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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Executive power – Central America »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Executive power – Central America"

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Panizza, Francisco, Conrado Ricardo Ramos Larraburu et Gerardo Scherlis. « Unpacking Patronage : The Politics of Patronage Appointments in Argentina's and Uruguay's Central Public Administrations ». Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, no 3 (décembre 2018) : 59–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000303.

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This study makes the following contributions to the study of the politics of patronage appointments in Latin America: Conceptually it adopts Kopecký, Scherlis, and Spirova's (2008) distinction between clientelistic and nonclientelistic types of patronage politics and widens these authors classification of patrons’ motivations for making appointments, specifically as a lens for the study of patronage practices within Latin America's presidentialist regimes. Analytically, it sets up a new taxonomy of patronage appointments based on the roles that appointees’ play vis-à- vis the executive, the ruling party, and the public administration – one that can be used for the comparative study of the politics of patronage. Empirically, it applies this taxonomy to a pilot study of the politics of patronage in Argentina and Uruguay under two left-of-center administrations. Theoretically, it contributes to theory-building by relating the findings of our research to the differences in party systems and presidential powers within the two countries under study, and to agency factors associated with the respective governments’ own political projects. The article concludes that differences in patronage practices are a manifestation of two variant forms of exercising governmental power: a hyper-presidentialist, populist one in Argentina and a party-centered, social-democratic one in Uruguay.
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Doronila, Amando. « The Transformation of Patron-Client Relations and its Political Consequences in Postwar Philippines ». Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 16, no 1 (mars 1985) : 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400012789.

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The declaration of martial law in the Philippines by President Ferdinand Marcos on 21 September 1972 marked the overthrow of the open and competitive Filipino political system that had operated on the principle of institutional checks and balances adapted from the American model of liberal democracy. The Marcos power seizure represented a breakthrough by a coalition of the central Executive and new social forces that had emerged from the Philippines' transition to modernity against the constitutional restraints on presidential power. The new coalition, in which the military, the technocracy, and foreign economic interests were important components, succeeded in destroying the old balance of power, which had rested on the adversary relationship between the Chief Executive and Congress. The disbanding of Congress by emergency fiat reflected the decisive flew of power towards the Executive; for twenty-six years since independence, the legislature had acted as the main institutional check on the presidency.
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Coates, Benjamin A. « The Secret Life of Statutes : A Century of the Trading with the Enemy Act ». Modern American History 1, no 2 (16 mai 2018) : 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2018.12.

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In 1917 Congress passed the Trading with the Enemy Act to prevent trade with Germany and the Central Powers. It was a wartime law designed for wartime conditions but one that, over the course of the following century, took on a secret, surprising life of its own. Eventually it became the basis for a project of worldwide economic sanctions applied by the United States at the discretion of the president during times of both war and peace. This article traces the history of the law in order to explore how the expansion of American power in the twentieth century required a transformation of the American state and the extensive use of executive powers justified by repeated declarations of national emergency.
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Miller, Jennifer M. « “Let’s Not be Laughed at Anymore : Donald Trump and Japan from the 1980s to the Present” ». Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, no 2 (4 juillet 2018) : 138–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02502004.

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This article explores the central role of Japan’s rise to global economic prominence in the evolution of Donald J. Trump’s worldview. It traces how the transformation of the relationship between the United States and Japan during the 1980s informed Trump’s ideas about trade and protectionism, globalization, the international economy, and executive power. Trump, it argues, was a product of U.S.-Japanese relationship; while he began his public career as a prominent critic of Japan, claiming that the country exploited American trade and defense policy, his career in real estate heavily relied on Japanese finance. This contradictory approach continues to shape his understanding of Japan. As president, Trump repeatedly condemns Japan as predatory and protectionist, but also seeks expanded Japanese investment in the United States to revitalize the U.S. economy. Equally important, Trump has expanded criticisms originating with Japan to countries like China and Mexico, international agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the North American Free Trade Agreement, and the World Trade Organization. By tracing Trump’s rhetorical, financial, and diplomatic encounters with Japan over the past thirty years, this article uncovers the sources of Trump’s contradictory attitudes towards trade, globalization, and cross-border investment and his understandings of strong leadership and executive power.
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Pérez León, Víctor Ernesto, Flor Mª Guerrero et Rafael Caballero. « Tourism competitiveness measurement. A perspective from Central America and Caribbean destinations ». Tourism Review 77, no 6 (20 juillet 2022) : 1401–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tr-03-2022-0119.

