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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « European Union – Presidents »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "European Union – Presidents"

Selmayr, Martin. « „One too much“ : Europa braucht einen (nicht zwei) Präsidenten – ein Plädoyer für mehr Effizienz, geopolitische Glaubwürdigkeit und demokratische Legitimation an der Spitze der Europäischen Union ». integration 44, n^o 4 (2021) : 318–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2021-4-318.

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The executive of the European Union (EU) is currently led by two Presidents: the President of the European Commission and the President of the European Council. This double Presidency is the result of a compromise between the supranational and the intergovernmental schools of thoughts at the European Convention 2002/2003. However, in practice, the interplay of the two Presidents and their competencies, which are not always clearly separated by the provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon, occasionally leads to inefficiencies or even conflict in the external representation of the EU. This is why former Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker proposed, on 13 September 2017, to merge the functions of the two Presidents by always electing the President of the Commission as President of the European Council. The article explains the rationale of the Juncker proposal, which has the potential to make the EU easier to understand for its citizens and more efficient geopolitically, while overcoming the artificial distinction between national and European interests in the leadership of the Union. The current debate about the future of the EU and its more effective positioning in global affairs appears to be a good moment to look again at the Juncker proposal, which could be implemented without the need to change the Treaties.

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Beyers, Jan, et Bart Kerremans. « Relativiteit en succes van een Europees voorzitterschap : Het Belgisch voorzitterschap van naderbij bekeken ». Res Publica 36, n^o 2 (30 juin 1994) : 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v36i2.18745.

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The Belgian Presidency is generally seen as being a success. On many difficult questions, the Belgians succeeded in forging compromises between the member states. There is a risk however, that the apparent successes of this Presidency will lead to an over-estimation of the role which a EU-president can play. Therefore, it is important to pay attention to its limits and possibilities. It can help to relativize the Belgian presidency and to improve insights into the potential role of EU-presidents within the decision-making of the European Union.

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Lähteenmäki, Maria. « A Political Profile of Tarja Halonen, the First Finnish Female President ». Journal of Finnish Studies 20, n^o 2 (1 novembre 2017) : 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/28315081.20.2.03.

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Abstract Neither historiographers nor social scientists have paid much attention to the position of women among the highest political elite, as heads of state and especially as presidents. Such women are rare: there are few female presidents, and their role is often ceremonial. At the end of 2016, there were four female presidents in the nineteen republics belonging to the European Union. Yet female presidency is a very important theme from the perspective of women's roles in politics, the trend toward gender equality, and female empowerment in society. This article takes a look at Finland's first female president, Tarja Halonen, who held office from March 2000 to February 2012. The Finnish president still has real political power, which makes this topic particularly interesting. On the one hand, the article examines the profile that emerged of President Tarja Halonen and the reflection of her gender in her work as president. On the other hand, the article looks to see whether she succeeded in challenging the male institution of the president to change, and whether she was able to fracture the glass ceiling that still exists between women—even in Europe—and the highest echelons of political power.

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Rudik, Oleksandr. « The new working methods of the European Commission for 2019 – 2024 : striving for more at home and in the world ». Public administration and local government 45, n^o 2 (23 juillet 2020) : 84–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/102023.

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The article explores the new working methods of the European Commission for 2019 – 2024, which were presented by the President Ursula von der Leyen in her Communication to Commission on December 1, 2020. It clarifies the importance of the Commission’s new working methods in the context of the internal and external environment of EU-27 functioning, as well as the President’s ambitious goal, who wants «the next five years to be an opportunity for Europe to strive for more at home in order to lead in the world». According to the author of the article, the ambitions of the current Commission are due to three additional factors: the gender composition of the Commission (the President of the Commission is the first woman in this position in the EU history, and about half of the members are women), a fundamentally new internal and external environment which forms under the influence of the Brexit impact, as well as the need to reaffirm the role of the European Commission as a driving force in the European integration process, especially against the background of problems with compliance to the fundamental principles of the EU by a number of Member States, including post-communist ones. It is concluded that the Commission’s new working methods are designed to make this institution strong and fair, capable of working together to implement the provisions of the «Agenda for Europe» proposed by the President of the Commission. To this end, Ursula von der Leyen introduces a number of novelties to the way the Commission works, notably with regards to the role of the Executive Vice-Presidents, the High Representative / Vice-President, Vice-Presidents and Commissioners’ Groups; the creation of the Group for External Coordination; the role of the Secretariat-General in supporting the Executive Vice-Presidents and the Vice-Presidents; the Commission’s follow-up to European Parliament Resolutions based on Article 225 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union; the introduction of the digital transformation objective and an open, inclusive and cooperative way of working.

