicologia Clínica, assim como no âmbito do Judiciário, visando aos meios de prevenção e promoção do bem-estar integral da criança e do adolescente vitimados pela Alienação Parental. A presente pesquisa de natureza qualitativa, teve por objetivo compreender as consequências da Síndrome de Alienação
Parental (SAP) no núcleo familiar, através do olhar de profissionais da Psicologia e do Serviço Social que lidam com o tema. O instrumento para a coleta de dados, foi a entrevista
semiestruturada. Participaram da pesquisa três Psicólogos(as), e três Assistentes Sociais peritos, vinculados ao Poder Judiciário de Pernambuco. Os dados foram analisados através
da análise temática descrita por Minayo, possibilitando compreender os significados das falas dos entrevistados, de acordo com os objetivos propostos. Os principais resultados
apontam para uma ação desenvolvida de forma gradativa, por parte dos profissionais, com a finalidade de emitir um parecer que busque esclarecer o contexto familiar em que a criança
está inserida, e que se preocupe com a forma de atuação dos peritos, visando proteger a criança e/ou adolescente das consequências de uma separação mal elaborada.Parental Alienation is a phenomenon that borns within the family when they have any custody conflict, mainly in the judicial sphere, that in a short period became focus of cientific studies in Psychology, Psychiatry and Law. In this context, some searches and discutions about this subject are needed, to contribute to a further deepening in practice of Clinic Psychology as Judicial scope, aiming ways of prevention and promotion of total welfare of childs and teenagers victims of Parental Alienation. This research is qualitative aimed to understand the consequences of Parental Alienation Syndrome (PAS) in the family, through the eyes of Professional Psychology and Social Work dealing with the subject. The instrument for data collection was a semi-structured interview. Participants were three Psychologists and three Social Service experts, linked to the Judiciary of Pernambuco. The data was analyzed using Minayos thematic, enabling to understand the meaning of speech of interviewees according to the proposed objectives. The main results point to a program developed gradually, by professionals, for the purpose of issuing an opinion that seeks to clarify the family context in which children are inserted, and not worry about the way it operates of experts in order protect the child and / or adolescent from the consequences of a bad breakup elaborate.
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VAN, DITMARS Mathilde Maria. « Family and politics : the enduring influence of the parental home in the development and transmission of political ideology ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/47965.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 13 September 2017Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Alexander H. Trechsel, European University Institute (Supervisor) Prof. Dr. Fabrizio Bernardi, European University Institute (Co-supervisor) Dr. Elias Dinas, University of Oxford Prof. Dr. Marc Hooghe, University of Leuven
How does the family influence citizens’ political ideology, and what role do family dynamics and structure play in this process of political socialization? As society and family forms are changing, this study provides new insights in political socialization research by investigating how gender dynamics in the family, parental separation, and intergenerational social mobility affect the transmission and development of citizens’ political ideology in multiparty systems in Europe. The German Socioeconomic Panel and the Swiss Household Panel are the most important data sources. The first empirical chapter provides a descriptive account of the level of transmission of left–right ideology, showing a large and stable influence of the parental on the child’s ideology. Especially the similarity of parental ideology favours this process. Chapter 3 addresses gender effects in political socialization, showing that the political ideology of both parents equally influences the ideology of their children, irrespective of their gender. In Switzerland, moderate left-wing effects of the presence of an older sister are found for females, and in families of a centrist ideology. For males, however, having a female eldest sibling has a right-wing effect. Chapter 4 investigates the ideological consequences of parental divorce, showing with pan-European data that adults whose parents separated during childhood hold a more leftist ideology. Longitudinal analysis using Swiss data shows that this is partially caused by the mother becoming more leftwing after separation from the partner. Finally, Chapter 5 addresses how vertical and horizontal intergenerational social mobility affect the ideological transmission process from parents to children, showing that especially the upwardly mobile are less influenced by the parental ideology. However, it is demonstrated that self-selection into social mobility plays an important role herein. The overall conclusion is that the family is important in shaping voters’ political ideology until in adulthood, not only in terms of intergenerational transmission, but also in terms of direct effects of family experiences and structure.
17
SIAPERA, Eugenia. « Read all about it : journalism, Europe and politics : a study on journalism ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5385.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 4 March 2002Examining board: Prof. Christian Joppke (EUI - Supervisor) ; Prof. Brian McNair (University of Stirling) ; Prof. Peter Wagner (EUI) ; Prof. Liesbet van Zoonen (University of Amsterdam)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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TRIGA, Vassiliki. « Europe beyond Brussels : An analysis of everyday discourses in the EU Agencies ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6943.