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Purpose This study aims to present diverse proposals for the measurement of tourism destination competitiveness that serve as alternatives to the travel and tourism competitiveness index (TTCI). Design/methodology/approach The proposal includes principal component analysis, the DP2-distance method, goal programming, data envelopment analysis and the Borda count. The study evaluates 17 destinations from Central America and the Caribbean. Findings These include the feasibility that the methodologies provide reliable competitiveness rankings and the possibility of using less information due to the strength of the statistical methodologies. International tourist arrivals, income from international tourism and travel and tourism contribution to the gross domestic product could be used as approximations of tourism destination competitiveness. Research limitations/implications The main limitation is the absence of major destinations from the region that constitutes fierce competitors. Practical implications New aggregation methods can build composite indicators for competitiveness measurement and their presentation in a more comprehensible way. Social implications The results serve as an alternative for countries that have yet to be considered in international tourism competitiveness comparisons. Originality/value A better explanatory power of the proposed index is given, thanks to their decomposition capacity and the reduction of the limitations of the original TTCI. Moreover, the proposals facilitate the inclusion of external information or the execution of a completely objective methodology.
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Sperber, Jonathan. « Comments on Marcus Kreuzer's Article ». Central European History 36, no 3 (septembre 2003) : 359–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916103771006043.

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Marcus Kreuzer's vigorously-argued essay on the progress of parliamentarization in Imperial Germany is an innovative intervention into a long-running scholarly debate about a central assertion of the Sonderweg thesis, namely the power or powerlessness of the democratically elected Reichstag of Imperial Germany. Plausibly dividing historians who have studied the topic into three groups: “optimists,” who perceive a steady increase in parliamentary power and a move toward democratic and parliamentary government, particularly in the Wilhelmian Era; “pessimists,” who deny the power of the Reichstag vis-à-vis the executive increased at any point in the history of the empire; and “skeptics” who point toward an increase in the power of the Reichstag, once again primarily in the Wilhelmian era, but deny that such an increase in power was leading toward democratic or parliamentary government. Kreuzer points out that underlying all three arguments is an implicit assumption of what a powerful parliament should be. Blinded by the “Westminster model” of British parliamentary government, he suggests, pessimists and skeptics have condemned the imperial Reichstag for not resembling the House of Commons. Yet the British governmental system represented just one possible form of parliamentarization. By systematically comparing the powers of the Reichstag with those of today's West European and North American legislatures, Kreuzer ascertains that the Reichstag was a politically influential parliament, thus demonstrating that the optimists have had the better of the argument about parliamentarization.
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Martin, Greg. « A law unto themselves : on the relatively autonomous operation of protest policing during the COVID-19 pandemic ». Justice, Power and Resistance 5, no 1-2 (mai 2022) : 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/swjc7676.

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A central argument of this article is that the exercise of police power in respect of protests is relatively autonomous of judicial pronouncements affirming or upholding rights of free speech and peaceful public assembly. Using mostly Australian examples, but also drawing on UK material and some American references, the article shows how protests have gone ahead regardless of prohibitions on mass gatherings during the COVID-19 pandemic. In New South Wales, courts have sometimes allowed protests to proceed when public health experts have assessed the risk to community transmission of coronavirus to be sufficiently low. Notwithstanding that, as they did prior to the pandemic, police have moved to prevent protests and repress protestors. Accordingly, the article takes issue with the ‘negotiated management’ model of protest policing, which perpetuates a fiction of police-protestor cooperation. Indeed, protest policing has often been conflictual and heavy-handed, even militaristic, which, paradoxically, has sometimes led to potential breaches of COVID-19-safe protocols. The article concludes by highlighting analogies between the COVID-19 crisis and the ‘war on terror’ following 9/11, including the role played by courts in attempting to limit the concentration of executive power, government overreach, and intensification of police powers under a paradigm of security.
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Rimmerman, Craig A. « Teaching the Modern Presidency ». Political Science Teacher 2, no 3 (1989) : 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000684.

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The need to recognize institutional limits on presidents' abilities to translate their campaign promises into concrete public policy is a central theme characterizing much of the presidency literature during the past decade (Barger, 1984; Cronin, 1980; Hinckley, 1985; Light, 1983). Scholars have argued that the so-called “text-book presidency” (Cronin, 1980) paints an unrealistic picture of presidential power within the confines of a Madisonian framework of separated powers and checks and balances. Others have said that this unrealistic vision has contributed to the “cult of the presidency” (Hinckley, 1985), which is reinforced by the political socialization process and the media, thus leading to the “no-win” (Light, 1983) or “impossible” (Barger, 1984) presidencies. The notion of a plural executive, whose powers are fragmented throughout our Madisonian system has grown in popularity (King and Ragsdale, 1988). As a part of their recommendations for reform, virtually all of these authors emphasize correctly the potential role to be played by educators in imparting a more realistic understanding of the limitations of presidential power and outlining the potential consequences of hero worshipping for the occupant of the Oval Office. This article suggests an approach to teaching the presidency that rejects the notion that the president is the most important actor in the American political system. Instead, I will argue that we need to ask our students to consider the President as one actor in a highly fragmented political system, and to develop a more realistic view of both the sources and uses of presidential power within the broader context of democratic accountability and the development of citizenship.
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Ziegler, Robert. « Technology Focus : High-Pressure/High-Temperature (March 2021) ». Journal of Petroleum Technology 73, no 03 (1 mars 2021) : 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/0321-0055-jpt.

