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1
Arbatova, N. « Crisis and European Union : Political Aspects ». World Economy and International Relations, no 11 (2012) : 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-11-33-42.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The focal point of the article is the future of the European Union that has been challenged by the deepest systemic crisis in its history. The world economic and financial crisis became merely a catalyst for those problems that had existed earlier and had not been addressed properly by the EU leadership. The author argues that the EU crisis can be overcome only by new common efforts of its member-states and new integrationist projects.
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Елена Николаевна, Тованчова, et Полякова Ольга Андреевна. « GEOPOLITICAL CONTOURS OF EUROPE : HISTORICAL AND METODOLOGICAL ASPECTS ». STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 1, no 3 (septembre 2022) : 231–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2022-1-3-231-235.
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The article analyzes the essence and specifics of the functioning of the political process of the European Union in a globalizing world and the rapid change of the social and political situation, identifying the geopolitical features of the European Union, which reflect the position of subjective dominance in a complex configuration of annexation and secession manifestations associated with various formats of functional activities of global players in the geopolitical space and political reality of the European Union.
3
Bolonina. « “Non-Recognition” of the EAEU by the European Union : Political Aspects ». Contemporary Europe 101, no 1 (28 février 2021) : 200–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021200208.
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The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) positions itself as an open integration formation and considers the cooperation with external partners as a key feature of its functioning. However, while it is developing a growing network of trade agreements in the framework of a Great Eurasian Partnership, it faces difficulties in establishing a formal dialogue with a neighboring integration formation – the European Union (EU). In this article we propose to analyze political causes of such “non-recognition”, conditioned by the context of political tensions between Russia and the EU countries and by the perception of the EAEU as a tool for promotion of an integration model, alternative to the European one. The article offers recommendations to enhance the dialogue between the two integration unions, oriented at strengthening of objective economic prerequisites for EU ‒ EAEU cooperation, as well as at the formation of the EAEU identity, separate from the identities of its member-states.
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Martinez Caballero, Juan. « La ciudadanía de la Unión Europea y sus derechos : un análisis crítico ». Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no 23 (14 mars 2019) : 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.23.2018.24027.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Desde hace unas décadas, como consecuencia, fundamentalmente,del acusado déficit democrático de la Unión Europea,por las instituciones comunitarias se están adoptando medidas quepretender reducirlo y paliarlo. Entre dichas medidas se encuentranaquellas que pretender convertir a los ciudadanos de la Unión en laverdadera razón de ser de la misma, superando sus iniciales pretensionesexclusivamente económicas, ahondando en aspectos jurídicopolíticos,tales como la ciudadanía y sus derechos. No obstante, elalcance de estas medidas está siendo muy limitado pues tanto la regulaciónefectuada, como la realidad existente, pone de manifiestocomo la ciudadanía de la Unión Europea se sustenta en la nacionalidadde los Estados miembros, es decir, en normas de Derecho interno.Ello, unido a la preponderancia de los intereses económicossobre los aspectos políticos, hace que la construcción de una auténticaciudadanía europea, tal y como la entendemos desde el punto devista del Derecho interno, no se haya alcanzado todavía, aspecto quetiene su reflejo en el escaso alcance de los derechos que rodean a lamisma.For decades now, in consequence, fundamentally, ofthe pronounced democratic deficit of the European Union, measuresare being taken by the Community institutions that seek to reduceand alleviate it. Amongst these measures are those that seek to convertthe citizens of the Union into its real reason d’être, by overcomingthe initial exclusively financial claims, delving into political issues,such as citizenship and their rights. However, the significanceof these measures is being very limited, since both the regulationand the existing reality show how citizenship of the European Unionis based on the nationality of the Member States, that is, on rulesof domestic law. This fact, together with the preponderance of economicinterests over the political aspects, means that the constructionof a genuine European citizenship, as we understand it from thepoint of view of domestic law, has not yet been achieved, aspect thatis reflected in the scanty scope of the rights that surround it.
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Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek, Aleksandra. « Political aspects of security of the European Union Member States ». Przegląd Europejski, no 3.20 (1 septembre 2020) : 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.20.6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.