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Defence date: 18 June 2007Examining board: Prof. Richard Breen, Yale University, former EUI, supervisor ; Prof. Colin Crouch, University of Warwick, former EUI ; Prof. Michelle Cini, Bristol University ; Prof. Maria Dikaiou, Aristotle University of Thessalonica
Using insights from the theory of discursive psychology, and a combined methodology of quantitative and qualitative techniques, this dissertation investigates the everyday discourses of individuals working in three “European Community Agencies”. Two main issues were studied: a) how individuals in the agencies talk about “working together” and b) how individuals construct the roles of the EU agencies. The research brought to the fore a variety of interpretative repertoires concerning the notion of “working together” and the role of the agencies. Furthermore, the variation that was observed was shown to parallel scientific discourses about Europe and culture, as well as the more specialised literature on the EU agencies. In this way, both the lay and the scientific discourses were structured on similar arguments. Thus, it was shown that scientific discourse informs and is informed by lay discourse, a finding that is consistent with a discursive psychology approach. However, the analysis also identified innovative discourses that are emerging in an attempt to transcend the ideological dilemmas that pervade both the lay and the scientific discourses. In this connection, one of the major claims advanced in this dissertation is that focusing on the norms and expectations produced in an agency’s organisational setting through statistical techniques as well as the qualitative analysis of the agencies’ everyday discourses can provide illuminating insights on questions such as identity, culture and issues of political power which are extremely pertinent to the broader European integration process.
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FERRER-FONS, Mariona. « Inequality in Access to Political Action : Determinants of political membership and protest in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5170.
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Defence date: 25 July 2005Examining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (Università degli Studi di Bologna, Supervisor) ; Prof. Donatella della Porta (EUI) ; Prof. Juan Díez Medrano (University of Barcelona) ; Prof. Joan Font Fábregas (Autonomous University of Barcelona, Co-supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
20
Mull, Nathaniel. « Natural Law and the Origins of Political Secularism in Early Modern Europe ». Thesis, 2018. https://doi.org/10.7916/D89P4J36.
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This dissertation argues that a particular—and often overlooked—strand of natural law theory played an essential role in arguments for the secularization of political power in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Between the start of the Protestant Reformation (1517) and the English Restoration (1660), European conceptions of political and legal authority underwent a series of sweeping changes. Among the most drastic of these changes was the secularization of the idea of civil authority, which consisted of three developments. First, the legitimacy of civil sovereigns was no longer dependent on religious qualifications. Heretics and pagans could hold legitimate civil authority over Christian subjects. Second, civil authority came to be seen as the product of human agency rather than divine will alone. Kings were placed on their thrones by their subjects and were thus accountable to the communities they governed. Third, civil jurisdiction was limited to the pursuit and enforcement of temporal goods: civil peace, personal security, and the public virtues necessary for these ends. Civil sovereigns no longer had the right to determine citizens’ religious, spiritual, or supernatural obligations. My dissertation demonstrates that these three developments were made possible by the philosophical framework of natural law, which was deployed by both Catholic and Protestant political thinkers of this period.
21
ARES, Macarena. « A new working class ? : a cross-national and a longitudinal approach to class voting in post-industrial societies ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49184.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 29 November 2017Examining Board: Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi (Supervisor), European University Institute; Prof. Fabrizio Bernardi (Co-supervisor), European University Institute; Prof. Geoffrey Evans, Nuffield College, Oxford; Prof. Silja Häusermann, University of Zurich
Post-industrial transformations in the occupational structure and new patterns of class-party alignments have fueled the debate on the relevance of social class as a determinant of political preferences and behavior. Although the growth of the service sector is one of the distinctive traits of post-industrial economies, low-skilled service workers have received limited attention in recent research on class politics. This dissertation analyzes the political implications of class in post-industrial societies, focusing specifically on the comparison between low-skilled production and service workers. Through a two-step analysis of class voting, this dissertation studies, first, the association between class and issue preferences and, second, the relationship between class and electoral behavior. This approach to class voting also allows me to theorize and analyze potential moderators and mechanisms of the individual-level association between class and political outcomes. To study these different aspects of class voting both cross-sectionally and longitudinally this thesis relies on multiple datasets like the European Social Survey, the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the British Household Panel Survey, and on different estimation methods like multi-level, conditional logistic and panel data regression models. The results of a systematic comparison of production and service workers indicate that the two classes constitute a rather homogeneous electoral constituency both in terms of preferences on cultural and economic issues, as well as in their likelihood of voting for different party families. Thus, these two groups could constitute a new working class, characterized by its economically left-wing but culturally authoritarian political preferences, but also by its higher levels of electoral abstention. Other than revealing the similarity between production and service workers, this dissertation also contributes to the literature on class voting by studying moderators and mechanisms of the individual-level relationship between class location and political preferences. The analyses indicate that the politicization of policy issues by parties or the length of class tenure moderate this relationship. Moreover, I also consider how vertical and horizontal class mobility throughout an individuals’ career relates to differences in policy preferences. For this purpose, I implement a longitudinal approach, which has been rather infrequent in studies of class voting. The conclusion of this dissertation discusses the implications of these findings for the political representation of the working class and for aggregate levels of class voting. Overall, and in clear contrast with the dealignment thesis, this dissertation indicates that class is still a relevant determinant of political preferences in post-industrial societies.