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For the past several months, the rig count in North America has been slowly but steadily improving and some pockets of deepwater operations are finally showing some activity, especially in Central and South America and Africa, where interesting discoveries continue. Arctic operations also are picking up, though not in North America, where a new administration in the US is bringing some uncertainty to upstream operations. Looking at leasing activity in 2020, however, the operators on federal land seem to have built up a backlog, so the immediate consequences of recent executive action seem not to be significant, though they do set an important precedent. More significant seems to be the opposition to pipelines, which are the most-efficient and safest way to transport any form of bulk material, be it gas, liquid, or slurry. Even if the most-stretched targets of an energy transition become reality, the need for pipeline transport will remain, and even increase, if the gas transported is biogas and hydrogen, where much larger volumes must be transported for the same calorific value of natural gas. In my tenure as a reviewer for JPT, I had refrained from a materials-focused special simply because high-pressure/high-temperature (HP/HT) conferences and sessions seem to be dominated by them and I wanted to demonstrate a wider spectrum of the challenges of HP/HT operations. With the energy transition leading to the possibility of free hydrogen being introduced into the energy system outside of established chemical feedstock installations (which are all low-pressure), this is a good time to remind our industry (and the outside world) that vast experience exists in the oil and gas industry on the interaction of hydrogen and metal (at very high pressures), a challenge that is still not completely understood and that is still a large cause of pressure-vessel failures (e.g., in refineries). Also, if carbon dioxide is intended to be captured and contained in metal vessels, another set of metallurgical challenges emerges. This Technology Focus looks at two papers from Asia, where these challenges were discovered and mitigated, and one paper from Gulf of Mexico deepwater operations. Many learnings can be taken from these papers, and extremely costly and safety-critical failures and loss of containment can be avoided. Addressing technical risk, thorough and detailed front-end engineering is a cost-effective and cost-saving activity, and this applies especially for front-end corrosion engineering and testing, as we have seen from several megaprojects in the past where this was not done to the extent finally understood to have been required. So, I invite you all to understand and embrace the fact that sound and competent engineering, as well as communicating learnings across functions and industries, is the key enabler for future success in our stressed industry, and to use our engineering brainpower and imagination to bring those HP/HT projects currently deemed too expensive to develop within the realm of the current oil-price environment.
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Trajkovska-Hristovska, Jelena. « The Features of the Modern Concept of Separation of Powers as an Element of Constitutionalism - “The Garden of Eden” or “The Dark Side of the Moon ” ? » Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 21, no 2 (juillet 2018) : 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2018.21.2.104.

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The focus of the contemporary constitutional law and the constitutionalism is the limitation of the government by the means of legal instruments and mechanisms. Therefore, the analysis of the relation between the concept of constitutionalism and the principle of separation of powers has the central position of this paper. The paper elaborates the concept of constitutionalism as an idea and ideology of limited and controlled power. At the same time it has been emphasised that the development of the constitutionalism as a doctrine is possible only with previous analysis of its basic elements. The principle of "separation of powers" is one of these elements. The second point of this paper refers to the principle of “separation of powers” as one of the basic principles and concepts of the contemporary constitutions. The principle of separation of powers is a basic idea, general objective and a constant of the contemporary legal order. However, the paper will point out that the new situation in the relations between the branches of the government and the adaptation of the principle of separation of powers to the new circumstances, in the constitutional literature is known as contemporary constitutionalism. The paper elaborates the concepts of judicial supremacy and judicial paramontcy as elements of the contemporary American constitutionalism, as well as the manners and attempts for their theoretical justification. On the other hand, the paper will elaborate the phenomenon of judicial juristocracy in the European continental systems for control of constitutionality. The paper highlights the implementation of the doctrine of review of the constitutionality of the constitutional norms (verfassungswidrigen Verfassungsrechts) in the practice of the European constitutional courts. It elaborates the dilemma does the interpretation of the “mischievous phrases” of the constitution, by introducing concepts for ,,symbolic constitution” and ,,constitution behind a constitution” on one hand, and the introduction of the doctrine of review of the constitutionality of the constitutional norms on other, overhangs the concept of separation of powers, as The Sword of Leviathan. Finally the paper sets the dilemma whether the tectonic shift of the focus of decision making towards the legislative – executive – judicial power, and the unhidden and manifested will, ambition and activity of the courts to control the action of political authorities as a feature of the contemporary constitutionalism, is the so-called “the garden of Eden” or its opposite “the Dark Side of the Moon”.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Executive power – Central America"

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Zucco, Cesar. « The political economy of ordinary politics in Latin America ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467893851&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Castillo, Martínez José Federico. « How to make electric power markets work : the case of Central America ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/42689.

