Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « European Union – Politics and government »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "European Union – Politics and government"
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Finke, Daniel, et Annika Herbel. « Coalition Politics and Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union ». Government and Opposition 53, no 3 (19 septembre 2016) : 388–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.28.
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According to the literature, parliamentary scrutiny is either used by the opposition to control the government or by a coalition partner to control the leading minister. Yet, neither the opposition alone nor individual governing parties alone can muster a parliamentary majority to adopt recommendations, resolutions or statements. Therefore, we ask which parties coalesce in co-sponsoring such joint position papers on European Union policy proposals and why. Tying in with the existing literature, we offer three explanations. Firstly, position papers are co-sponsored by so-called ‘policy coalitions’, a group of parties that hold similar preferences on the policy under discussion. Secondly, governing parties form coalitions which support their minister’s position vis-à-vis his or her international partners in Brussels. Thirdly, party groups co-sponsor position papers to counterbalance the leading minister’s deviation from the floor median.On the empirical side, we study the statements issued by committees of the Finnish Eduskunta and recommendations adopted by committees of the German Bundestag over a period of 10 years. Though having similarly strong parliaments, the two countries are characterized by very different types of coalition governments. These differences are mirrored in the observed co-sponsorship patterns.
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Peritz, Lauren. « Obstructing integration : Domestic politics and the European Court of Justice ». European Union Politics 19, no 3 (10 avril 2018) : 427–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518766258.
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Do legal rulings from the Court of Justice promote European economic integration? This article examines lawsuits where governments are found guilty of breaching their commitment to the common market. In these cases, governments are required to adopt reforms which, correctly applied, should promote intra-European trade. Using a novel dataset of trade-liberalizing rulings, I show that although they do prompt some increases in trade, the effect is contingent on domestic politics. When the defendant government has many political constraints, both institutional and partisan, it is less likely to expand its trade with the European Union. Domestic politics obstructs the policy reforms—and active enforcement—necessary to deepen economic integration. The findings highlight obstacles to the completion of the single market and limitations of the court.
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Hagemann, Sara, Sara B. Hobolt et Christopher Wratil. « Government Responsiveness in the European Union : Evidence From Council Voting ». Comparative Political Studies 50, no 6 (12 janvier 2016) : 850–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414015621077.
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Are governments responsive to public preferences when legislating in international organizations? This article demonstrates that governments respond to domestic public opinion even when acting at the international level. Specifically, we examine conflict in the European Union’s primary legislative body, the Council of the European Union (EU). We argue that domestic electoral incentives compel governments to react to public opinion. Analyzing a unique data set on all legislative decisions adopted in the Council since 1999, we show that governments are more likely to oppose legislative proposals that extend the level and scope of EU authority when their domestic electorates are skeptical about the EU. We also find that governments are more responsive when the issue of European integration is salient in domestic party politics. Our findings demonstrate that governments can use the international stage to signal their responsiveness to public concerns and that such signals resonate in the domestic political debate.
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Abreu, Joana Covelo de. « Digital Single Market under EU political and constitutional calling : European electronic agenda’s impact on interoperability solutions ». UNIO – EU Law Journal 3, no 1 (2 janvier 2017) : 130–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.3.1.13.
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Digital Single Market is the new political goal that promotes the creation of digital solutions to support the European Union’s evolution. It is believed to be one means by which the EU can attract investments from new IT tools’ economic agents. For that purpose, the European Unionsettled various interoperability measures so that both Member States and European institutions were able to set the example on how digital tools are important and one of Union’s goals. In this particular setting, the European Union engaged the ISA2 programme to promote interoperability solutions for Public Administrations, citizens and companies which aimed to bring more transparency to those relationships established between Public Administrations (both functional and organic European administrations) and common citizens and companies. In the medium run, interoperability solutions will provide the European Union with an e-Administration (electronic administration) which visible face will be an e-Government (electronic government) phenomenon. However, to avoid the European Union facing a degeneration based on excessive use of electronic realities, principles of proportionality, equality and non-discrimination must be used as testing principles to all measures the Digital Single Market aims to implement. In fact, a wide dissemination of IT tools in other constitutional areas – such as the definition of a democratic system and the public interest guaranteed by politics (steaming from this new equation a e-Politics) – can lead to a dangerous path, compromising society as we know it, its constitutional setting and democratic principle as they are being developed.
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van Os, Jim, et Jan Neeleman. « European Union government legislation affecting psychiatric practice ». Psychiatric Bulletin 18, no 7 (juillet 1994) : 390–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.18.7.390.
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Although the process of psychiatric reform is taking place across Europe, national political, economic and historical factors determine to a large extent the manner and pace of its implementation as well as its final shape. The degree of centralisation of health care systems and the degree of prominence of primary care affect how efficiently change can be achieved. Various forms of professional resistance may, in different degrees in European countries, hamper the implementation of community care. The widely varying contexts in which psychiatric reform takes place throughout Europe, should provide a fertile area for future comparative research.
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Spahiu, Irma. « Government Transparency in Albania and the Role of the European Union ». European Public Law 21, Issue 1 (1 février 2015) : 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2015006.