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INNSET, Ola. « Reinventing liberalism : early neoliberalism in context, 1920-1947 ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/48324.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 27 September 2017Examining Board: Professor Marie-Laure Salles-Djelic, Sciences Po; Dr. João Rodrigues, University of Coimbra (external advisor); Professor Youssef Cassis, European Universiy Institute; Professor Lucy Riall, European University Institute (supervisor)
Awarded the 2019 Dorfman Dissertation Prize by the History of Economics Society
The thesis is a close study of a transnational group of intellectuals, mainly economists, who met in Paris in 1938 and at Mont Pèlerin in 1947 with the explicit aim to create a new liberalism for the modern world. At times they would use neoliberalism as a description of the creed they were developing, later they would opt for classical liberalism, in a bid to highlight continuities in their approach to political philosophy. Was their liberalism classical or was it new? The verb to reinvent is used frequently in modern academe, but its meaning is somewhat unclear. In the history of political thought, however, and especially the history of liberalism, the term can become a useful tool for enquiry. One way or the other, all new creeds build on previous ones, but the intellectuals in question were involved in a conscious, explicit attempt to change liberalism. This involved restating certain aspects of what they perceived as “true liberalism” and updating these to a different social and historical context, while also purging liberalism of all they felt was wrong with it. The contextualization of the many layers of interpretation involved in making these arguments is the main topic of this thesis. The intellectuals in question argued that “economic planning” was what had led to the rise of dictatorships in Europe. They included the communist dictatorship in Russia and the fascist dictatorships in Germany and Italy as part of the same phenomenon, totalitarianism, and further claimed that democracies like the USA, Great Britain and France were headed in the same direction. In this way, other, tangential movements to reinvent liberalism under labels such as new liberalism or social liberalism also came under attack, as it was argued that they were taking society in a totalitarian direction through collectivism and economic planning. The latter concept was defined loosely as any government “intervention” in the economy or, more precisely, attempts at subverting the mechanisms of markets in order to improve on their outcomes, redistribute wealth or counter business cycles. This strong criticism of economic planning did not lead these thinkers to advocate a position of “laissez-faire”. On the contrary, the second major plank of their intellectual project was an attack on the ideas of laissez-faire liberalism, a creed they claimed was rigid and outdated. Their internal debates can be seen as an attempt to incorporate a theory of states into right-wing liberalism, and focused on how to use states to spread, protect and foster what they still saw as a largely self-regulating mechanism. The first part of the thesis traces this dual argument to books, articles, lectures and correspondence by and between the intellectuals involved, from the German language socialist calculation debates in the 1920s, to the first meeting of the Mont Pelerin Society in 1947. The second part of the thesis uses some of the tools of micro history to conduct an in-depth study of this ten-day meeting in the Swiss alps. In the conclusion I argue that neoliberalism is best understood as a theory of modernity arising out of the historical conjuncture of Europe in the 1920s, 30s and 40s. This theory was based on a novel conceptualization of markets as mediators of modernity, the only mechanism through which order and prosperity could be achieved in a modern mass-society. Neoliberals took this new understanding of markets and combined it with an embrace of state power as legitimate within a theory of liberalism when put to use in concordance with what was believed to be logic of markets. The work may contribute to a deeper understanding of neoliberalism, whether this is seen as a philosophy inspiring a political movement, a political rationality, or some sort of combination of the two.
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VOSS, Kristian. « Nature and nation in harmony : the ecological component of far right ideology ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32125.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 26 May 2014Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Supervisor) Professor Stefano Bartolini, EUI Professor Roger Eatwell, Bath Professor Piero Ignazi, Bologna.
The protection of nature constitutes a core component of the ideology of contemporary far right political parties in Western Europe. Through a cross-national comparative study utilizing mixed methods, this research finds that the far right promotes policies aimed at protecting nature based on the connection of organic nationalism and political ecology, challenging perceptions in academia and society that the protection of nature is a leftwing issue or the domain of left-wing parties, and that far right positions regarding ecological issues are incompatible, oppositional, hostile, indifferent, and/or incoherent. Organic nationalist connections with the protection of nature, present at least from Romanticism to National Socialism, provide a theoretical framework to explain the position of contemporary far right parties, including the integration of elements of a critique of Judeo-Christian and Enlightenment ideas and subsequent modern developments perceived as breaking the cherished harmony between man and nature. Influenced by elements of this ecological worldview of organic nationalists of anti-anthropocentrism, organicism, and the sanctity and supremacy of nature, contemporary far right parties promote many ecological goals. A quantitative analysis of manifesto, media, and expert survey data and qualitative analysis of party documents indicate that nature protection for the far right is salient, fundamental, and comprehensive, particularly permeating a number of policy areas, including agriculture, animals, conservation, economics, energy, fish, immigration, individualism, international relations, science and technology, spatial planning, traditional culture, transportation, and waste management, and many associated sub-issues. Furthermore, a case study on Austria reveals that nature protection also remains an important priority for far right activity in a legislature. Overall, far right parties located further right on the political spectrum, or more organic nationalist, are more supportive of the protection of nature and adhere to a more ecological perspective.