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Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science, 1997.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-88).
by José Federico Castillo Martínez.
M.S.
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MARTINEZ, BARAHONA Elena. « Seeking the Political Role of the Third Government Branch : A comparative approach to high courts in Central America ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7931.

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Defence date: 22 January 2007
Examining board: Prof. Pilar Domingo (Universidad de Salamanca) ; Prof. Carlo Guarnieri (Università di Bologna) ; Prof. Donatella Della Porta (European University Institute) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter (European University Institute)(Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Until recently, Courts were not an important component of political science research on Latin America. The quantity of research on the judiciary does not compare even remotely to the vast literature on others institutions. However, despite the relative inattention to their role, courts are institutions whose performance has concrete and relevant effects on the socio-political system. Indeed, Courts have currently emerged as active participants in the political process offering new opportunities to citizens, social movements, interest groups, and politicians. Focusing on three countries of Central America (Costa Rica, Nicaragua and Guatemala), this dissertation illustrates how far the political system in these countries is shaped in significant ways by the role of Courts as political institutions. Throughout a comparative approach, this study offers what may be the first cross-national analysis explicitly designed to serve as a comprehensive measure of the political role of High Courts.
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Cruz, Sequeira Consuelo. « The political culture of order and anarchy : remembrance and imaginative power in Central America ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/11757.

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Van, Wijnendaele Barbara. « Power, emotions and embodied knowledges : doing PAR with poor young people in El Salvador ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2011. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/11238.

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From March 2006 until March 2008 I worked and did research with young people in El Salvador. I coordinated a local youth participation project in the capital, where, at the same time, I conducted fieldwork for my PhD research. The youth project aimed at empowering young people through participatory action research (PAR) and, together with the young participants, I critically reflected on the empowering impact of this participatory process. While participatory researchers and practitioners traditionally stress the importance of critical consciousness and critical discourse as the principal motors for individual and social transformation, my research with the young people particularly confronted me with the power of emotions and embodied knowledges. This research focuses in particular on the politics of emotions; their role in confirming exclusion and oppression and in facilitating empowerment and resistance. In this thesis, I bring together different bodies of theory. I start from the critical literature on PAR and from a poststructuralist account of power and empowerment. I build on an understanding of emotions as socio-culturally constructed and, at the same time, as deeply embodied phenomena. I look into emotional geographies considering emotions as relational and as always functioning within power relations and I use non-representational theory to challenge the privilege of cognition by focussing on practical and embodied knowledges and explicitly recognising their political and empowering potential. I conclude that although participatory researchers have increasingly extended and refined their understanding of power and empowerment, they still focus too much on critical reflection, discourse and conscious/linguistic representation as key to personal and social change. This focus has distracted their attention from the way power works through emotions and embodied knowledges. I believe that participatory researchers should become more sensitive still to the subtleties of power by paying more explicit attention to how emotions and embodied knowledges function within power relations to reproduce or challenge the existing status quo. Such a focus also opens new doors to new ways of empowerment (and politics) by considering alternative methods and media directly engaging with the power of emotions and embodied knowledges to shape the social world.
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Owens, Ashby. « FBOs in Central America : A Critique of Power, Religion and Social Development in Maurice Echeverría’s Diccionario esotérico ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33244.

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Latin American literature has a rich tradition of translating recreated realities and social commentaries into fictional works. In Central America, especially in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, these commentaries often speak to the plight of the people and the unjust actions of many governments during and after their still fresh civil wars. One Guatemalan author, Maurice Echeverría, stays within the broader trajectory of Central American literature with his novel Diccionario esotérico by creating a fictional work that speaks to a reality and asserts social commentary. This text differs from the corpus, though, by moving beyond the war and the postwar eras to a very current and prominent reality. This novel, which presents a critique of abuses of power in all of their manifestations, gives way to a striking commentary on evangelical organizations. This study will focus on extrapolating this critique to an actual evangelical organization working in Central America, thereby drawing connections between Echeverría’s critical/theological stance and real systems of power.
Master of Arts
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Junior, Josué Lima Nóbrega. « Mudanças constitucionais e poderes presidenciais nos presidencialismos da América Latina (1945-2003) ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-30072008-134612/.