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The recognition of transparency as an essential element of good governance is very important for new democracies because it leads to greater public support for their governments' economic and political decisions. This has been clearly understood by the countries in the Western Balkans which following the fall of communism entered a path of rapid democratization struggling to be opened and transparent. This paper explores transparency and open government in Albania looking at how the Albanian legal administrative framework and practices guarantee the principle of transparency in decision-making and the role the EU in complying with this principle. It introduces the concept of 'transparency through integration' as a model which encapsulates the transparency developments in Albania and Western Balkans and looks at how transparency can be transformed from a principle of good governance to a legalistic instrument holding a place in the hierarchy of legal norms. This research focuses on how transparency becomes part of a policy paradigm which can transform a country's politics from secretive and authoritarian to transparent and democratic. In addition, it suggests that the EU has a role to play as a transformative power to induce positive reforms and improve transparency in the decision-making in Albania.
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ANDERSON, CHRISTOPHER J. « When in Doubt, Use Proxies ». Comparative Political Studies 31, no 5 (octobre 1998) : 569–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031005002.
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This article argues that citizens employ proxies rooted in attitudes about domestic politics when responding to survey questions about the European integration process. It develops a model of public opinion toward European integration based on attitudes toward the political system, the incumbent government, and establishment parties. With the help of data from Eurobarometer 34.0, the study tests political and economic models of public support for membership in the European Union in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, and Portugal. The analyses show that system and establishment party support are the most powerful determinants of support for membership in the European Union. The results also suggest that the relationship between economic factors and support previously reported in research on public opinion toward European integration is likely to be mediated by domestic political attitudes.
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Johansson, Karl Magnus, Fredrik Langdal et Göran von Sydow. « The Domestic Politics of European Union Presidencies : The Case of Sweden ». Government and Opposition 47, no 2 (2012) : 206–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01359.x.
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AbstractThis article aims to start filling a gap in contemporary research on the rotating EU presidencies. In particular, the article pays attention to the role played by domestic factors in the development and fate of EU presidencies. What is the level of conflict between the government and the opposition during EU presidencies? This question is central for us and we address it through an in-depth analysis of one single case, Sweden, through a comparative examination of the role that domestic politics played in the Swedish EU presidencies of 2001 and 2009. In conjunction with our four main explanations for the varying degrees of political conflict during EU presidencies we present four hypotheses that could be advanced in the comparative study of EU presidencies.
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Meyer, Brett. « Learning to Love the Government ». World Politics 68, no 3 (18 mai 2016) : 538–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000058.
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One counterintuitive variation in wage-setting regulation is that countries with the highest labor standards and strongest labor movements are among the least likely to set a statutory minimum wage. This, the author argues, is due largely to trade union opposition. Trade unions oppose the minimum wage when they face minimal low-wage competition, which is affected by the political institutions regulating industrial action, collective agreements, and employment, as well as by the skill and wage levels of their members. When political institutions effectively regulate low-wage competition, unions oppose the minimum wage. When political institutions are less favorable toward unions, there may be a cleavage between high- and low-wage unions in their minimum wage preferences. The argument is illustrated with case studies of the UK, Germany, and Sweden. The author demonstrates how the regulation of low-wage competition affects unions’ minimum wage preferences by exploiting the following labor market institutional shocks: the Conservatives’ labor law reforms in the UK, the Hartz labor market reforms in Germany, and the European Court of Justice's Laval ruling in Sweden. The importance of union preferences for minimum wage adoption is also shown by how trade union confederation preferences influenced the position of the Labour Party in the UK and the Social Democratic Party in Germany.
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Gregor, Jiří. « Political Budget Cycles in the European Union ». Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 64, no 2 (2016) : 595–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201664020595.
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This paper provides research on the theme of the political budget cycles. The goal is to find out whether or not the government tries to manipulate the state budget and its components for the purpose of re-election across the countries of the European Union. In order to verify this theory a dynamic panel data model was used. The results were significant, but only if predetermined elections were not counted into the estimations. In that case, the theory of the political budget cycles could be accepted as valid for the EU countries. The main driving force of the political budget cycles across the countries of the European Union is fluctuation of the government expenditures. During the election year, the government expenditures are higher, and a year after the election, government expenditures are lower. This is reflected into the state budget balance.
Thèses sur le sujet "European Union – Politics and government"
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Prosser, Christopher. « Rethinking representation and European integration ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f596c7e-bfb9-43ff-b3e8-2de716f234ec.
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In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.
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REH, Christine. « The Politics of Preparation : delegated decisions, arguing and constitutional choice in Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10475.