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BLONDEL, J. « ‘Presidentialism’ in the Ex-Soviet Union ». Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, n^o 1 (27 janvier 2012) : 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000223.

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AbstractWhen the Soviet Union fell in 1990, three of its 15 components, the Baltic States, joined the European Union, and a fourth, Moldova, may well join in the future. The other 11 quickly became presidential republics, following the lead given by Boris Yeltsin, the president of the largest among them, Russia. By 1994, all 11 were headed by a president elected by universal suffrage. These ex-Soviet countries contribute significantly to the number of presidential republics in the world. Presidential republics form a clear majority, being predominant in Latin America and Africa, alongside the ex-Soviet Union. They are rare in Europe, the main cases being France, Romania, and, though seemingly temporarily, some Balkan states; in Asia, outside the ex-Soviet Union, they are a small minority.Like many presidential republics elsewhere, those in the ex-Soviet Union are mostly authoritarian, but with variations: this is primarily so in Central Asia, as well as in Azerbaijan and Belarus. These presidencies have been very stable, with some of their leaders, especially in Central Asia, being repeatedly re-elected, often without opposition. There has been a regular turnover in Armenia (but less so in Georgia) and in Ukraine (but not in Belarus). The Russian case is peculiar, as is well known: Putin became prime minister because he could no longer be constitutionally re-elected as president, at least without a break. The power of these presidents has varied over time: outside Central Asia (except Kyrgyzstan) and Azerbaijan, where they have been uniformly strong, their strength has declined in Georgia, increased in Russia and Belarus, and had ups and downs in Armenia and Ukraine.

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Senchenko, Mykola. « The invisible war of nations and oligarchies ». Вісник Книжкової палати, n^o 2 (23 février 2022) : 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2022.2(307).3-10.

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There is an inviolable rule in the European Union: only citizens of the titular nation can become presidents, prime ministers and chancellors. Unfortunately, Ukraine has taken a different path in recent years. He found that deviation from this rule causes irreparable damage to the economy and politics of our state. The latest research shows that only nationalists are able to build a new Ukraine. If we analyze the oligarchs who are plundering Ukraine, it becomes clear that the majority, including former prime ministers and presidents, are representatives of other nationalities.

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Pomfret, Richard. « The European Union and Central Asia : Economic development and trade ». Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies 14, n^o 2 (1 septembre 2022) : 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30722/anzjes.vol14.iss2.15833.

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This paper analyses EU-Central Asia trade and EU economic assistance to Central Asia. Some EU companies have had a high profile in individual countries or in energy projects (reflected in trade relations between parent and host country), but overall EU companies have lagged the higher profile of Russian companies and the increasing Chinese economic presence. Central Asia had low priority in EU external economic policies towards Soviet successor states. After 2007 the EU became more active in designing a Central Asia strategy, but funding has been limited and the impact small. A significant development for EU-Central Asian economic relations has been the expansion of Eurasian rail services. This has a firm economic foundation and, if currently important routes are disrupted by events in Russia, alternatives will be found. The paper concludes with discussion of prospects for EU-Central Asian relations with new presidents in Uzbekistan since 2016 and Kazakhstan since 2019.

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Mangiameli, Stelio. « COVID-19 AND EUROPEAN UNION – THE ANSWER TO THE HEALTH CRISIS AS A WAY FOR RESUMING THE PROCESS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ». HUMANITIES AND RIGHTS GLOBAL NETWORK JOURNAL 2, n^o 2 (31 décembre 2020) : 66–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.24861/2675-1038.v2i2.39.