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O objetivo dessa dissertação de Mestrado é examinar os poderes institucionais de controle da agenda legislativa dos Presidentes nas Constituições latino-americanas e analisar a importância das mudanças constitucionais determinantes para cada prerrogativa legislativa dos presidentes. A pesquisa empírica buscou entender a influência dessas mudanças para o relacionamento entre os poderes e para o processo legislativo. Os dados dos poderes institucionais abrangem uma amostra de 17 países em seus períodos democráticos entre 1945 e 2003. O trabalho adota uma perspectiva diacrônica de análise dos textos constitucionais. A análise é informada pelas hipóteses da literatura institucional acerca dos problemas enfrentados pelo presidencialismo, mais especificamente do conflito que seria inerente à separação institucional dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo e a supremacia dos presidentes com fortes poderes institucionais no processo decisório. Tal perspectiva procura enfatizar a importância das mudanças ocorridas no presidencialismo em diferentes períodos, isto é, o caráter dinâmico da estrutura institucional do presidencialismo, verificável pela análise das reformas constitucionais e a relação do contexto dessas mudanças com os presidentes legislativamente dominantes no processo legislativo.
The objective of the Master´s dissertation is to examine the institutional details of agenda setting in Latin American Constitutions and analyse the changes in constitutional provisions. Moreover, the study tries to understand the influence of those changes for the executive-legislative relations and for the legislative process. The changes in constitutional rules is the focus to reassess the commom assumptions of Latin American presidential regimes. I have studied the agenda setting institutions in 17 Latin American presidential countries since 1945 in their democratic periods. The enphasis are the constitutional provisions wich give power to Presidents. I argued that constitutional powers in presidential regimes are changing along the period, because of that the consequences for Executive-Legislative relations should not be derived from a static analyse of constitutional provisions. Accounting for the effects of political institutions and other factors, my findings suggest that demands for constitutional amendments make the executive-legislative relations a dynamic process of political changes.
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AJENJO, FRESNO Natalia. « Constitutional design, legislative procedures and agenda control in presidential systems : an empirical analysis of four Central American countries in comparative perspective ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5194.

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Defence date: 29 June 2005
Examining Board: Prof. Manuela Alcantara (Univeristy of Salamanca, Spain) ; Prof. Maurizio Cotta (University of Siena, Italy) ; Prof. Adirenne Heritier (European University Institute, Florence) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (European University Institute, Supervisor)
First made available online on 12 January 2015
The thesis covers issues of constitutional design, legislative procedures and agenda control in presidential systems, with specific empirical application to four Central American cases in a comparative perspective. The results relate to the critical view that presidential systems are inherently prone to institutional deadlock, deriving from their rigid constitutional design. My findings suggest that constitutional rules only determine broad parameters of variation, and that greater attention should be paid to the endogenous procedural design of the legislative process of policy approval in the explanation of institutional performance and inter-branch dynamics. The work is comparative and bridges quantitative and qualitative analysis. The data employed are original and allow for an innovative connection between theory-driven hypotheses on the incentives for majority political actors to circumvent ordinary procedures and play strategically employing procedural choices and political outcomes, by assessing the patterns of legislative production. The hypotheses are generated with attention to the degree of aggregation of interests in the decision-making process, as a measure of the representativeness of the decision-making process and hence as a general characteristic of the everyday democratic process. In fact, while democracy is understood as a process and not as a formal procedure, it is important to observe procedures as subtle devices where majority actors may find embedded comparative advantages to impose their political agenda unilaterally. The analysis further represents a thorough effort of theory testing whereby a competitive assessment of informational theories of legislative politics, exogenous factors such as electoral pressures or endogenous contextual characteristics such as the degree of fragmentation and polarization on the floor, is unpacked and delivers important analytical refinements to these theories. Finally, the normative agenda for analysis includes a view on constitutional choice and on methodological biases in the literature of Comparative Politics which have a large impact on the research output. The theoretical, substantive and methodological implications of the findings are thus reinserted into a normative view on procedural justice and the quality of democracy.
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Chang, Tsang-Rung, et 張倉榮. « Central Government’s Supervision of Local Self-governments’ Legislative Power Based on the Self-Government Ordinances Submitted by the Taipei City to Executive Yuan for Approval ». Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/zt89zk.