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Defence date: 10 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI, Florence) ; Prof. Frank Schimmelfennig (ETH, Zürich) ; Prof. Andy Smith (IEP, Bordeaux) ; Prof. Helen Wallace (EUI/RSCAS, Florence)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This project investigates a ubiquitous yet under-studied phenomenon in national, European and global politics: delegated preparation, defined as those negotiations through which civil servants or experts "pre-cook" political choice in multi-level decision-processes. While examples are legion-reaching from legislative drafting in national ministries to the Committee of Permanent Representatives (COREPER) in the European Union (EU)- the project focuses on preparation in complex international negotiations, and chooses EU Intergovernmental Conferences (IGCs) as empirical case. Claiming that a look beyond the tip of the "decision-iceberg" will gain us deeper insights into how and by whom Europe has been constitutionalised, I tackle two wider questions: 1) What is preparation and what can it do? and 2) Under what conditions will preparation be effective? Linked to an understanding of international negotiation as a "thick" social process, I argue, first, that the key to preparatory effectiveness lies in a particular set of collective resources as a necessary condition, and in consensual preagreement as both necessary and sufficient. Second, with effective pre-decision-making thus hinging upon successful delegated arguing, a set of scope conditions favourable to persuasion are singled out. These include 1) a familiar, iterative and insulated social context as a pre-condition for the non-distortive use of arguments; 2) an issue's complexity as facilitating the resonance of expertise and novel ideas; and 3) a macronorm's constitutional-systemic nature as favouring factual arguments linked to the international system. The hypotheses are tested on the "Group of Government Representatives" (GoR), with units of observation chosen from the Amsterdam and Nice IGCs according to variation of issue complexity and constitutional-systemic nature. Process-tracing of five issues: the communitarisation of free movement, the integration of Schengen and the institutionalisation of flexibility (Amsterdam), as well as Commission reform and Council votes (Nice) confirms that delegated preparation plays a key role even in the "bastion of high politics" that is EU reform. Yet, empirical evidence shows that persuasion is less prominent than expected, and uncovers alternative mechanisms behind effective preparation,in particular accommodation, depoliticisation and systemic compensation.
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Busby, Amy. « The everyday practice and performance of European politics : an ethnography of the European Parliament ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/48830/.
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This inter-disciplinary thesis takes an ethnographic approach to the European Parliament (EP) in order to bring actors, agency, and social context into the study of MEP behaviour. It explores how MEPs practice politics at the everyday level inside the EP. The study approaches politics as an activity performed on a daily basis by individuals within particular social spaces. It takes an individual level and holistic approach to MEP behaviour by exploring their everyday practice of politics inside this institution. The thesis attempts to provide a deeper and more nuanced understanding of MEP behaviour than is currently available in the literature. The thesis primarily responds to gaps in the European Studies literature which mean we lack understanding of how MEPs practice politics within European structures as active, dynamic agents. The research design includes participant observation, elite interviews, and a survey. An inter-disciplinary theoretical framework is applied which combines tools from Goffman (1959), Wenger et al (2002), and Bourdieu (1990, 1977). It sees MEPs as actors accumulating capital and preparing backstage to give credible and thus persuasive performances to different audiences in this transnational political field and its habitus. This research particularly explores the role of the national party delegations and EP groups in MEPs' everyday practice of politics and the local meanings generated around these structures. The key narrative woven throughout this thesis concerns their role from participants' perspective. This thesis finds that these structures play a vital support role and that they can be conceptualised as collegial communities of practice in which members routinely exchange knowledge with trusted colleagues to enable them to cope with the work environment they face and to pursue their chosen interests more successfully.
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Luedtke, Adam. « Fortress Europe or spillover ? : immigration politics and policy at the European level ». Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20441.
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Although the evolution of a unified Europe has been unsteady, the immigration policies of member states have nonetheless become increasingly harmonized in recent years. This harmonization has not been without its controversies, however, and is characterized by two inter-linked political disputes that have shaped the progress achieved thus far. The first dispute area is the exclusion of Europe's legally-resident third country nationals (TCNs) from the privileges of intra-EU free movement, contrary to the inclusionist arguments of the European Commission and Parliament. The second dispute area is the political struggle between advocates of intergovernmental decision-making structures, which are not subject to EU law or institutional control, and the advocates of full (supranational) EU competence over policy. Two hypotheses are contrasted to examine these disputes: (1) the "Fortress Europe" hypothesis, which foresees the continuation of exclusionism and intergovernmentalism; and (2) the "spillover" hypothesis, which predicts the inclusion of TCNs through the EU's central institutions eventually winning full competence over policy. It is concluded that although exclusionism continues to hold the upper hand, recent victories for supranationalism have confirmed the optimism of the spillover hypothesis.
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Coimbra, Joao Pedro de Sa. « European Union integration model : follow me model for ASEAN ? » Thesis, University of Macau, 2008. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1880477.
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Carey, Sean D. (Sean Damien). « A Political and Macroeconomic Explanation of Public Support for European Integration ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278919/.
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This study develops a model of macroeconomic and political determinants of public support for European integration. The research is conducted on pooled cross-sectional time-series data from five European Union member states between 1978 and 1994. The method used in this analysis is a Generalized Least Squares - Autoregressive Moving Average approach. The factors hypothesized to determine a macroeconomic explanation of public support for integration are inflation, unemployment, and economic growth. The effect of the major economic reform in the 1980s, the Single European Act, is hypothesized to act as a positive permanent intervention. The other determinants of public support are the temporary interventions of European Parliament elections and the permanent intervention of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. These are hypothesized to exert a negative effect. In a fully specified model all variables except economic growth and European Parliament elections demonstrate statistical significance at the 0.10 level or better.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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Mocca, Elisabetta. « The politics of transnational municipalism for sustainable development in the European Union : an urban analysis ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2015. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/11274.