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The essay starts from a comparison in the European Union between the economic and financial crisis of 2009 and the health crisis of 2020, due to the Covid-19 pandemic. In particular, the scarce capacity of Member States and European institutions to carry out the recovery of the economic European condition and transformation of the European government system after the 2009 crisis, despite the indications of the Commission's Blueprint (of 2012) and of the Report of the five presidents (of 2015). On the other hand, in the face of the health crisis, the reaction of the European institutions seemed more decisive with the creation of various instruments to combat the economic consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. These include in particular the Recovery fund - Next Generation EU, linked to the 2021-2027 MFF. The reaction to the pandemic shows the possibilities of the European Union to create a community of States in solidarity and with its own identity also in the international scenario. However, it is by no means certain that this idea can prevail over the one that sees the European Union as simply a free trade organization between the Member States. The decisions that will be taken in the Conference on the future of Europe between 2021 and 2022 appear to be decided to define the evolution of the European Union.

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Lymar, Marharyta. « Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century ». American History & ; Politics Scientific edition, n^o 8 (2019) : 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.01.

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The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The greatest supporter of the European integration processes was President Eisenhower. Among other things, the US President believed that Europe would become a key ally of the United States, thus, he considered the union of Sweden, Greece, Spain and Yugoslavia as a solid foundation for building a “United States of Europe”. After Eisenhower administration, European affairs, to a lesser extent, were taken up by such Presidents as Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Showing no personal interest, Kennedy, Nixon and Bush-Sr. were forced to support the transatlantic dialogue, understanding the inevitability of European integration and the need for the United States to cooperate with the new consolidated actor. The United States aimed to strengthen its position in the European space, moving to that purpose by using NATO mechanisms and applying the policies of American protectionism against the communist threat. The main competitor of the United States for strengthening national positions in Europe was France led by General de Gaulle, who believed that the affairs of Europe should be resolved by European governments without the American intervention. However, NATO continued to serve as a springboard for the U.S. involvement in European affairs. At the end of the 20th century, through the close links between the EU and NATO, the USA received new allies from Central and Eastern European countries. It is concluded that after the end of World War II, Europe needed an assistance that the United States willingly provided in exchange for the ability to participate in European issues, solving and partly controlling the integration processes. The study found that, despite the varying degree of the American interest in transatlantic affairs, Europe has consistently been remaining a zone of national interest for the United States.

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Mamadouh, Virginie. « One union, two speakers, three presidents, and… 500 million EU citizens : The European Union and the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize ». Political Geography 42 (septembre 2014) : A1—A3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2013.06.002.

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Thèses sur le sujet "European Union – Presidents"

PERUGI, FRANCESCA. « Carlo Maria Martini presidente delle Conferenze episcopali d'Europa (1986-1993) ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/74302.

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Lo studio ricostruisce i sette anni di presidenza di Carlo Maria Martini al Consiglio delle Conferenze episcopali d’Europa (CCEE) dal 1986 al 1993, attraverso la documentazione conservata presso l’archivio Martini, depositato all’Archivio diocesano di Milano, e l’Archivio del CCEE, conservato a San Gallo. La ricerca mette in luce alcuni argomenti: la consistenza del dialogo ecumenico in Europa; il tema della collegialità all’interno della Chiesa cattolica; la discussione sul significato di “nuova evangelizzazione” europea; l’unificazione dell’Europa e la ripresa dei rapporti tra vescovi cattolici occidentali e orientali. La ricerca dunque si focalizza su questi quattro temi nel tentativo di inserirli nell’ampia cornice del dibattito cattolico tra anni Ottanta e Novanta.
The research focuses on the presidency of Carlo Maria Martini of the Council of Bishops’ Conferences of Europe (CCEE) from 1986 to 1993. The documents are stored in the diocesan archive of Milan, and in the CCEE’s archive in St. Gallen. The research highlights four topics. The first one is the ecumenical dialogue in Europe in the 80s. The second one is the collegiality in the catholic church during the John Paul II’s pontificate. The Third one is the debate on the significance of “new evangelization” for the Catholic Church. The fourth one is the role of the Catholic Church in the unification process of Europe after the collapse of the soviet system after 1989.