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碩士
國立臺北大學
公共行政暨政策學系碩士在職專班
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According to Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 498: “Consequently, within the purview of the powers guaranteed by the Constitution and laws, the local self-governing body is entitled to have self-governing and sovereign powers and the government agencies shall therefore respect such powers.” The Constitution of the Republic of China guarantees that local self-governments’ legislative and self-governing powers, which include autonomous organization, personnel management, fiscal autonomy, matter handling, and general planning, are to be regulated and established by local legislative bodies. The supervision system as stipulated in Local Government Act requires that penal provisions in self-government ordinances not be publicized and implemented until they are approved by the central supervision facility. However, the regulations regarding approval review scope, determination method, remedy measures, approval period extension, and frequency are unclear. Although the Ministry of the Interior supplemented administrative interpretations on April 8, 2002, such interpretations indicate that self-government ordinances and provisions resolved and approved by local legislative bodies may be amended with suggested provisions in accordance with the approval agencies’ instructions. In addition, the approval agencies may add, delete, or amend the self-government ordinances and publicize and implement such changes without sending a letter to request the further review from the local legislative bodies. This type of practice shows that central agencies of supervision can use the approval system to alter the intention and decision made by local legislative bodies in forming self-government ordinances; such practice profoundly influences core matters related to local legislative powers. However, approval agencies are not entitled to local legislative powers and lack legitimacy that is based on resident autonomy. Such infringement may conflict with the Constitution of the Republic of China. Regarding the remedy measures for supervision and approval of self-government ordinances, divergent views have been proposed in theory and practice. Theoretically, scholars contend that supervision of self-government ordinances is considered the administrative disposition from superior supervisory agencies. When local self-governing bodies disagree with the disposition, they may deem it as an infringement against self-government accountability and legally issue administrative litigations as a remedy. In practical cases, supervision measures on self-government ordinances do not mean to implement administrative dispositions of cancellation, abolishment, alteration, and stay on local self-government; instead, the supervision measures are remedy approaches that shall be adopted when controversies arise from local self-government legislative powers. This condition does not conform to the procedure explained in Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 527, which stated that “after any and all remedies through litigation procedures at all levels are exhausted,” a petition for interpretation may be filed with the Judicial Yuan. Moreover, practical cases adjudicated by the Grand Justices Council indicate that self-government ordinances unapproved by supervision agencies are not in effect before they are publicized legally. If the self-government ordinances are not effective, they do not meet the requirement of Paragraph 5 of Article 30 of Local Government Act. In this case, a petition for interpretation shall not be accepted. Therefore, when supervision agencies provide no approval of self-government ordinances, local self-government are likely to encounter a problem of inability to file a remedy. Through literature review, in-depth interview, and analysis of practical operations, this study proposed recommendations for research and law amendments from the perspectives of legal system and practice. The results are presented in the expectation to mitigate the gap of the said approval system. Keywords: local self-government, local self-government legislative power, supervision of self-government legislation, self-government ordinance, approval
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Новобранова, Ганна Володимирівна. « Нормотворча діяльність органів та посадових осіб виконавчої гілки влади ». Магістерська робота, 2020. https://dspace.znu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/12345/2527.

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Новобранова Г. В. Нормотворча діяльність органів та посадових осіб виконавчої гілки влади : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 081 "Право" / наук. керівник І. В. Болокан. Зaпорiжжя : ЗНУ, 2020. 90 c.
UA : Робота викладена 90 сторінках друкованого тексту. Перелік посилань включає 80 джерел. Об’єктом дослідження є суспільні відносини, у яких реалізується діяльність органів, уповноважених здійснювати виконавчу владу в Україні. Предметом дослідження є нормотворча діяльність органів та посадових осіб виконавчої гілки влади. Особливого значення у процесі нормотворчості органів виконавчої влади набуває її перший формалізований етап – етап нормопроектувальної діяльності, що характеризується відповідними організаційними та технологічними особливостями та телеологічними домінантами, здійснюється колом відповідних суб’єктів, встановлених законодавством та у спосіб, передбачуваний законодавством, і завершується створенням проекту нормативно-правового акта. Недостатній або низький рівень нормопроектування призводить до неефективного, нерелевантного та дефектного державного управління в конкретній сфері суспільних відносин та фактично нівелює та зводить нанівець законодавчі приписи держави.
EN : The work is set out in 90 pages of printed text. The list of links includes 80 sources. The object of the research is public relations, which implements the activity of bodies authorized to exercise executive power in Ukraine. The subject of the study is the rulemaking activity of bodies and officials of the executive branch of power. Particularly important in the rulemaking process of the executive bodies is its first formalized stage - the stage of norm-design activity, characterized by relevant organizational and technological features and teleological dominants, carried out by a circle of relevant entities established by law and in the manner envisaged by the legislation, - legal act. Insufficient or low level of norm-design leads to inefficient, irrelevant and defective government in a particular area of ​​public relations, and actually nullifies and nullifies the legislative prescriptions of the state.
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Livres sur le sujet "Executive power – Central America"

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Noreene, Janus, dir. Media power in Central America. Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 2003.

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Rockwell, Rick. Media power in Central America. Urbana, IL : University of Illinois Press, 2003.

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Flynn, Vince. Executive power. Leicester : W.F. Howes, 2004.

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Flynn, Vince. Executive power. New York, N.Y : Atria Books, 2003.

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Executive power. New York : Atria Books, 2003.

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Flynn, Vince. Executive power. New York : Atria Books, 2003.

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7

Cox, Ronald W. Power and profits : U.S. policy in Central America. Lexington, Ky : University Press of Kentucky, 1994.

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Hatcher, Rachel. The Power of Memory and Violence in Central America. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89785-1.

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Shultz, George Pratt. Power in the service of peace in Central America. Washington, D.C : U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1987.

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Shultz, George Pratt. Power in the service of peace in Central America. Washington, D.C : U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1987.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Executive power – Central America"

1

Bromhead, Peter. « The Central Executive Power ». Dans Britain's Developing Constitution, 21–24. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003225515-3.

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Macías, Ricardo Córdova. « Executive-Legislative Relations and the Institutionalisation of Democracy ». Dans Central America : Fragile Transition, 137–67. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24522-2_5.