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Grill, Christiane, et Hajo Boomgaarden. « A network perspective on mediated Europeanized public spheres : Assessing the degree of Europeanized media coverage in light of the 2014 European Parliament election ». European Journal of Communication 32, no 6 (21 août 2017) : 568–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323117725971.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union has become an active political player in the political realm, raising the question about the European Union’s linkages with all aspects of political life reflected in national Europeanized public spheres. This study offers empirical evidence on the extent to which mass media support, challenge or even ignore political representatives in European Union affairs, and thus legitimize, respectively delegitimize European Union governance. The analysis is based on large-scale content analyses of print, TV and online news gathered before and after the 2014 European Parliament election in Austria ( N = 6432). Semantic networks show that national media focus on the European Union’s legislative body, the implications of the European Union’s exclusive competences on the nation state and on well-established European Union member countries. In doing so, national Europeanized public spheres constituted by the media legitimize the European Union’s governance in these areas while other aspects of European integration are ignored.
7
Oosterhof, Albert. « Legal Aspects of the EU Enlargement Negotiations ». Leiden Journal of International Law 7, no 2 (1994) : 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002983.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The recently concluded enlargement negotiations between the European Union and four applicant countries -Austria, Sweden, Finland and Norway-have so far been the last in a series of intensive negotiating efforts since the conclusion of the Treaty on the European Union (EU), the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA), the European Agreements with the Central and Eastern European countries and the conclusion of the Uruguay Round.
8
Newman, Karl, et Sophie Boyron. « I. Constitutional Aspects ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, no 3 (juillet 1999) : 703–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063533.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Article N of the Treaty on European Union (TEU ) called for an intergovernmental conference (IGC) in 1996 to reform the articles of the Treaty for which a revision is provided. Also, it was felt that the institutional question should be addressed before the next wave of enlargement; the institutional structure which was adopted to deal with six member States could hardly be stretched further to include the Eastern European applicant States. A complete re-engineering of the institutional framework was required. Furthermore, the reform of the institutions should tend to increase democracy in the Union.
9
Zvozdetska, Oksana. « Combating Disinformation in the European Union : Legal Aspects ». Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no 9 (28 décembre 2021) : 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2021.9.245-262.
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Today, both Ukraine and European countries are subject to disinformation and foreign intervention in their domestic policies. Each democracy no matter its geography experiences its distinct vulnerabilities and respectively, reactions to foreign interference. It should be stated, the immediate responses to such challenges in most Western countries have been rare and sluggish, hampered by legal constraints and bureaucracy, and furthermore, they lacked a real political awareness of the problem or proof of its further impact. Foreign actors are increasingly using disinformation strategies to influence public debate, stir controversy and interfere in democratic decision-making. Responding to these new challenges, the European Commission has introduced a set of actions and tools to better regulate the digital ecosystem of the media and its participants, in particular, the formation and improvement of the legal framework to combat disinformation in the European information space. The researcher’s focus revolves around the European Union’s comprehensive approach to vigorous combating misinformation. The research data prove that since 2015, the EU has adopted a number of regulations to counter this information threat and the potential effects of foreign interference. In particular, in 2016 the EU adopted a document “Joint Framework on countering hybrid threats, a European Union response”, and “Action Plan against Disinformation”, respectively in 2018. These documents provide a baseline for understanding the diverse types of challenges other countries face and how they are addressing them. Consequently, a number of initiatives and projects of the European institutions, and the first worldwide self-regulatory “EU Code of Practice on Disinformation” issued in 2018 on a voluntary basis, have become main pillars of the EU. The Code identifies issues related to ensuring the transparency of political advertising, strengthening efforts to close active counterfeits. accounts, enabling users to report misinformation and access various news sources, while improving the visibility and reliability of authoritative content; enabling the research community to monitor disinformation on the Internet through access to these platforms, compatible with the confidentiality signed by the largest Internet platforms and social media (Google, Facebook, Twitter and Mozilla) in the framework of WMC self-regulation activities. It should be noted that the implementation of the “European Union Code of Practice on Countering Disinformation” has yielded ambiguous fruits. Self-regulation was the first logical and necessary step, but few stakeholders were fully satisfied with the process or its outcome, significant challenges remain for building trust through industry, governments, academia and civil society engagement.