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In the last thirty years, European local authorities have played a pro-active role in the realm of sustainable development, taking part in several European initiatives and projects and setting up municipal networks. The latter, which connect cities scattered across Member States, may focus on specific environmental issues, such as sustainable mobility or energy, or include sustainable development in a wide range of policy priorities. These socio-ecological urban networks (hereafter SEUNs) have attracted growing academic attention. However, the bulk of the literature is located within Geography and Urban Studies, and it is more focused on the structure of the networks, the process of decision-making, and the policy outcomes than on the drivers of cities’ membership of SEUNs. Within this debate, the contribution of Political Science has been scant, and the political and economic drivers of cities’ engagement in European socio-ecological municipal networks have been overlooked. Understanding why local governments decide to participate in these networks is important for two main reasons: firstly, it contributes to shedding light on how contemporary local political elites govern cities within the European context; secondly, it allows us to understand why European cooperation for sustainable development has become a dominant discourse in urban politics. Conversely, this thesis adopts an urban approach to isolate the urban-level economic, political and institutional factors that impact on local authorities’ participations in European socio-ecological urban networks. Using a nested research design that combines a quantitative and qualitative analysis, the thesis seeks to shed light on the factors and motivations underlying the choice of cities to participate in European networks for sustainability. The results show that cities’ European commitment to sustainable development is part of a broad strategy to achieve urban regeneration. Therefore, participation in SEUNs is not necessarily motivated by environmental preoccupations but is functional to achieve economic and political objectives.
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PAOLINI, Giulia. « The legitimacy deficit of the European Union and the role of national parliaments ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10445.
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Defence date: 17 September 2007Examining Board: Prof. Morten Kelstrup, (University of Copenhagen) ; Prof. Peter Mair, (European University Institute) ; Prof. Gianfranco Pasquino, (University of Bologna) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI Professional Fellow)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
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Finck, Michèle. « Above and below the surface : two models of subnational autonomies in EU law ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:60c9f0ae-3f2a-4701-a096-e8f9ce38b5f0.
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This thesis examines the relation between subnational autonomies, that is to say regional and local authorities and the norms they create, and European Union law. The existence of local and regional autonomies within the various Member States of the EU is a factual truth. We know that they exist and co-exist with other levels of public authority, themselves generating norms. Yet, on its surface European Union law does not devise any substantive understanding of such autonomies. This stands in stark contrast to the relation between the Member States and the EU, which is governed by a complex catalogue of Treaty rules. As a consequence of European integration, however, subnational autonomies and EU law do interact, so that the latter cannot simply ignore the existence of the former. This thesis sets out to determine the contours of their mutual relation through an analysis of EU procedural and substantive law. It uncovers that the relation between subnational autonomies and EU law is multifarious and diverges depending on whether we look at the surface of EU law, that is to say the Treaties, or whether we look below its surface, at the Court of Justice's rich case law or soft law instruments of the Commission. I map this conclusion through a modelling approach, relying on what I term the 'Insider Model' and the 'Outsider Model' respectively. These models underline that, in some areas of EU law, SNAs are seen to be outsiders to the project of European integration whereas other areas recognise SNAs and especially their norms to be the insiders of that project. The coexistence of both models forces us intellectually to rearrange things. It challenges our 'constitutional imagination'. The key to understanding the coexistence of both models can be found in the evolution of EU law itself. While the Outsider Model remains attached to the public international law origins of the EU Treaties, the Insider Model captures the reality that not only States and citizens, but also SNAs, are integrated into the EU legal order.
Livres sur le sujet "European Union – Politics and government"
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Michelle, Cini, dir. European Union politics. 2e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2007.
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Nieves, Pérez-Solórzano Borragán, dir. European Union politics. 3e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2010.
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Cini, Michelle. European Union politics. 3e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2010.
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Michelle, Cini, dir. European Union politics. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2003.
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European Union politics. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2013.
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Stephen, George, dir. Politics in the European Union. 2e éd. Oxford [UK] : Oxford University Press, 2006.
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Eliassen, Kjell A., et Federiga M. Bindi. Analyzing European Union politics. Bologna : Il mulino, 2012.
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Erik, Jørgensen Knud, Pollack Mark A. 1966- et Rosamond Ben, dir. Handbook of European Union politics. London : SAGE, 2006.
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Nugent, Neill. Government and politics of the European Union. 4e éd. Durham, NC : Duke University Press, 1999.
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Usherwood, Simon McDougall. The European Union. Milton Park, Abingdon, [England] : Routledge, 2011.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "European Union – Politics and government"
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Nugent, Neill. « From European Community to European Union ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 57–81. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23531-5_3.
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Nugent, Neill. « From European Community to European Union ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 48–58. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27605-9_4.
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Nugent, Neill. « Conceptualising the European Union ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 435–46. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-45410-2_24.
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Rose, Richard. « The Failure of Parliamentary Government ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 191–207. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44117-3_11.
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Nugent, Neill. « The European Council ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 153–73. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23531-5_6.
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Nugent, Neill. « The European Parliament ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 174–206. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23531-5_7.
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Nugent, Neill. « The European Council ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 177–204. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27605-9_8.
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Nugent, Neill. « The European Parliament ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 205–41. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27605-9_9.
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Nugent, Neill. « The European Council ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 183–200. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-45410-2_11.
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Nugent, Neill. « The European Parliament ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 201–25. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-45410-2_12.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "European Union – Politics and government"
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Zilinskas, Gintaras. « DEVELOPMENT OF E-GOVERNMENT IN THE EASTERN BORDER OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.016.
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Stepina, Mairita, et Modrite Pelse. « European Union funding support to Latvian municipalities for degraded areas revitalization ». Dans Research for Rural Development 2022 : annual 28th international scientific conference proceedings. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/rrd.28.2022.033.