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Henriksen, Thomas H. « Intervention and Democracy in Central America ». Dans American Power after the Berlin Wall, 19–34. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230606920_3.

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Hatcher, Rachel. « Conclusion : The Power of Words, and of Remembering ». Dans The Power of Memory and Violence in Central America, 223–31. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89785-1_8.

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Hatcher, Rachel. « Introduction : On the Calle del Olvido ». Dans The Power of Memory and Violence in Central America, 1–26. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89785-1_1.

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Hatcher, Rachel. « The Speakers, Writers, Painters, and Plasterers ». Dans The Power of Memory and Violence in Central America, 27–60. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89785-1_2.

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Hatcher, Rachel. « Schizophrenic Memory in the Land of La Eterna Primavera ». Dans The Power of Memory and Violence in Central America, 61–90. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89785-1_3.

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Hatcher, Rachel. « Nunca Más in Guatemala ». Dans The Power of Memory and Violence in Central America, 91–120. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89785-1_4.

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Hatcher, Rachel. « Verdad or Olvido in El Pulgarcito de América ». Dans The Power of Memory and Violence in Central America, 121–54. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89785-1_5.

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Hatcher, Rachel. « The Past as Monument in El Salvador ». Dans The Power of Memory and Violence in Central America, 155–88. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89785-1_6.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Executive power – Central America"

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Rios, J. L., J. T. Ocampo, N. D. Galan et J. M. Canedo. « Power flows in power systems with alternative energy sources ». Dans 2014 IEEE Central America and Panama Convention (CONCAPAN XXXIV). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/concapan.2014.7000467.

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Mora, Jose Emilio Medina. « Decarbonization of the power generation system in Central America ». Dans 2019 IEEE 39th Central America and Panama Convention (CONCAPAN XXXIX). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/concapanxxxix47272.2019.8976940.

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Chirinos, Cindy Madrid, Vicky Lorena Velásquez et Humberto Amador Soto. « Power consumption reduction of an electric shower using a PWM based power supply ». Dans 2016 IEEE Central America and Panama Student Conference (CONESCAPAN). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/conescapan.2016.8075217.

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Heredia-Ramirez, F. A., E. Rivas-Trujillo et J. A. Hernandez-Mora. « Optimal power flow in electrical microgrids ». Dans 2014 IEEE Central America and Panama Convention (CONCAPAN XXXIV). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/concapan.2014.7000464.

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Chacon, Silvia, et Donghan Feng. « Market Power Assessment of the Central America Regional Electricity Market ». Dans 2021 Power System and Green Energy Conference (PSGEC). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/psgec51302.2021.9542583.

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Ramos, Jose, Armando Martinez et Luis Chevez. « Distribution power quality levels in el salvador ». Dans 2017 IEEE 37th Central America and Panama Convention (CONCAPAN). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/concapan.2017.8278475.

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Calderon-Guizar, J. G., et H. M. Sanchez-Garcia. « Dynamic response analysis of small industrial power systems ». Dans 2014 IEEE Central America and Panama Convention (CONCAPAN XXXIV). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/concapan.2014.7000451.

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Gonzalez, R. O., G. G. Gonzalez, J. Escobar et R. Y. Barazarte. « Applications of Petri Nets in electric power systems ». Dans 2014 IEEE Central America and Panama Convention (CONCAPAN XXXIV). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/concapan.2014.7000469.

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Hernandez, Ronald D., Benjamin Hancock et Manuel Salmeron. « Lessons Learned from Analysis of Power Transformer Failure Rates ». Dans 2022 IEEE 40th Central America and Panama Convention(CONCAPAN). IEEE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/concapan48024.2022.9997796.

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Loggini, M., J. R. Ramos et A. Urena. « Photovoltaic power systems : Electromagnetic compatibility considerations for network interconnection ». Dans 2014 IEEE Central America and Panama Convention (CONCAPAN XXXIV). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/concapan.2014.7000443.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Executive power – Central America"

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Porter, K., et J. Rogers. Central Wind Power Forecasting Programs in North America by Regional Transmission Organizations and Electric Utilities. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), décembre 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/969894.

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GRAHAM (JOHN) CO SEATTLE WA. Energy Engineering Analysis Program (EEAP). Energy Surveys of Army Central Heating and Power Plants. Volume I. Executive Summary, Fort Wainwright. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, avril 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada330283.

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GRAHAM (JOHN) CO SEATTLE WA. Energy Surveys of Army Central Heating and Power Plants. Energy Engineering Analysis Program (EEAP). Fort Greely. Volume 1, Executive Summary. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, avril 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada330533.

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ROZANOVA, N. CONTENT OF THE REPUTATION OF A REGIONAL POWER IN THE CONTEXT OF A NORMATIVE ASSESSMENT OF ITS PERFORMANCE. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2070-7568-2021-10-5-1-39-48.