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GRABOWSKA, Marta. « LEGAL, POLITICAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL ASPECTS OF CYBERSECURITY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION ». On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe, no 38 (9 avril 2022) : 106–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/ojmne.2022.38.05.
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Krošláková, Monika, et Radoslava Mečiar. « The Selected Aspects of Gender Equality in European Union ». Studia commercialia Bratislavensia 5, no 19 (1 décembre 2012) : 411–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10151-012-0007-6.
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Abstract Despite the laws and regulations that should ensure equal gender treatment, women are still disadvantaged in all businesses and public sector. This discrimination is manifested particularly in the approach to jobs, financial evaluation, political nominations and opportunities of developing their abilities regardless of gender. The gender differences in work and public life remain even today the most visible evidence of inequality between men and women in our society. The gender equality is one of the fundamental principles of EU law and all its member countries committed to be in the compliance with it. This article reviews the current state of gender equality in EU.
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Varga, Márton. « The Security Complex of the European Union ». Hadtudomány 32, no 1 (14 juillet 2022) : 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17047/hadtud.2022.32.e.104.
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The security regime of Europe has enormously changed in the last thirty years. The European Union has developed not only on the political but also on the geographical level. That means, the former regional interpretation of the European security complex requires a review. With the new challenges and aspects, the European Union must redefine its foreign policy to be able to act as a global power, which is the declared ambition of the EU.
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Pruskus, Valdas. « GLOBALIZATION AND NATIONAL IDENTITY : THE ASPECTS OF POLITICAL ETHICS ». CREATIVITY STUDIES 1, no 2 (31 décembre 2008) : 199–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.199-209.
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The article shows that globalization makes the largest influence on three significant guarantees of national identity (and freedom) preservation: language, economic and political independence. The possibilities to preserve and to consolidate freedom are discussed as well. The first theme analyzed is the worship and promotion of language, cultural and national values which mean not only safety but also openness and accessibility for other cultures (interchange). The second is the renunciation of servant position in relation with the European Union, the self‐spread and defence of economic interests. The third is more active defend of political interests in the European Union in search for the partners whose interests seceded to coincide with ours. The fourth is the implementation of the political self‐government principle, which should be grounded on the striving to preserve the national identity and culture which supply civil society. This way the gap between authorities and inhabitants decreases, it diminishes the distrust of citizens in authorities and it increases responsibility and accountability of authorities to the people who elected them. It is hoped that everything above mentioned would form more favourable environment for national self‐awareness and freedom to spread and grow strong as well.
14
Chitimira, Howard. « Selected Aspects of the Regulation of Insider Trading and Market Manipulation in the European Union and South Africa ». African Journal of Legal Studies 8, no 3-4 (29 avril 2015) : 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342062.
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The increasingly global market has given rise to increased interaction and interdependence among national regulators as well as investors in different jurisdictions. However, this has brought several regulatory problems to the enforcement authorities particularly with regard to the detection, investigation and prosecution of cross-border market abuse activities in many jurisdictions, such as the European Union and South Africa. Consequently, the European Union became the first body to establish multinational market abuse laws in order to enhance the detection and combating of cross-border market abuse practices. The European Union Insider Dealing Directive was subsequently adopted in 1989 and was the first law that harmonised the insider trading ban among the European Union member states. Thereafter, the European Union Directive on Insider Dealing and Market Manipulation was adopted in a bid to increase the combating of all the forms of market abuse in the European Union’s securities and financial markets. Similar anti-market abuse regulatory efforts were also made in South Africa. In light of this, selected regulatory aspects of market abuse in the European Union and South Africa will be briefly and comparatively discussed in tandem. Thereafter, some concluding remarks will be provided.
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Poboży, Monika. « Obywatelstwo i obywatelskość w Unii Europejskiej ». Przegląd Europejski, no 1-2014 (29 juin 2014) : 44–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.14.3.