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Bunse, Simone. « The value of the rotating Council presidency : small state entrepreneurship in the European Union ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.431013.

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Svensson, Anna-Carin. « In the service of the European Union : the role of the presidency in negotiating the Amsterdam treaty 1995 - 97 / ». Stockholm : Elanders Gotab, 2000. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/314397922.pdf.

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Warntjen, Andreas. « Through the needle's eye : the Council presidency and legislative decision-making in the European Union ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/57/.

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The thesis scrutinizes the effects of the Council Presidency on legislative decision making in the European Union Council of Ministers. The rotating Council Presidency has been one of most prominent topics of discussion in the debate on institutional reform. So far, however, a comprehensive evaluation of the effects of the Presidency is missing. The thesis addresses two questions: 1. Does the Council presidency have an impact on legislative activity in the Council? 2. Does the Council presidency gain disproportional benefits from the policies agreed upon during its term in office? The methodology used in the thesis consists of an exploratory case study, secondary analysis of the Decision-making in the European Union (DEU) data set, and statistical analysis of an original data set covering legislative activity from 1984-2003. It presents evidence for an effect of the Presidency on both legislative activity and decision outcomes.

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de, Wolff Mads. « Playing for the same team ? : the trio Presidency and agenda-management in European Union sport policy ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2016. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/21470.

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In 2007 the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union (EU) was reformed by the introduction of the so-called trio Presidency . The trio mechanism encourages policy continuity by grouping incumbent Presidencies in teams of three and inviting them to coordinate. This thesis seeks to contribute original knowledge on EU policy-making by mapping how trio practices are established, exploring which factors explain how Member States coordinate, and by assessing how the trio arrangement affects the EU agenda. Empirically, the trio function is examined through its implementation in the policy area of sport, focusing on the three trios to assume office after the coming into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009. The analysis is structured around a number of carefully selected dossiers adopted between 2010 and 2013. Guided by a conceptual framework based on agenda-setting and new institutionalism, these decisions are submitted to in depth process-tracing. The analysis draws on qualitative research, primarily official documents and 37 semi-structured interviews. The findings reveal that actors approach the trio with differing preferences and expectations, leading to much variation in how the arrangement is performed. The thesis identifies a number of factors that explain variation. Thus, a fixed agenda supports trios in coordinating priorities and activities ex ante. Moreover, coordination is conditioned by trio composition, as federal and new Member States are more inclined to cooperate. Further, trio practices are shaped by factors such as multiannual planning and focusing events, with the intenseness of trio coordination reflecting whether the agenda includes issues that demand sustained attention. The thesis concludes that the introduction of the trio mechanism has preserved the ability of Member States to use the Council Presidency to prioritise national priorities whilst also encouraging and facilitating EU policy continuity. By extending agenda-management beyond a six month spell, the trio can strengthen the agenda-setting powers of incumbent Member States, particularly on issues that concern establishing urgent responses or developing Council procedures. Moreover, evidence suggests that the arrangement can produce a specific spirit of collegiality, trio solidarity, which sees trio Member States support each other during negotiations, thus affecting EU policy-making beyond agenda-management.

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Baranowska, Kinga. « Polish sovereignty and the European Union - The analysis of sovereignty as a political tool in the words of the Polish President Andrzej Duda ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23716.

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The juridical reforms proposed by the Polish government have brought the attention of European institutions. The conflict concerns the matter of sovereignty, as the reforms conducts changes on domestic level. The paper discusses how national identity of states can shape the understanding of sovereignty. The paper aims to understand how sovereignty can be used as a political tool in relation between Poland and the European Union. The research question asks, “How Polish national identity constitutes the EU as a threat to sovereignty?”. To answer this question, the thesis applies poststructuralist’s concepts to the narrative analysis on speeches of the Polish President Andrzej Duda. The results of the thesis indicate that sovereignty can be understood subjectively, thus can be used as a political tool that can legitimise and justify policies as well as construct relations with others.