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The article reflects the results of the research of the information component of the concept “the reputation of the regional (executive) power” on the basis of the normative approach. The interrelation between the evaluation indicators of the regional executive power activity efficiency and the power reputation content is shown, based on the mass questionnaire survey of the population of 6 regions of the Central Federal District (sample of 1,500 people). The conclusion about rather low potential of influence of existing at the moment normative system of evaluation of efficiency of regional executive authorities on the process of formation of its reputation among the population is made.
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Arias, Karla, David López, Segundo Camino-Mogro, Mariana Weiss, Dylan Walsh, Livia Gouvea et Michelle Carvalho Metanias Hallack. Green Transition and Gender Bias : An Analysis of Renewable Energy Generation Companies in Latin America. Sous la direction de Amanda Beaujon Marin. Inter-American Development Bank, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004461.

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This study analyzes how the energy transition might change gender bias in power-generating industries. To this end, this paper employs a sample of 102 renewable energy generation companies from six countries in Latin America and the Caribbean: Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, Panama, Mexico, and Uruguay. The analysis of collected data shows that renewable generation companies with the highest relative efficiency in the labor-capital ratio are those with the highest participation of women. In addition, the results show that renewable companies are incrementing recruitment of women in energy generation. Nevertheless, in the analyzed sample, the participation of women in renewables is still lower than the sectorial average. Moreover, there is no structural change with respect to roles that women occupy, when comparing renewables companies with others generation companies. Considering the companies size, bigger renewables companies (with higher installed generation capacity) tend to hire more women, but those women occupy mostly non-technical positions. In addition, women's participation decreases in positions requiring more technical occupations. Women represent 36% of STEM1 employees, 39% of non-STEM employees, and 48% of non-qualified employees of the renewable generation companies surveyed. Concerning the role of women in decision making roles within energy companies, wide gender gaps exist in executive and management positions; the proportion of females in the boardroom and in management roles for renewables generation companies was 24% and 22%, respectively. Furthermore, 68% of surveyed companies did not have a gender policy in place. This study confirms that a change in technology alone does not generate qualitative changes in the labor market from a gender perspective. Such changes would be achieved by complementing technological change with inclusion policies, encouraging women to study careers related to science and technology to fill the shortage of female professionals in these areas, and closing the knowledge gap through systematic data collection and sharing about gender in the energy workforce.
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Chandrasekhar, C. P. The Long Search for Stability : Financial Cooperation to Address Global Risks in the East Asian Region. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp153.

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Forced by the 1997 Southeast Asian crisis to recognize the external vulnerabilities that openness to volatile capital flows result in and upset over the post-crisis policy responses imposed by the IMF, countries in the sub-region saw the need for a regional financial safety net that can pre-empt or mitigate future crises. At the outset, the aim of the initiative, then led by Japan, was to create a facility or design a mechanism that was independent of the United States and the IMF, since the former was less concerned with vulnerabilities in Asia than it was in Latin America and that the latter’s recommendations proved damaging for countries in the region. But US opposition and inherited geopolitical tensions in the region blocked Japan’s initial proposal to establish an Asian Monetary Fund, a kind of regional IMF. As an alternative, the ASEAN+3 grouping (ASEAN members plus China, Japan and South Korea) opted for more flexible arrangements, at the core of which was a network of multilateral and bilateral central bank swap agreements. While central bank swap agreements have played a role in crisis management, the effort to make them the central instruments of a cooperatively established regional safety net, the Chiang Mai Initiative, failed. During the crises of 2008 and 2020 countries covered by the Initiative chose not to rely on the facility, preferring to turn to multilateral institutions such as the ADB, World Bank and IMF or enter into bilateral agreements within and outside the region for assistance. The fundamental problem was that because of an effort to appease the US and the IMF and the use of the IMF as a foil against the dominance of a regional power like Japan, the regional arrangement was not a real alternative to traditional sources of balance of payments support. In particular, access to significant financial assistance under the arrangement required a country to be supported first by an IMF program and be subject to the IMF’s conditions and surveillance. The failure of the multilateral effort meant that a specifically Asian safety net independent of the US and the IMF had to be one constructed by a regional power involving support for a network of bilateral agreements. Japan was the first regional power to seek to build such a network through it post-1997 Miyazawa Initiative. But its own complex relationship with the US meant that its intervention could not be sustained, more so because of the crisis that engulfed Japan in 1990. But the prospect of regional independence in crisis resolution has revived with the rise of China as a regional and global power. This time both economics and China’s independence from the US seem to improve prospects of successful regional cooperation to address financial vulnerability. A history of tensions between China and its neighbours and the fear of Chinese dominance may yet lead to one more failure. But, as of now, the Belt and Road Initiative, China’s support for a large number of bilateral swap arrangements and its participation in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership seem to suggest that Asian countries may finally come into their own.
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