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Celebration of the 20th anniversary of the EU citizenship in 2013 was a good occasion for reflection on this institution. Has anything changed during this period in the status of European citizens and their role in the EU’s political system? Do they have opportunities to participate in the European decision-making process and to influence the European law and the direction of the EU’s development? Is the EU citizenship only a symbolic project that brings no added value? Can it be called “citizenship”? The article is devoted to answering these questions. The institution of the EU citizenship was analysed in two aspects: 1) citizenship as formal status connected with some rights and 2) civilness as mechanisms that guarantee participation in decisions on the future of a political community. The conclusion is that after 20 years the importance of the EU citizenship has been significantly increased, but only on declarative level – in the wording of treaties and institutional acts. However, this change has not caused the factual increase of citizen participation in the shaping of the European Union politics. It is the effect of a discrepancy on the EU level between citizenship as formal status and civilness as real empowerment of individual in the political system.
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Martynov, Andrii. « The political system of European Union after European Parliament Election of 2019 ». European Historical Studies, no 14 (2019) : 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.15-30.
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The politics of the European Union are different from other organizations and states due to the unique nature of the EU. The common institutions mix the intergovernmental and supranational aspects of the EU. The EU treaties declare the EU to be based on representative democracy and direct elections take place to the European Parliament. The Parliament, together with the European Council, works for the legislative arm of the EU. The Council is composed of national governments thus representing the intergovernmental nature of the European Union. The central theme of this research is the influence of the European Union Political system the Results of May 2019 European Parliament Election. The EU supranational legislature plays an important role as a producer of legal norms in the process of European integration and parliamentary scrutiny of the activities of the EU executive. The European Parliament, as a representative institution of the European Union, helps to overcome the stereotypical notions of a “Brussels bureaucracy” that limits the sovereignty of EU member states. The European Parliament is a political field of interaction between European optimists and European skeptics. The new composition of the European Parliament presents political forces focused on a different vision of the strategy and tactics of the European integration process. European federalists in the “European People’s Party” and “European Socialists and Democrats” consider the strategic prospect of creating a confederate “United States of Europe”. The Brexit withdrawal from the EU could help the federalists win over European skeptics. Critics of the supranational project of European integration do not have a majority in the new composition of the European Parliament. But they are widely represented in many national parliaments of EU Member States. The conflicting interaction between European liberals and far-right populists is the political backdrop for much debate in the European Parliament. The result of this process is the medium term development vector of the European Union.
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Żukowski, Arkadiusz, et Marcin Chelminiak. « European Union Enlargement and the new Peripheral Regions : Political, Economic and Social Aspects and Related Issues – A Case of Warmia and Mazury Region ». Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 8, no 4 (6 octobre 2010) : 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/8.4.353-367(2010).
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This paper analyses the problems of the new peripheral regions after the European Union enlargement. The last EU enlargements in 2004 and 2007 were the logical consequences of political, social and economic changes associated with the break-up of the Soviet Union and the disintegration of the Communist Bloc. These two enlargements led to substantial geopolitical consequences. The European Union’s demographic and territorial potential increased by around one-third. At the same time, the European Union structures moved east and southwards. In 2004, one of the Polish regions, the Warmia and Mazury region, faced some new challenges associated with the Polish accession to the EU. The years of Poland’s membership in the European Union have been a period of gaining experience in submitting EU projects for the region, and in allocating financial resources properly. The total effect of this period is rather positive. However, we must not forget that many negative economic and social phenomena still occur (e.g., a high unemployment rate, emigration of young educated people, etc.). Politically, a new challenge for the Warmia and Mazury region is going to be a continuation and development of the cross-border cooperation with the Kaliningrad region. Poland’s accession to the EU has had no positive impact on improving the Polish-Russian relations at the central decision-making level.
KEYWORDS: • European Union • regional development • new peripheral regions • Warmia and Mazury region
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Butyrska, Iryna. « The Development of Slovenia in the European Union : Social Aspects ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 35-36 (20 décembre 2017) : 102–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.102-108.