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Jindrová, Pavlína. « Postavení České republiky v Evropské unii ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76745.

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This diploma thesis analyzes the position of the Czech Republic in the European Union, particularly whether is considered as an equal partner or plays as a new member less important role. More emphasis has been put not only on an initial status within the process of transformation and association with the European Union, but also on the contemporary position of the Czech Republic in the European Union including the intended integration in the euro area and the past Czech Presidency of the European Union.

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Rozumová, Andrea. « České předsednictví Evropské unie a řešení finanční krize ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-11718.

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This work is focused on the issue of the Czech Presidency of the European Union. It deals with the main priorities of the Czech Republic in this function. The priorities in dealing with global financial crisis are the heart of the work. Despite that the actions relating to the financial crisis have already been taken in the EU, there is still a risk of a slowdown in economic growth. The aim of the project is to analyze the ways in which the Czech Republic, as presiding state, will deal with a slowdown or even a decline in economic growth in European region and with the main steps leading to the recovery of financial markets and EU economy. There are specified macroeconomic and structural policies leading to strengthen growth potential of the country. In conclusion, there is evaluated present development in solving the financial crisis and outlined the trend for further development in Europe.

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Macků, Lukáš. « Multilaterální jednání, vývoj a funkce předsednictví v rámci EU ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-7474.

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This work talks about multilateral negotiation in EU. Clearly describe each institution of EU, it history, function and structure. Then it brings some information about legislation process, how it works and who is involved. After that is described the function and meaning of presidency in EU. At the end it talks about presidency of Czech republic from January 2009 and give some advices to the government.

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Livres sur le sujet "European Union – Presidents"

Předsednictví Rady EU : Příběh půlstoletí. Brno : Masarykova univerzita, Mezinárodní politologický ústav, 2008.

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Cesare, De Piccoli, Gruppo del PSE et Partito democratico della sinistra, dir. Il semestre di Presidenza italiana della Unione europea : Una prova di credibilità e coerenza. Roma : Sapere 2000, 1996.

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Hoi tesseris Hellēnikes proedries apo mesa. Athēna : Ekdoseis Harmos, 2007.

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Keulen, Mendeltje van. Chairing the enlarged Union : The Netherlands' 2004 EU Council Presidency. The Hague : Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael, 2005.

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1950-, Elgström Ole, dir. European Union council presidencies : A comparative perspective. New York : Routledge, 2003.

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Small states and EU governance : Leadership through the Council presidency. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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1955-, Bussière Eric, dir. François-Xavier Ortoli : L'Europe, quel numéro de téléphone ? Paris : Descartes & Cie, 2011.

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Út az elnökséghez. Budapest : Ad Librum, 2010.

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Nowak-Far, Artur. Prezydencja w Unii Europejskiej : Polska 2011. Warszawa : Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie--Oficyna Wydawnicza, 2011.

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Nowak-Far, Artur. Prezydencja w Unii Europejskiej : Praktyka i teoria. Warszawa : Oficyna Wydawnicza Szkoła Główna Handlowa, 2011.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "European Union – Presidents"

Duff, Andrew. « The Twin Executive ». Dans Constitutional Change in the European Union, 9–22. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10665-1_2.

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AbstractOne of the main flaws in the structure of governance of the EU is the lack of a single effective executive. The two presidents of the Commission and European Council, who risk duplication and confusion, should be merged. The system of rotating the presidency of the Council of ministers should be phased out. The role of the General Affairs Council should be enhanced. The Commission should be reduced in size and restructured to include a law officer and treasury secretary.

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Lauwaars, Richard H. « The President of the European Council : The Beginning of a European Government ? » Dans The European Union, 71–76. The Hague : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-423-3_5.