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KYRIAZI, Anna. « Revisiting the question of institutional design in ethnically divided societies through the lens of minority education : comparative perspectives from Europe’s Eastern periphery ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49644.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 18 December 2017Examining Board: Professor Hans-Peter Blossfeld, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Anna Triandafyllidou, European University Institute; Professor Zsuzsa Csergő Queen’s University; Professor Matthias vom Hau, Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals
This thesis puts in a new light the old problem of institutional design for ethnically divided societies. The lens through which I examine this question is mass education, a key mechanism of cultural reproduction and ethno-national homogenization. In doing so I integrate the insights of various intellectual traditions, including the most recent developments in the field of comparative ethnicity and nationalism, as well as neoinstitutional analysis. The logic and method of the thesis is comparative, based on case studies from Europe’s Eastern periphery. It draws its evidence from a variety of sources, including interview material and the related historiography. I begin by delineating the general research problem, reviewing the existing theoretical and empirical literature, and outlining the place of my study in it. A historical and contemporary examination of the basic demographic and policy frameworks in East-Central Europe follows, with the aim of familiarizing the reader with the overall factual context within which the thesis is framed. This leads to the discussion of the comparative logic adopted and the overall methodological approach. The next three analytical chapters interrogate a different sub-question each, based on the contrasting assessment of a pair of carefully selected cases. Despite their differences in substance, approach, and design, these analyses jointly advance the understanding of the drivers of institutional choice and change in ethnically divided societies. But they also go beyond that in their explorations of the ways culture, identity and politics interlink more generally.
Chapter 2 'Culture and politics in Europe’s Eastern periphery' of the thesis draws upon an earlier article published as an article 'The education of minorities in Bulgaria and Romania : analyzing the formation and articulation of preferences' (2016) in the journal 'Ethnicities'
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MICHEL, Elie. « Welfare politics and the radical right : the relevance of welfare politics for the radical right’s success in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46384.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 15 May 2017Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, EUI; Professor Martial Foucault, Sciences Po Paris; Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Jens Rydgren, Stockholm University
This thesis looks at the success of radical right parties in Western Europe through the perspective of welfare politics, by examining parties and voters in a comparative and mixed method perspective. I argue that purely socio-cultural or socio-economic accounts of the radical right success face several theoretical and empirical shortcomings. Focusing on the conflict dimension of welfare politics - who gets what, when and how in terms of social benefits – constitutes a novel approach to explain these parties’ and voters’ political preferences. Relying on different theories of the political sociology of the welfare state, I put forward the protection and exclusion hypotheses, which have implications at the party and at the voter levels. On the demand side, the precarization sub-hypothesis expects that economically insecure voters are likely to support radical right parties who offer them an alternative to mainstream parties. The scapegoating sub-hypothesis expect that voters who feel that core normative beliefs of the moral economy of the welfare state are being violated by individuals or outgroups should support the radical right because it fosters an exclusive conception of welfare politics. On the supply side, the programmatic shift sub-hypothesis expects that radical right parties turn their back on their initial ‘winning formula’ (which entailed retrenchment of welfare institutions) in order to adopt protective welfare preferences that match their constituents’ economic insecurity. The exclusive solidarity sub-hypothesis expects that radical right parties frame their welfare preference in terms of group inclusion and exclusion. I find that economic insecurity and welfare specific attitudes (welfare populism, welfare chauvinism, welfare limitation and egalitarianism) underlie voters’ support for radical right parties. Conversely, some – but not all – West European radical right parties have adapted their welfare preferences towards protective welfare policies in order to match their constituents’ concerns. However, all radical right parties put forward an exclusive conception of solidarity. These findings contribute to a finer-grained understanding of the electoral of radical right parties in Western Europe, and also open a broader research agenda for the better inclusion of welfare politics in electoral studies.
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DARBY, James. « The political economy of Japanese manufacturing investment in France and the United Kingdom (1970-86) ». Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5162.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 8 October 1987Examining board: Prof. Vincent Wright, Nuffield College ; Prof. Yves Morvan, University of Rennes ; Prof. Julien Savary, University of Toulouse ; Prof. Stephen Young, Strathclyde University
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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HERZER, Martin. « The rise of Euro-journalism : the media and the European Communities, 1950s-1970s ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/48767.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 30 October 2017Examining Board: Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (EUI); Doctor N. Piers Ludlow, London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE); Professor Kiran Klaus Patel, Maastricht University; Professor Youssef Cassis, European University Institute (EUI).