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The formation and existence of degraded areas is one of the consequences of civilization, which has a negative impact on both the environment and economic development in the municipality. The problem of degraded areas has been faced by all countries worldwide, including Latvia, when as a result of the change of the state political system in the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet system, a large number of inactive production companies appeared, resulting in a significant number of polluted / degraded areas. To solve the existing problem, local governments in Latvia use European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) funding under the Operational Program ‘Growth and Employment’ 5.6.2, specific support objective ‘Revitalization of territories by regenerating degraded areas in accordance with local government integrated development programs’ (SSO 5.6.2) to ensure the sustainable development of the territory by revitalizing degraded areas. In the implementation of projects, local governments must ensure the fulfilment of the indicators planned in the projects in the following groups of indicators: the area of degraded areas has been renewed, adapted for the location of new businesses or expansion of existing businesses in order to promote employment and economic activity in local governments; new jobs created in supported areas; non-financial investments made by businesses located in the supported territory in their own intangible investments and fixed assets. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the indicators of the implemented projects in order to be able to draw conclusions about the financial aspects of the project implementation and the progress of the project implementation.
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Tashevska, Biljana, Marija Trpkova – Nestorovska et Suzana Makreshanska – Mladenovska. « IS THERE A DOMINANCE OF SOCIAL PROTECTION EXPENDITURE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION ? » Dans Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2020.0003.
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European welfare states, with their comprehensive and generous welfare model, create the largest part of general government expenditures in the European Union member countries. Given the rising trend of social expenditure and the long-run challenges coming from population ageing, this paper addresses the issue of social dominance, a situation in which, particularly when facing limited fiscal space, social expenditure could crowd-out other productive public expenditures, thus undermining growth potentials and possibly threatening fiscal sustainability. Using a panel regression analysis, the aim of the paper is to test whether social protection expenditure has crowded-out expenditures on other purposes in the European Union in the period 1995-2018. The results provide some evidence of crowding-out of infrastructure spending and education spending. Additionally, deficit financing and rising government debt have a significant adverse effect on spending on infrastructure, education and core public services, confirming that they are more prone to cutbacks in times of deteriorating public finance. These findings, along with the long-run fiscal pressure from the ‘greying population’ and the high political costs of welfare reforms suggest significant future risks of social dominance.
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Niftiyev, Ibrahim. « A comparison of institutional quality in the South Caucasus ». Dans The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged : Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2022.9.
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Much has happened in the three countries of the South Caucasus-namely, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia-since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Political events, institutional reforms, and economic development have resulted in greater economic welfare in these countries after the painful transition period of the 1990s. However, it remains to be seen whether they have achieved any solid results or whether they still have much to accomplish. While the answer is ambiguous, each country has followed a different political, geopolitical, economic, and institutional path and achieved different economic outcomes despite their close geographical proximity to each other. This paper compares the available data on economic and institutional quality in Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia to portray the overall situation in terms of changes in institutional patterns. Then, special attention is given to Azerbaijan, as the country is considered to be oil-rich and thus resource-dependent. A comparative perspective on institutional quality suggests that Georgia has been a leading country in terms of institutions and effective bureaucracy-building, despite having lower economic indicators compared to Azerbaijan. Moreover, while Armenia is positioned between Georgia and Azerbaijan in terms of institutional quality, its economic growth is similar to Georgia's. Lastly, institutional variables (e.g., control of corruption, rule of law, and government effectiveness, and human rights) in Azerbaijan are negatively correlated with oil-related variables. This result aligns with the natural resource curse and Dutch disease theories, which posit that oil boom periods in mineral-rich countries are associated with a deterioration in institutional quality, thereby leading to slower growth. Also, the results are important to build up analytical frameworks to address the Dutch disease or resource curse studies in the case of Azerbaijan in a comparative manner with oil-poor countries even if the scope is limited to the South Caucasian former Soviet Union countries.
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ÖZTÜRK, YUSUF KEMAL, et Selami Sedat Akgöz. « European Union’s Expansion and Globalization Strategies : A Special Investigation on Poland ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00503.
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During the development process, particularly Middle and Eastern European Countries have increasingly integrated into the Union economy while parliaments, governments, public and private sectors have put forth significant effort to prepare for membership to European Union. European Union, on the other hand, prepared a financial framework in 1989 to actively support such efforts. Thus the Union financial and institutional regulations were realized to finance the process of transition to market economy. In this regard, Poland has quickly completed the necessary steps for harmonization and accelerated its efforts towards this goal. Following the radical change Poland experienced after 1989, the process of democratization and transition to open market economy. In our study we compared and investigated Poland economic and political situation before joining European Union, with the developments during the harmonization process and its economic structure today. In this process, it will be appropriate to take a look at Poland recent political and economic life as well as the reasons as to why Poland is an important state for Europe.
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Soņeca, Viktorija. « Tehnoloģiju milžu ietekme uz suverēnu ». Dans The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.1.18.