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The author proves that the successful stability of independent Slovenia contributed to a number of factors, existing since its being incorporated in the SFRY. The factor, uniting the state has become the common goal – the aspiration to join the EU. The process of the European integration contributed to the modernization of a number of spheres, in particular social, cultural and economic ones. The global financial and economic crisis has revealed the turmoil in the economy of the state and its leadership was forced to gradually reduce a significant part of social privileges for the population. This caused the tension in the society and reduced the level of the national unity, having a negative impact on people’s wellbeing.
However, since 2014, the Prime Minister M. Cherar has been trying to restore people’s trust in the state. The situation is getting better; indicators of trust in government are increasing, which also points to state capacity and political regime stability in Slovenia.
Keywords: Slovenia, state stability, social sphere, government
19
Baideldynov, Daulet. « Experience of European Integration in the Former Soviet Union : Political and Legal Aspects ». Polish Political Science Yearbook 44, no 1 (31 décembre 2015) : 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2015005.
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Antokhiv-Skolozdra, O. M. « Canada-EU relations in political sphere ». Актуальні проблеми філософії та соціології, no 27 (8 avril 2021) : 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32837/apfs.v0i27.935.
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The article considers the peculiarities of formation and development of relations between Canada and the European Union in political sphere. It points out that the common essence of approaches to modern international relations serves as a potential basis for building bilateral cooperation on the issues of establishing political cooperation. In the course of research on Canada’s foreign policy it was noted that there is a number of features that are due to both internal context and external factors. In particular, it refers the peculiar nature of Canadian statehood, the existence of two linguistic communities, geographical location, and immediate neighborhood with the United States. It emphasizes the similarity of Canada’s positions with the approaches of European countries to solving a number of problems of modern world development. The importance of maintaining the transatlantic connection is among the significant issues. At the same time, it should be taken into account that there are peculiarities of establishing and maintaining relations between Canada and the European Union. On the one hand these are the relations with a strong multinational association and on the other – with each individual member state. It is noted that, despite the long historical tradition in the relationship, the potential for cooperation between Canada and the EU is only partially used. It highlights the need for Canada to reach a new level in its relations with the European Union, provided that it maintains close relations with the United States of America. Areas of mutual interest, as well as problematic aspects of negotiations on a strategic partnership agreement between Canada and the European Union have been identified. Although Canada–EU relations are bilateral, they are evolving in a broader international context. It is analyzed that Canada can be a valuable partner for the European Union in the field of international relations. This country should strive to be involved in the preparation of important international decisions in order to build common positions and ensure a sufficient level of coordination between the parties.
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RAKHIMOVA, Maiya. « RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE BALTIC STATES : KEY ASPECTS ». PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND CIVIL SERVICE, no 2 (30 juin 2022) : 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2022-638.
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The issue of relations between Russia and The Baltic States is of particular relevance against the backdrop of interaction with the European Union. The change in the policy stance of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania after the Soviet Union’s collapse was reflected at the regional level. The desire to integrate the Baltic States into the EU and NATO has led to a series of determined political decisions that in turn have affected cooperation with Russia. In the process of developing relations with the European Union, the Russian Federation has begun to consider possibilities of cooperation with the Baltic countries as well. The article analyses the prospects for change, problems and cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Baltic states at the regional level.
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Bar Cendón, Antonio. « La Unión Europea : de la economía a la política, pasando por el Derecho = The European Union : from economics to politics through Law ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 32 (1 juillet 2013) : 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.32.2013.11781.