The thesis traces the rise of Euro-journalism. It argues that the Euro-journalists - a group of influential journalists in Brussels and across Western Europe - were instrumental in shifting the representation of the European Communities in Western European media, from marginal international organisation in the 1950s to sui generis 'European' polity and incarnation of 'Europe' in the 1970s. In the 1950s, Western European media overwhelmingly considered the European Communities as one among many international organisations working for Western European cooperation. The Communities did not stand out among many 'European integration' projects ranging from liberal to Gaullist to communist. However, by the 1970s Western European media largely presented the Communities as a 'European' polity in the making. What explains this astonishing transformation and emergence of the European Communities in Western European media? The thesis puts the Euro-journalists at the centre of its analysis. It argues that the Euro-journalists adopted the sui generis 'European integration' narrative in the 1950s and early 1960s. The narrative presented the European Communities as a 'European' polity in the making, not as a normal international organisation. The thesis shows how the Euro-journalists helped spread the sui generis 'European integration' narrative in Western European media. It also places their advocacy in the changing political and economic context of the postwar decades. By the 1970s, mainstream Western European journalism had adopted Euro-journalism and the sui generis 'European integration' narrative as the standard way to cover the European Communities. Western European journalists, in a joint effort with Western European elites, tried to educate 'European' citizens about the emerging democratic 'European' political system. They mounted repeated campaigns for 'European integration', particularly during the 1979 direct elections to the European Parliament. The thesis provides some evidence that the actual influence of such campaigns on the general public in Western Europe was limited.
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MEARDI, Guglielmo. « Trade union activists, East and West : devergence and convergence in the Italian and Polish plants of multinational companies ». Doctoral thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5290.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 12 November 1999Examining board: Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI - Supervisor); Prof. Jolanta Kulpińska (Uniwersytet Łódzki); Prof. Marino Regini (Università di Milano); Prof. Michel Wieviorka (EHESS Paris - co-supervisor)
First made available online 18 September 2017
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BALLI, Volker. « Power and Gestalt of political concepts : a study of the emergence, nature and self-understanding of the Europe Union Polity ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/11973.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 7 February 2009Examining Board: Prof. Peter Wagner, University of Trento and formerly EUI (Supervisor); Prof. Richard Bellamy, University College London; Prof. Claus Offe, Hertie School of Governance, Berlin; Prof. Neil Walker, University of Edinburgh and formerly EUI
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis proposes a new way of addressing two central questions in the study of the European Union: What is the nature of the European Union as a political entity and how does it emerge? The point of departure is the, by now widely accepted, conceptualisation of the EU as a polity and the extensive discussions, not least in normative and prescriptive terms, that this process implied. Judging that many of the debates have reached dead-ends, the thesis proposes a novel way of conceptualising the concept ‘polity’ in its application to the European Union. It argues that the European Union polity should be understood as a configuration of agreements to collectively address common problems. The thesis then offers an analysis of three such fields of agreed upon common activities over the period 1992 to 2005 which are constitutive of the European Union polity and construct its boundedness: ‘Enlargement to the East’; ‘Immigration policy’; and ‘Europe as an actor in the world.’ Under scrutiny includes: the context in which these policies emerged; the normative ideas through which the problems at stake were identified; and the agreed-upon mechanisms for addressing common problems. To understand the emergence and nature of these common activities, the thesis proposes a concept-centred approach. It argues that concepts are constitutive for the European Union polity. The concepts constitute the agreements to address problems in common and thus ‘form’ the European Union polity. Thereby, the thesis shows the ways in which five key concepts - human rights, democracy, diversity, prosperity and security - are effective (‘their power’ or ‘efficacy’) and which Gestalt (‘meaning’) they take on in these specific problem-ridden situations. Particular attention is paid to the relationship and, specifically, tensions between the different normative concepts as well as the compromises that they form and the re-configuration of the respective policy fields they bring about. The thesis concludes that these findings should be interpreted as a self-understanding of the European Union. This self-understanding encompasses the commitment to a set of ideas, the decision to take action in certain political domains and, not least, the selfidentification as a political actor and entity. Thus, focusing on the power and Gestalt of concepts without falling into an abstract idealism, the thesis combines an approach of a historical sociology, cultural sociology and the history of concepts with key concerns of European Union studies.
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HANRETTY, Chris. « The Political Independence of Public Service Broadcasters ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13213.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defense date: 18 December 2009Examining Board: Adrienne Héritier (EUI/RSCAS), Anker Brink Lund (Copenhagen Business School), Gianpietro Mazzoleni (University of Milan) (External Co-Supervisor), Alexander H. Trechsel (EUI) (Supervisor)
François Mény Prize for the Best Comparative Study of Political Institutions, 2010.