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García, Nereo Peñalver, et Julian Priestley. « The Fragile State of the Union, 2014 ». Dans The Making of a European President, 3–8. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137476746_2.

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Martins, Paulo Nuno. « Os valores humanos de David-Maria Sassoli : Um ensaio ». Dans Libere carte, 91–94. Florence : Firenze University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0010-3.09.

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This essay is a contribution to the tribute given to David-Maria Sassoli, highlighting the human values that characterized his presidency of the European Union, namely democracy and freedom, peace, solidarity, which are the fundamental pillars for the construction of the future Europe based on the cultural diversity of each member state.

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Paolinelli, Luisa M. Antunes. « Discursos Entrelaçados : David Sassoli e a renovação do projeto europeu ». Dans Libere carte, 137–44. Florence : Firenze University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0010-3.15.

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In his last speech as President of the European Parliament, on 16 December 2022, addressed to the heads of state of the European Union and entitled "Europe must show allegiance to its citizens“, David Sassoli underlines the importance of thinking about the Europe of the future. Bearing in mind the history and memory of the continent, the roots of the Euroean culture and its long traditions of humanistic and scientific knowledge, he presents three axes of development - innovation, protection and dissemination - for a Europe that must be thought of as a project, dynamic, hopeful, young spirited and faithful to its humanist and democratic basis.

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Endo, Ken. « The 1991 Intergovernmental Conference on Political Union ». Dans The Presidency of the European Commission under Jacques Delors, 170–90. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333984161_9.

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Tudoroiu, Theodor. « The European Union and Eastern Europe Before and After Brexit ». Dans Brexit, President Trump, and the Changing Geopolitics of Eastern Europe, 91–127. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77920-1_4.

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Zečević, Slobodan. « The French Presidency of the Council of the European Union ». Dans International Organizations, 521–31. Belgrade ; Skopje : Institute of International Politics ; Economics ; Faculty of Philosophy of the University of St. Cyril ; Methodius, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_ioscw.2022.1.ch31.

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Antony, Jean Paul d’. « Humanidade e cegueira : desvãos identitários entre José Saramago e José Ortega y Gasset ». Dans Libere carte, 213–26. Florence : Firenze University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0010-3.22.

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The text discusses the unfolding of identities, especially in European society, in dialogue with the analysis of Saramago’s blindness and the idea of mass-man in Ortega y Gasset. The objective is to rethink the transits and unraveling of humanization processes that transcend the European Union project and the speeches of David Maria Sassoli, as president of the European Parliament.

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Endo, Ken. « The Delors Committee on Economic and Monetary Union ». Dans The Presidency of the European Commission under Jacques Delors, 152–69. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333984161_8.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "European Union – Presidents"

Dikonić, Suzana, Danijela Slipčević et Marko Dikonić. « PRESIDENCY OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA TO THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN 2020 ». Dans EU AND MEMBER STATES – LEGAL AND ECONOMIC ISSUES. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/8995.

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Mazur-Kumrić, Nives, et Ivan Zeko-Pivač. « TRIGGERING EMERGENCY PROCEDURES : A CRITICAL OVERVIEW OF THE EU’S AND UN'S RESPONSE TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC AND BEYOND ». Dans EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18300.