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La Unión Europea atraviese por una etapa difícil de crisis. Crisis que afecta a aspectos materiales, como su economía, sus finanzas y, muy en particular, las economías y finanzas de algunos de sus Estados miembros; pero crisis que afecta también a aspectos inmateriales, como su propia identidad y el futuro de su proyecto político. Muchas son las soluciones que se aportan para tratar de superar esta difícil etapa, sin embargo, en la mayoría de los casos se trata de soluciones inadecuadas porque no se adaptan a la naturaleza peculiar de la UE como entidad jurídico-política. Así, este trabajo, analiza, en primer lugar la naturaleza de la UE como entidad jurídico-política y las diferentes teorías que se han producido al respecto. En segundo lugar se analiza la situación actual de la UE y lo que ella hace al respecto, y, en tercer lugar se analizan las posibles soluciones que se aportan para esta situación crítica.The European Union is going through a difficult crisis phase. It is a crisis that affects material aspects such as its economy and finances and, very specifically, the economies and finances of some of its member states; but it is a crisis that affects also immaterial aspect such as its own identity and the future of its political project. Many are the solutions that have been proposed in order to overcome this difficult stage, but in most of the cases these are inadequate solutions since they are not adapted to the peculiar nature of the EU as a legal and political organization. Therefore, firstly, this article analyzes the nature of the EU as a political organization and the different theories that have been issued in this regard. Secondly, the present situation of the EU is analyzed, including a perspective on what it is doing in this regard, and thirdly, the solutions to overcome this critical situation which have been proposed so far are also analyzed.
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Talts, Mait. « Some Aspects of the Baltic Countries’ Pre- and Post- Accession Convergence to the European Union ». Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no 1 (1 juin 2013) : 58–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0005.
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AbstractThis comprehensive article provides an overview of the broader process of political, legal and societal changes characterizing the Baltic countries’ convergence towards the European Union. The article aims to identify the specific areas and issues which reveal both similarities and differences between the three Baltic countries. Special focus has been given to issues of economic development, economic policy choices, employment, public opinion and some legal aspects. The article, first of all, tries to reveal the differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania stemming from different economic policy decisions made by the Baltic countries in the 1990s as well as from to the fact that in 1997-1999 the European Union treated the Baltic countries somewhat differently in terms of conditionality. However, during the 21st century, especially due to the economic recession, the ‘Baltic clocks’ have been synchronized despite the obvious differences in political system and levels of economic development. The author of the current article believes that the main factor behind that development was the convergence to European Union.
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Michailidou, Asimina. « Democracy and New Media in the European Union : Communication or Participation Deficit ? » Journal of Contemporary European Research 4, no 4 (31 décembre 2008) : 346–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v4i4.129.
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At the heart of most academic and political debates regarding the future of the European Union lie three key ideas: openness and transparency; citizens’ participation in the decision-making process; and democratic legitimacy. Scholars and EU policy-makers have advocated the use of new media, particularly the Internet, in the democratising process of the EU.This article focuses on the top-down aspect of the online European public dialogue and the opportunities that the EU’s public communication strategy offers to citizens for involvement in shaping the Union’s political nature.Following a ‘multi-method’ approach for the gathering of empirical data, the Internet’s role in the EU’s public communication strategy is examined here from four aspects: the European Commission’s public communication policies (document analysis); the Commission’s implementation of its online policies (website analysis); their impact on key Internet audiences (user survey); and the views of policy-makers (semi-structured interviews with senior Commission officials).
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Žák, Milan, et Petr Vymětal. « Institutional aspects of new comparative economy : Czech republic and European union ». Politická ekonomie 54, no 5 (1 octobre 2006) : 583–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.polek.574.
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Nursultanova, L. N., et A. E. Erkin. « POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC COOPERATION OF KAZAKHSTAN AND THE MIDDLE EAST : HISTORICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL ASPECT ». edu.e-history.kz 31, no 3 (20 octobre 2022) : 333–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/2710-3994_2022_31_3_333-343.
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The modern history of Kazakhstan includes cardinal reforms, socio-economic changes, as well as the transformation of the political system. Kazakhstan is a subject of new geopolitical realities and an active factor in the international arena. The multi-vector course of our Republic's foreign policy allows us to pursue a balanced strategy with the international community.The First President of Kazakhstan N.Nazarbayev defined the long-term goal of forming and maintaining constructive relations with thecountries of the near and far abroad. The institutional reforms carried out allowed the European Union toassign Kazakhstan the status of a country with a market economy. The foreign policy of the Republic ofKazakhstan is aimed at implementing a competitive economy,attracting foreign investments that meetnational interests.Kazakhstan has achieved success in the regional economy and participates in global projects, joined the World Trade Organization, is building fruitful and constructive ties with the European Union, the OIC and other international organizations.Kazakhstan's cooperation with the countries of the Near and Middle East has many aspects. Within the framework of one monograph, it is impossible to explore different issues of relations between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the BSV, which have many directions. Perhaps this will be the task of further scientific research.