In this thesis, I demonstrate that the degree of political independence that a public service broadcaster has depends on the degree of legal protection given to it, and on the size of the market for news in that country. The latter affects broadcaster independence by creating more standardized and professionalized news, which in turn reduces politicians’ incentives to intervene in the broadcaster. The former affects broadcaster independence by making it less likely that such intervention will be effective. I demonstrate these claims in two ways. First, I conduct a large-N statistical analysis of 36 public service broadcasters (PSBs), in which I demonstrate that legal protection news market size are statistically significant predictors of PSB independence (as I operationalize it), and that other suggested explanatory factors — party system polarization and bureaucratic partisanship — have no effect. Second, I carry out a comparative historical analysis of six European PSBs—Radiotelevisione Italiana, Radiotelevisión Española, Radio Telefís Éireann (Ireland), the British Broadcasting Corporation, Danmarks Radio, and Sveriges Radio and its associated companies (Sweden) — and substantiate the claims made in my statistical analysis. In particular, I demonstrate that where the market for news was bigger, broadcasters capitalised on pre-existing journalistic experience, adopting the house-styles of press agencies and learning from journalists’ associations. Conversely, where the market was small, that experience could not be drawn on, and broadcast journalism attracted political intervention.
Version of thesis published as a book "HANRETTY, Chris, Public Broadcasting and Political Interference, Abingdon/New York, Routledge, 2011, Routledge Research in Political Communication"
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ZOLNER, Mette. « Reconstructing national boundaries : debates on national identities and immigration in France and in Denmark ». Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5441.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 11 June 1998Supervisor: Prof. Bernhard Giesen, Universität Giessen ; Co-Supervisor: Prof. Laurence Fontaine, European University Institute
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Why are national identities imagined in one way rather than in another? The book analyses national imaginations as an on-going reconstruction process in a political and social context in which several imaginations of the nation struggle to impose their conception. Focusing on a fundamental element of any collective identity, namely the «Other», the book looks at the reconstruction of national identities by actors in political debates on immigration in the late 1980s and 1990s, particularly associations and political clubs which were in favour of and against the presence of immigrant minorities in their respective countries. Thus, the book investigates different ways of imagining the same nation in two old European nation-states, namely France and Denmark, which differ with regard to their nation-building processes, their Second World War history, their memory of colonialism and their experience of immigration. It is thus possible to illustrate that existing ideas of the nation and memories of historical events shape the way in which the nation could be re-imagined in the 1980s and 1990s.
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HANSEN, Janus. « Framing the public : three case studies in public participation in the governance of agricultural biotechnology ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5144.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 10 June 2005Examining board: Prof. Andrew Webster (University of York) ; Prof. Donatella Della Porta (EUI) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, external co-supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (University of Warwick, former EUI, supervisor)
First made available online 31 August 2016
Ideas about public engagement with controversial technologies are growing in political prominence. This dissertation delivers a theoretically grounded, empirical analysis of why active public involvement is considered to be of growing importance for the legitimate use of new technologies. It examines the different social dynamics influencing actual attempts to engage the public and the difficulties encountered. Janus Hansen argues that while there are strong normative reasons to further public engagement with the regulation of controversial technologies, there are also strong sociological reasons to reflect carefully on what such engagement can realistically achieve. This dissertation delivers conceptual tools and empirical analyses to support such reflections based on in-depth case studies of important attempts to engage public concerns across Europe.
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VAN, DER HARST Jan. « European union and Atlantic partnership : political, military and economic aspects of Dutch defence, 1948-1954, and the impact of the European Defence Community ». Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5831.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 1 February 1988Examining Board: Prof. A. S. Milward (supervisor), London School of Economics and Political Science ; Prof. R.T. Griffiths, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam ; Prof. Prof. A. Kersten, Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden ; Prof. Dr. W. Loth, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster ; Prof. R. Poidevin, Université de Strasbourg III
First made available online 21 March 2019
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ZANTEDESCHI, Francesca. « Une langue en quête d'une nation : le débat sur la langue d'oc au XIXe siècle ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence Date: 24/04/2009Examining Board: Professor Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Enrique Ucelay-Da Cal, Universitat Pompeu Fabra (Second Supervisor); Professor Michael Keating, European University Institute; Professor Anne-Marie Thiesse, EHESS