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In the last two decades, we have seen the rise of companies providing digital services. Big Tech firms have become all-pervasive, playing critical roles in our social interactions, in the way we access information, and in the way we consume. These firms not only strive to be dominant players in one market, but with their giant monopoly power and domination of online ecosystems, they want to become the market itself. They are gaining not just economic, but also political power. This can be illustrated by Donald Trump’s campaigns, in which he attempted to influence the sovereign will, as the sovereign power is vested in the people. The Trump campaigns' use of Facebook's advertising tools contributed to Trump's win at the 2016 presidential election. After criticism of that election, Facebook stated that it would implement a series of measures to prevent future abuse. For example, no political ads will be accepted in the week before an election. Another example of how Big Tech firms can effect the sovereign is by national legislator. For example, Australia had a dispute with digital platforms such as Facebook and Google. That was because Australia began to develop a News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Code. To persuade the Australian legislature to abandon the idea of this code, Facebook prevented Australian press publishers, news media and users from sharing/viewing Australian as well as international news content, including blocking information from government agencies. Such action demonstrated how large digital platforms can affect the flow of information to encourage the state and its legislature to change their position. Because of such pressure, Australia eventually made adjustments to the code in order to find a compromise with the digital platform. Also, when we are referring to political power, it should include lobbying and the European Union legislator. Tech giants are lobbying their interests to influence the European Union’s digital policy, which has the most direct effect on member states, given that the member states are bound by European Union law.
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Ultan, Mehlika Özlem. « THE POLITICS OF TRIO OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ANALYSIS OF BULGARIA POLICIES ». Dans 39th International Academic Conference, Amsterdam. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2018.039.045.
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Kolářová, Eva, et Blanka Jarolímová. « ANALYSIS OF TAX RELIEF FOR INDIVIDUALS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans Fifth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics : Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.s.p.2019.53.
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Medić, Ines, et Mia Grgić. « RETENTION OF TITLE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION : IS THERE POSSIBILITY FOR HARMONIZATION ». Dans 4th International Scientific – Business Conference LIMEN 2018 – Leadership & Management : Integrated Politics of Research and Innovations. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia et all, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2018.24.
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Liu, JingWei, et Ying Wang. « Notice of Retraction : China's inspiration from European Union low-carbon policy ». Dans 2011 International Conference on E-Business and E-Government (ICEE). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icebeg.2011.5881469.
Texte intégralRapports d'organisations sur le sujet "European Union – Politics and government"
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Mollet, Paul, Saleh Al Muhanna et AlJawhara Al Quayid. The Politics of European Union Climate Governance. King Abdullah Petroleum Studies and Research Center, octobre 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30573/ks--2018-dp44.
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Stelmakh, Marta. HISTORICAL CONTEXT IN THE COLLECTION OF ARTICLES BY TIMOTHY SNYDER «UKRAINIAN HISTORY, RUSSIAN POLITICS, EUROPEAN FUTURE». Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11098.
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The article examines the problem of the image formation of Ukraine in the international arena in the historical journalism of Timothy Snyder. The subject of the research is the historical context in the journalistic collection «Ukrainian History, Russian Politics, European Future». It identifies the main considerations of the author on the past of Russian-Ukrainian relations and the need to develop historical consciousness in the fight against Russian manipulation. Methodology: the comparative, historical, system analysis and other methods are used in the process of scientific research. The results of the study were obtained by analysing the author’s journalistic works and by considering the main historical themes raised by Timothy Snyder. Main results: The historical context in Timothy Snyder’s journalism is often focused on the Holodomor and the events of World War II. After all, these events are connected with the beginning of the image formation of the Ukrainian people as supporters of Nazism by the Russian authorities and the devaluation of the Ukrainians’ contribution to the establishment of peace during the Second World War. It is determined that the non-reflective attitude to history, the inability to draw parallels between the events of the past and the future leads to an ineffective response to manipulation and propaganda, which can threaten world peace. Conclusions: the realization that Russian aggression against Ukraine has its own history is a necessary aspect in the elucidation of this issue. The Eurasian Union and cooperation with the European far-right are Russian propaganda tools that discredit the Ukrainian state in the world community. Publicist Timothy Snyder points out that Europe’s future interconnects with the past, so he emphasizes the need to study and rethink history, which today has become the object of propaganda and manipulation. Significance: The results of our study will help journalists who study the historical aspect of journalistic materials and research foreign materials on Ukrainian issues. In addition, our research is necessary for Ukraine, because Russia’s aggression continues, as well as the aggressor’s propaganda, which is based on the distortion and falsification of historical events.
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Gikandi, Levi. COVID-19 and Vulnerable, Hardworking Kenyans : Why it's time for a strong social protection plan. Oxfam, Kenya Red Cross Society, Concern Worldwide, ACTED, IMPACT Initiatives, The Centre for Rights, Education and Awareness (CREAW), Wangu Kanja Foundation, novembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.6591.
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Seven NGOs, the Kenyan government, the European Union and the Danish and German governments are working together to implement a ’Safety Nets’ programme targeting Kenya’s millions of informal workers. With rising food insecurity and sexual and gender-based-violence, mounting job losses, poor access to water and sanitation, and a lack of formal safety nets, the Kenyan informal sector has suffered the brunt of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Safety Nets programme has revealed that cash transfers which support the most vulnerable people, and are implemented safely, transparently and accountably, have the potential to help vulnerable households stave off starvation, infection and eviction. They can also help reduce the vulnerability of survivors and those at risk of sexual and gender-based violence. The results of this programme demonstrate that nascent Kenyan ‘social protection’ programmes should be 1) immediately extended and expanded to the many vulnerable Kenyans currently not enrolled in any social protection programme; and 2) strengthened long-term to make them more effective, sustainable and accountable.