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Jeannet, Anne-Marie. « A threat from within ? Perceptions of immigration in an enlarging European Union ». Acta Sociologica 63, no 4 (13 janvier 2020) : 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699319890652.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Scholars have taken a considerable interest in how global immigration to Europe generates public concern, but we still know little about the role that migration from within the European region has in fueling apprehensions. To better understand this, I examine how public attitudes towards immigration have responded to migration following the European Union’s most extensive enlargement along its eastern border in 2004. Using recent advances in multilevel modeling, this article analyzes the longitudinal, cross-sectional relationship between east–west internal European migration on public attitudes towards the economic and cultural aspects of immigration in Western Europe using individual-level data from the European Social Survey (2004–2014). The results demonstrate that growing populations of Central and Eastern European foreigners have contributed to Western Europeans’ perception of immigration as an economic threat, even when taking into account simultaneous immigration from outside Europe. Moreover, the relationship between east–west immigration and an individual’s perception of immigration as a threat is conditional upon their socio-economic status. These findings underscore how within-European immigration in Western Europe has become consequential to the public’s attitudes about immigration more generally.
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Warbrick, Colin, Dominic McGoldrick, Mark Mackarel et Susan Nash. « I. Extradition and the European Union ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 46, no 4 (octobre 1997) : 948–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300061297.
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To assist effective legal co-operation in combating criminal activity, the Justice and Home Affairs Council of the European Union has recently concluded two new conventions to simplify and improve extradition procedures between member States of the European Union. In doing so, the Council set in motion a process whereby existing arrangements for extradition were examined with a view to making them more flexible. In 1995 the Council recommended that the convention on simplified extradition be adopted in order to fulfil the aim of efficiency in the field of criminal justice. Its aim was to speed up extradition in cases where persons consented to be extradited. However, after further discussion concerning other aspects of extradition the Council eventually recommended that member States adopt far more radical procedures. The 1996 convention relating to “involuntary” extradition between member States appears to bypass several procedures designed to offer a degree of protection for the fugitive offender. Traditionally, extradition procedures have sought to offer a balance between judicial co-operation in the fight against crime and protecting the fundamental rights of the individual, and these concerns are acknowledged within the preambles to both the new EU conventions. However, the new conventions make several alterations to what can be regarded as established extradition procedures. In this article we examine these new procedures and consider whether the balance has shifted too far in favour of law enforcement at the expense of fundamental legal protections.
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Vasil'ev, V. « Anti-Crisis Policies of A. Merkel in Framework of European Union ». World Economy and International Relations, no 5 (2013) : 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-5-56-66.
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The article explores specific political aspects of the policy line pursued by the FRG Chancellor A. Merkel as aimed to overcome the debt crisis in the debt-distressed countries of the European Union and to sustain the unity of Europe. It analyzes particular features of policy by the German Chancellor towards partners and competitors in the conditions of the European crisis.
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Strezhneva, M. « Financial Aspects of the European Green Deal ». Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no 4 (2021) : 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-4-13-23.
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The climate policy of the European Union became the key priority for the European Commission, headed by Ursula von der Leyen. This article analyses both its internal and external dimensions, while concentrating on the finances of the European Green Deal, the multiyear strategy for the EU socio-economic development. The methods are demonstrated which the EC employs to mobilize public and private capital for the realization of the green transit, including the financial instruments designed to assist businesses when investing in clean energy and industry. The notion of ‘sustainable’ investment is specified that Brussels is guided by when working out its financial decisions. The EU taxonomy, a green classification system that translates the EU's climate and environmental objectives into criteria for specific economic activities for investment purposes, is presented. The research reveals how the market and regulatory powers of the EU are brought to bear in rolling out its controversial Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism. By means of this transnational taxation Brussels hopes to avoid carbon leakage: the situation that allegedly may occur if European carbon-intensive businesses were to transfer production to other jurisdictions with laxer emission constraints. Yet a lack of flexibility in applying the CBAM is causing concern in many countries of the world, including the USA, Brazil, South Africa and China. In EU-Russia relations in particular, it risks increasing political tensions and/or causing trade retaliation due to low levels of mutual trust. Russia developing energy transition plans of her own, her efforts in this respect are now visibly stimulated by the declared EU intention to externalize its regulatory practices. At the same time, Moscow perceives this externalization as an imposition which is most unwelcome and hurts Russia disproportionally. Presumably, the European Union could put more effort in negotiating and developing this latest European initiative with international partners to win new willing ears for it.