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Dans le premier chapitre je définirai mon approche de la question nationale en m’appuyant sur certaines théories classiques du nationalisme. Je m’attacherai longuement sur le lien entre langue et nation, que je mettrai en perspective historique. En particulier, j’examinerai le cadre conceptuel et philosophique dans lequel l’idée politique de nation a vu le jour, à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Et je le ferai en ayant toujours présent à l’esprit l’évolution des études linguistiques, notamment à partir du début du XIXe siècle. Dans le deuxième chapitre, après avoir traité des idées linguistique en France depuis le XVIIIe siècle, je considérerai le contexte français dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle. Je porterai une attention particulière à la politique culturelle française depuis la Révolution de 1789, et notamment aux politiques linguistiques des différents gouvernements. Je parlerai donc des enquêtes linguistiques et ethnologiques qui accompagnent l’intérêt nouveau pour les traditions populaires, mais aussi de leur dimension politique. J’expliquerai comment elles emboîtent le pas à la quête des origines nationales. Finalement, j’aborderai le renouveau qui caractérise l’historiographie française depuis les années 1820 pour montrer comment l’histoire du Midi de la France s’insère dans le grand tableau de l’histoire nationale. Après ces chapitres de préliminaires historiques et théoriques, avec le troisième chapitre, on abordera l’émergence de la question de la langue d’oc à travers les travaux d’une lignée d’historiens, antiquaires, lexicographes, etc. qui depuis le XVIIIe siècle relancent l’intérêt pour les 'langues du Midi' en France. Je parlerai de Raynouard, le fondateur des études de langue romane, et de ses successeurs qui ont dessiné le cadre théorique dans lequel s’inscrira le débat pendant presque tout le siècle. Débat qui mettra en jeu de nom de la langue : langue romane, langue d’oc, provençal, et dans lequel la renaissance provençale promue par le groupe des félibres joue un rôle capital. Je parlerai longuement de son principal protagoniste, Frédéric Mistral, dont la personnalité, le génie poétique et le talent d’organisateur poussent le provençal sur le premier plan de la scène littéraire française. Dans le quatrième chapitre, je franchirai la frontière pyrénéenne pour découvrir comment la question linguistique et nationale a été abordée en Catalogne. Le choix de m’occuper de la question linguistique catalane est dû à plusieurs raisons : tout d’abord à la proximité linguistique et culturelle que ce pays voisin a avec les pays de langue d’oc. En deuxième lieu, au fait que, quelques années durant, les Provençaux et les Catalans ont partagé intérêts, revendications et rêves d’une confédération de peuples latins. Enfin, à la curiosité de voir comment le débat sur la langue catalane a été résolu en faveur d’une vision résolument nationale de la langue, de sorte qu’elle devient à la fois fondement et instrument de revendications politiques. Dans le cinquième chapitre je ferai retour en France et je m’arrêterai surtout dans le Languedoc, où la création de la Société des Langues Romanes à Montpellier donne une tournure différent au débat sur la langue d’oc. Créée presque trente ans après le Félibrige, la SLR fait sortir la discussion sur la langue du domaine poétique : ses intérêts linguistiques et philologiques la prédisposent en fait à des conceptions de la langue et à des projets de normalisation, surtout orthographique, antagonistes à ceux du Félibrige. Toujours en Languedoc, mais cette fois-ci à Toulouse, une autre initiative voit le jour visant à mettre en question la prééminence des Provençaux au sein du Félibrige : la Lauseto, organe des félibres rouges et apôtre de la 'Cause languedocienne', engage une véritable opposition idéologique au félibrige catholique et légitimiste de matrice provençale. Je terminerai le chapitre par une petite 'promenade' en Italie, où la questione della lingua est au centre d’un débat animé qui nous servira de point de comparaison. Dans le sixième chapitre je resituerai le débat dans le cadre étatique français. Je passerai d’abord rapidement en revue la longue question de la décentralisation culturelle. J’analyserai l’état de l’enseignement supérieur en France, je traiterai du débat sur la réforme universitaire, pour passer ensuite à l’institution académique des études philologiques et à leur importance pour le processus de construction d’un imaginaire national français. Dans ce contexte, je m’arrêterai longuement sur les querelles linguistiques qui divisent les linguistes de la SLR et les philologues de la Romania, sur leur opposition idéologique et sociologique. J’achèverai le chapitre sur la constitution des études de dialectologie en France. L’épilogue, finalement, où je traiterai de l’échec du mouvement renaissentiste de langue d’oc et de son 'repli' sur une idée latine utopique.
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Papadopoulou, Evangelia. « Bridging the gap between citizens and institutions : Is the Europe Direct Network a competent means to reconcile the trust of Europeans for the Europe of the 28 ? The Spanish case ». Thesis, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-229063.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Information has always been strategically relevant for the European Commission, especially during the last thirty years with discussions about a gap in communication and the possible democratic deficit propagating. For that reason, communication was introduced as a policy after 2000. In order to reach specific interests in the Union, the Commission highlighted the importance of the partnership with civil society in 2005 through the “Plan D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate” and its “going local” approach. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the communication strategy of the EU through the lens of one of its regional communication instruments, the Europe Direct relays of information. The relays are a first-hand portal for the citizens to enter into the Union not only by acquiring information but also by transferring their comments and suggestions to Brussels. They form, therefore, a debate platform between citizens and institutions under a European “public sphere.” Nevertheless, research has identified two critical points in their function: the host structure, which intervenes in their administration role, and the European Commission, which provides them with financial support and information services. This thesis seeks to ascertain the success or not of the relays in relation to those two variables. In order to achieve that, the Spanish study case is examined. It will be finally verified if, according to the guidance of the European Commission, the relays fulfill their role in fostering national involvement in supranational activities.