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The large-scale COVID-19 pandemic is a severe public health emergency which poses distressing social and economic challenges to the international community as a whole. In order to provide immediate and effective support to affected welfare and healthcare systems as well as to build their lasting, inclusive and sustainable recovery, both the European Union and the United Nations have introduced a number of urgent measures aiming to help and protect citizens and economies. This paper looks into the specificities of urgent procedures launched and carried out by the two most influential international organisations with a view to rapidly respond to the unprecedented COVID-19 crisis. More specifically, it focuses on the involved institutions and steps of urgent procedures as well as on their most remarkable outcomes. In the case of the European Union, the emphasis is put primarily on two Coronavirus Response Investment Initiatives (CRIIs), adopted during the Croatian Presidency of the Council in one of the fastest legal procedures in the history of the European Union, and the Recovery Assistance for Cohesion and the Territories of Europe (REACT-EU) as an extension of the CRIIs’ crisis repair measures. The overarching United Nations’ response is assessed through an analysis of its urgent policy agenda developed on the premise that the COVID-19 pandemic is not only a health and socio-economic emergency but also a global humanitarian, security and human rights crisis. This particularly includes procedures foreseen by the Global Humanitarian Response Plan (GHRP) and the Strategic Preparedness and Response Plan (SPRP). In addition, the aim of the paper is to provide a critical overview of the subject by highlighting three pivotal elements. First, the paper sheds light on the financial aspects of the urgent fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, necessary for turning words into action. Notably, this refers to funds secured by the Multiannual Financial Frameworks 2014-2020 and 2021-2027, and the Next Generation EU recovery instrument, on the one hand, and the UN COVID-19 Response and Recovery Fund, the UN Central Emergency Response Fund and the Solidarity Response Fund, on the other hand. Second, it offers a comparative evaluation of the end results of the European and global emergency procedures in mitigating the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. Finally, it summarises the underlying elements of measures governing the aftermath of the ongoing crisis, i.e. those promoting a human-centred, green, sustainable, inclusive and digital approach to future life.

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Dauster, Manfred. « Criminal Proceedings in Times of Pandemic ». Dans The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.2.18.

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COVID-19 caught humanity off guard at the turn of 2019/2020. Even when the Chinese government sealed off Wuhan, a city of millions, for weeks to contain the epidemic, no one in other parts of the world had any idea of what specifically was heading for the countries. The ignorant and belittling public statements and tweets of the former US president are still fresh in everyone's memory. Only when the Italian army carried the coffins with the COVID-19 victims in northern Italy, the gravesites spread in the Bergamo region, as well as the intensive care beds filled in the overcrowded hospitals, the countries of the European Union and other parts of the world realised how serious the situation threatened to become. Together with the World Health Organisation (WHO), the terms changed to pandemic. Much of the pandemic evoked reminiscences originating in the Black Death raging between 1346 and 1353 or in the Spanish flu after the First World War. Meanwhile, life went on. The administration of justice in criminal cases could not and should not come to a standstill. Emergency measures, such as those that began to emerge in February 2020, are always the hour of the executive. In their efforts to stop the spread of the virus, in Germany, governments particularly reflected on criminal proceedings. Neither criminal procedural law nor the courts and court administrations applying this procedural law were adequately prepared for the challenges. Deadlines threatened to expire, access to court buildings and halls had to be restricted to reduce the risk of infection, public hearings represented a potential source of infection for both the parties to the proceedings and the public, virtual criminal hearings via conference calls had not yet been tested in civil proceedings, but were legally possible, but not so in criminal cases. The taking of evidence in criminal cases in Germany is governed by the rules of strict evidence and is largely not at the disposal of the parties to the proceedings. Especially in criminal cases, fundamental and human rights guarantees serve to protect the accused, but also the victims and witnesses. Executive measures of pandemic containment might impact these guarantees. Here, an attempt will be made to discuss at some neuralgic points how Germany has attempted to balance the resulting contradictory interests in the conflict between pandemic control and constitutional requirements for criminal court proceedings.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "European Union – Presidents"

Bremberg, Niklas, et Simone Bunse. Climate, Peace and Security in a Changing Geopolitical Context : Next Steps for the European Union. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, février 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/lkcg6004.

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This policy brief analyses current initiatives and ways forward to address the nexus between climate change, peace and security within the European Union’s (EU) foreign, security and defence policies. Considering Sweden’s reputation and credibility in advancing international cooperation on climate security and in light of the 2023 Swedish presidency of the Council of the EU, there is an opportunity to address the current lack of alignment between the climate and conflict-sensitizing work of the European External Action Service (EEAS) and the climate adaptation and mitigation work of the European Commission. Closer collaboration between the EEAS, the European Commission and EU member states to align resources and tools would allow for a qualitative leap forward by fostering actions that are preventative rather than reactive to climate-related security risks in the short to medium term.

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