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Kaaret, Kaidi, et Evelin Piirsalu. Decarbonizing the EU’s road and construction sectors through green public procurement : the cases of Estonia and Poland. Stockholm Environment Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.031.
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Government spending on public works, goods and services in the European Union (EU) accounts for about 14% of the EU’s GDP. Consequently, the EU and its Member States (MS) can make a great impact in accelerating the development and uptake of low-carbon technologies through green public procurement (GPP). This brief is part of a wider project financed by Breakthrough Energy, aiming to understand the divergences in GPP uptake in different EU MS and to identify key barriers to greater adoption and opportunities ahead. Ultimately, the project aims to contribute to greater policy coherence among member states to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as to increase policy support for the design of GPP implementation frameworks and for harmonized GPP target-setting. In 2020, the road transport sector accounted for 23% and 20% of total Estonian and Polish GHG emissions, respectively, while the construction sector represented about 5% and 9% of Estonian and Polish total GHG emissions, respectively. These numbers point to the large mitigation potential that procuring authorities can support by including environmental criteria in procurements. In this brief, we share the results from our desktop research and stakeholder interviews for Estonia and Poland. Results from all cases and additional research will be published in a report later in 2022.
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Kelly, Elish, et Bertrand Maître. Identification Of Skills Gaps Among Persons With Disabilities And Their Employment Prospects. ESRI, septembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/sustat107.
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In 2013, the Irish Government published its National Disability Strategy Implementation Plan 2013-2015. As part of this strategy, a number of goals were set around participation, including job access for people with disabilities. This specific objective recommended a number of actions, including the commitment to publish a comprehensive employment strategy (CES) for people with disabilities. This strategy, the Comprehensive Employment Strategy for People with Disabilities, was published in 2015 for the period 2015-2024. The objective of this strategy, which is cross-governmental, is to support people with disabilities in accessing the labour market. Building on existing actions in the CES, the National Disability Authority (NDA) commissioned the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) to undertake quantitative research into the workplace skills and abilities of persons with disabilities. To undertake this research, a number of nationally representative data sources were utilised to characterise the skills/educational endowments and gaps among persons with disabilities compared to those without. Specifically, data from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC), the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), the Census of Population, and the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) were examined. Where the data permitted, we differentiated those with a disability by type, everyday difficulties (e.g. difficulty dressing), and/or severity level. We also examined the employment characteristics of people with disabilities compared to persons without, and investigated the impact of having a disability on an individual’s employment prospects. What follows is a summary of the principal findings from this research, including some discussion on future directions.
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Kelly, Elish, et Bertrand Maître. Identification Of Skills Gaps Among Persons With Disabilities And Their Employment Prospects. ESRI, septembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/sustat107.
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In 2013, the Irish Government published its National Disability Strategy Implementation Plan 2013-2015. As part of this strategy, a number of goals were set around participation, including job access for people with disabilities. This specific objective recommended a number of actions, including the commitment to publish a comprehensive employment strategy (CES) for people with disabilities. This strategy, the Comprehensive Employment Strategy for People with Disabilities, was published in 2015 for the period 2015-2024. The objective of this strategy, which is cross-governmental, is to support people with disabilities in accessing the labour market. Building on existing actions in the CES, the National Disability Authority (NDA) commissioned the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) to undertake quantitative research into the workplace skills and abilities of persons with disabilities. To undertake this research, a number of nationally representative data sources were utilised to characterise the skills/educational endowments and gaps among persons with disabilities compared to those without. Specifically, data from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC), the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), the Census of Population, and the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) were examined. Where the data permitted, we differentiated those with a disability by type, everyday difficulties (e.g. difficulty dressing), and/or severity level. We also examined the employment characteristics of people with disabilities compared to persons without, and investigated the impact of having a disability on an individual’s employment prospects. What follows is a summary of the principal findings from this research, including some discussion on future directions.
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Greenhill, Lucy. MASTS ‘Brexit’ event – summary report. Marine Alliance for Science and Technology for Scotland (MASTS), 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15664/10023.25094.
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Background. As negotiations continue in relation to the UK’s departure from the European Union, considerable uncertainty remains around the final structure of any deal and the implications across all policy areas. Maritime issues are of key concern in Scotland and numerous reports and opinions are accumulating, highlighting significant areas of concern, ranging from fisheries to decommissioning, and some potential opportunities. There is a critical need for knowledge and capacity to support and influence the on-going negotiation process, at both the Scottish and UK level. Expertise regarding the broad range of marine research, operations and commerce is in demand to support discussion, promote interests and secure advances where possible. Such discussion must be based on the best available science but taking into account the socio-economic and historical context. The Marine Alliance for Science and Technology for Scotland1 (MASTS) is supporting this discussion, providing scientific expertise and promoting the development of emerging policy and progress towards sustainable marine management, during the transition period and for the post-departure UK organisation. This workshop, supported by MASTS, brought government and academia together to consider the legal, governmental and research framework under which Brexit is taking place and to identify priority areas and activities where information can be shared and options considered for enhancing scientific support for the Brexit process. The objectives were to: • Understand current status of Brexit with respect to marine systems and research capacity, including the legislative framework • Identify the priority gaps in knowledge • Develop ways to enhance communication pathways for the best scientific advice required to support the Brexit process.
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Salavisa, Isabel, Mark Soares et Sofia Bizarro. A Critical Assessment of Organic Agriculture in Portugal : A reflection on the agro-food system transition. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2021.05.