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GLENCROSS, Andrew. « E Pluribus Europa ? Assessing the Viability of the EU ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7766.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 28 May 2007Examining board: Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Daniel Deudney, Johns Hopkins University ; Prof. Sergio Fabbrini, Università degli Studi di Trento ; Prof. Alexander H. Trechsel, European University Institute
As a novel and complex polity, also subject to endless proposals for institutional reform, the viability of the EU is an open but under-theorized question. This thesis conceptualizes EU viability from an internal perspective, that is, the viability of the process of integration rather than Europe as a viable actor in international politics. Adopting the concept of a compound polity to understand the tensions inherent in the EU, viability is defined in relation to the -rules of the game- of this compound system. This gambit has a twofold purpose. Firstly, it permits an analogy with another historical case of a compound system, the antebellum US republic. Secondly, it enables the specification of two scenarios of viability in a compound polity: dynamic equilibrium and voluntary centralization. Four aspects of the rules of the game (institutions, expectations, competence allocation and representative functions) are analysed to determine which scenario the EU follows. The analogy with the early US and its own conflicts over these four elements of the rules of the game is then contrasted with the EU experience. Five differences in how these disputes arise and the means for trying to settle them are singled out to explain the differing problems of viability in both compound polities. The results of this analogical analysis are then used to explore the appropriateness of certain proposed changes to the rules of the game in the EU, notably in the area of political representation. In a system accustomed to dynamic equilibrium, enhancing the representation of individuals is often seen as a condition for favouring more voluntary centralization. However, the analysis of conflicts over the rules of the game in two compound systems suggests a more cautious approach is required in the interests of viability. Hence this study presents itself as a significant, if incomplete, initial step in the process of identifying what makes the EU viable.
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Augustine, Daniela Christova. « At the crossroads of social transformation : an Eastern-European theological perspective ». Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/655.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present work examines the crossroads of social transformation from the contextual standpoint of the "Second World" - a political and socioeconomic term descriptively pointing to the unique location of the Former Eastern-European Block countries - in between worlds. The work involves in a dialogue some of the major trends within the contemporary Eastern-European philosophical environment: dichotomized between Neo-Marxism and Neo-Freudianism on the one hand, and Postmodernism on the other.
While examining the most significant elements between the dialectical paradigms for social change of the above theories (and their ethical foundations), the text strives towards a theological paradigmatic formulation for an authentic social transformation that draws its dialectical content and passion from the hopeful eschatological vision of Christ and the Kingdom as an embodiment of the Christian alternative for human emancipation and liberation. In light of this, the work attempts to establish the following thesis: the radical Christian praxis of the eschatological reality of the Kingdom in light of the Cross is the Church’s alternative to contemporary philosophies and initiatives for social transformation. This praxis affirms the revolutionary, history-shaping force which makes Christianity relevant to the problems of Modernity and Postmodernity through its self-identification with the Crucified God. It marks the moment of conception of an authentic, liberating, life giving, transforming hope as a source of humanization and redemption of social order.
Christianity is concerned with the birth and formation of a new socio-political reality - the Kingdom of God, and its embodiment on earth (through the Holy Spirit) in a new ethnos: the Church, the Body of Christ, the communion of the saints. Therefore, it is the Church's calling and obligation to exemplify the reality of the Kingdom, being a living extension of the living Christ and thus, the incarnation of the eschatological future of the world and its hopeful horizon in the midst of the present.
Recognizing the vital need for a relevant Christian response to the spiritual demands of the Post-modern human being and his/her desacralized, pluralistic socio political context, the work concludes with a conceptual outline offering a strategy for the Church in the Postmodern setting.Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology
D.Th. (Theological Ethics)
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Bousmaha, Farah. « The impact of the negative perception of Islam in the Western media and culture from 9/11 to the Arab Spring ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5677.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)While the Arab spring succeeded in ousting the long-term dictator led governments from power in many Arab countries, leading the way to a new democratic process to develop in the Arab world, it did not end the old suspicions between Arab Muslims and the West. This research investigates the beginning of the relations between the Arab Muslims and the West as they have developed over time, and then focuses its analysis on perceptions from both sides beginning with 9/11 through the events known as the Arab spring. The framework for analysis is a communication perspective, as embodied in the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). According to CMM, communication can be understood as forms of interactions that both constitute and frame reality. The study posits the analysis that the current Arab Muslim-West divide, is often a conversation that is consistent with what CMM labels as the ethnocentric pattern. This analysis will suggest a new pathway, one that follows the CMM cosmopolitan form, as a more fruitful pattern for the future of Arab Muslim-West relations. This research emphasizes the factors fueling this ethnocentric pattern, in addition to ways of bringing the Islamic world and the West to understand each other with a more cosmopolitan approach, which, among other things, accepts mutual differences while fostering agreements. To reach this core, the study will apply a direct communicative engagement between the Islamic world and the West to foster trusted relations, between the two.