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Over the last few decades, the organic agriculture sector has experienced sustained growth. Globally, as well as in the European Union and Portugal, organic production accounts for just under 10% of total Utilised Agricultural Area (UAA) (FiBL, 2019; Eurostat, 2019; DGADR, 2019; INE, 2019; GPP, 2019). This growth has been seen in terms of production, number of producers, amount of retail sales, imports and exports. This article attempts to build on the multi-level perspective (MLP) of the socio-technical (ST) transitions theory by employing a whole systems analysis (Geels, 2018) of organic agriculture in Portugal, which defends an integrated vision of the systems, where multiple interactions occur within and among the niche, the regime and the landscape levels. This approach has been employed in order to develop a critical analysis of the current state of the Portuguese organic agriculture sector, stressing the multiplicity of elements that are contributing to the agro-food system´s transformation into a more sustainable one. In fact, the agro-food system is related with climate change but also has connections with other domains such as public health, water management, land use and biodiversity. Therefore, it is affected by shifts in these areas. This analysis considers developments in increasing domestic organic production, number of producers, amount of retail sales, imports, exports, market innovations, and the sector´s reconfiguration. The organic sector´s increase has been attributed to European regulation, institutionalization, standardization, farmer certification, external (government) subsidy support programs, incremental market improvements (visibility and product access), the emergence of new retailers, the rise of supporting consumers and a shift away from conventional agriculture (Truninger, 2010; DGADR, 2019; Pe´er et al, 2019). However, together with positive incentives, this sector also faces numerous barriers that are hindering a faster transformation. Difficulties for the sector to date have included: product placement; a disconnect between production, distribution and marketing systems; high transport costs; competition from imports; European subsidies focused on extensive crops (pastures, olive groves, and arable crops), entailing a substantial growth in the area of pasture to the detriment of other crops; the fact that the products that are in demand (fresh vegetables and fruit) are being neglected by Portuguese producers; expensive certification procedures; lack of adequate support and market expertise for national producers; the hybrid configuration of the sector; and price. Organic agriculture as a niche-innovation is still not greatly contributing to overall agricultural production. The low supply of organic products, despite its ever-increasing demand, suggests that a transition to increased organic production requires a deeper and faster food system reconfiguration, where an array of distinct policies are mobilized and a diversity of actions take place at different levels (Geels, 2018; Pe´er et al, 2019). This paper will attempt to contribute an overall critical assessment of the organic sector´s features and evolution and will identify some of the main obstacles to be overcome, in order to boost the sustainability transition of the agro-food system in Portugal.
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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands et Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade : Which way forward ? Blavatnik School of Government, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.
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The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.
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Dudoit, Alain, Molivann Panot et Thierry Warin. Towards a multi-stakeholder Intermodal Trade-Transportation Data-Sharing and Knowledge Exchange Network. CIRANO, décembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54932/mvne7282.
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The performance of supply chains used to be mainly the concern of academics and professionals who studied the potential efficiencies and risks associated with this aspect of globalisation. In 2021, major disruptions in this critical sector of our economies are making headlines and attracting the attention of policy makers around the world. Supply chain bottlenecks create shortages, fuel inflation, and undermine economic recovery. This report provides a transversal and multidisciplinary analysis of the challenges and opportunities regarding data interoperability and data sharing as they relate to the ‘Great Lakes - St. Lawrence Seaway Trade Corridor’ (GLSLTC)’s intermodal transportation and trade data strategy. The size and scope of this trade corridor are only matched by the complexity of its multimodal freight transportation systems and growing urbanization on both sides of the Canada-US border. This complexity is exacerbated by the lack of data interoperability and effective collaborations between the different stakeholders within the various jurisdictions and amongst them. Our analytical work relies on : 1) A review of the relevant documentation on the latest challenges to supply chains (SC), intermodal freight transport and international trade, identifying any databases that are to be used.; 2) A comparative review of selected relevant initiatives to give insights into the best practices in digital supply chains implemented in Canada, the United States, and the European Union.; 3) Interviews and discussions with experts from Transport Canada, Statistics Canada, the Canadian Centre on Transportation Data (CCTD) and Global Affairs Canada, as well as with CIRANO’s research community and four partner institutions to identify databases and data that they use in their research related to transportation and trade relevant data availabilities and methodologies as well as joint research opportunities. Its main findings can be summarized as follow: GLSLTC is characterized by its critical scale, complexity, and strategic impact as North America’s most vital trade corridor in the foreseeable further intensification of continental trade. 4% of Canadian GDP is attributed to the Transportation and Logistics sector (2018): $1 trillion of goods moved every year: Goods and services imports are equivalent to 33% of Canada’s GDP and goods and services exports equivalent to 32%. The transportation sector is a key contributor to the achievement of net-zero emissions commitment by 2050. All sectors of the Canadian economy are affected by global supply chain disruptions. Uncertainty and threats extend well beyond the COVID-19 Pandemic. “De-globalization” and increasing supply chains regionalization pressures are mounting. Innovation and thus economic performance—increasingly hinges on the quantity and quality of data. Data is transforming Canada’s economy/society and is now at the center of global trade “Transport data is becoming less available: Canada needs to make data a priority for a national transportation strategy.” * “How the Government of Canada collects, manages, and governs data—and how it accesses and shares data with other governments, sectors, and Canadians—must change.”