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Wardana, Adhi. « UPAYA PEMERINTAH TURKI UNTUK BERGABUNG DENGAN UNI EROPA ». Global Political Studies Journal 1, no 2 (31 octobre 2017) : 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v1i2.2015.
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The European Union is an inter-governmental organization whose members are European countries. Since July 1, 2013 already has 28 member countries, many countries of the European region who want to join the European Union, one of which is Turkish, the extent to which the Turkish government's efforts to join the European Union? This study aims to determine the extent of the Turkish Government Efforts To Join The European Union (2004-2008). To be able to Turkey joining the European Union must meet the Copenhagen criteria which consists of the political criteria, economic and acquis, Turkey must conform to all the regulations of the European Union so researchers try to analyze from the effort, constraints, and prospects for Turkey to join the European Union. This type of research is a qualitative research method used is descriptive analysis techniques. aims to describe the facts related to the problem under study. Most of the data that is collected through library research, online data retrieval, and documentation, data were then analyzed with a theoretical approach to dealing with International Relations. The results showed that the Turkish government has made progress in meeting the criteria candidates are awarded by the European Union, Turkey showed promising economic growth, recorded during the year 2004-2008 Turkish economic growth averaged 7%. Turkey managed to adopt new chapters in the Acquis criteria, although there are many other chapters that have not adapted to the European Union, in the political aspects of the Turkish government has been working hard to solve the problem of ham with the Kurds, Armenia and Cyprus, but in line with the efforts that have been The Turkish government in its application, there are still many obstacles that eventually make Turkey's accession to EU membership back hampered..
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Potyomkina, O. « Anti-Terror Policies of the European Union ». World Economy and International Relations, no 2 (2011) : 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-2-48-58.
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The international community recognized the terrorism as one of the main modern threats to humanity. The European Union, however, still has not formed an integrated general model of interaction between the national agencies in the fight against terrorism. There is only some level of cooperation and coordination among them. By using the conventions as the main legal instrument in the fight against terrorism at the global level the international community simply reacts to the emergence of new forms and terrorist targets. Despite the fact that the conventions cover important areas of the fight against terrorism the proposals on concluding a comprehensive convention are far from realization. The negotiations on a common approach, identifying and assessing terrorism at the global level are in an impasse. The article treats different aspects of combatting terrorism and the European Union actions in this direction.
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Meng-Papantoni, Maria. « The EU Energy Sector in Turmoil. Legal Aspects of the Role of Gas as a Bridge towards the Net-Zero : A Concise Outlook ». Zeitschrift für europarechtliche Studien 25, no 4 (2022) : 791–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-439x-2022-4-791.
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Climate change poses an existential threat to our planet, our health, and our well-being. This has been identified by the European Union (EU), which seeks to change its regulatory framework to adjust to a more sustainable paradigm. This paper seeks to present how the Union plans to transform its internal gas markets via the newly announced “Hydrogen and Decarbonised Gas Market” Package. From a legal viewpoint, this paper tries to illustrate the main proposed changes within the new legislative initiative which contribute to the conquest of the highest political goal of our century, the full decarbonisation of the European Union by 2050. Following the invasion of Ukraine and the recent decisions undertaken by the European Union to rapidly and completely decouple from fossil fuels, mainly originating from Russia, the achievement of this goal becomes more urgent than ever before.
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Čepo, Dario. « European integration in a constructivist prism : the construction of a supranational community and the transformation of (supra) national identities ». Contemporary Mediterranean 1, no 1 (janvier 2022) : 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17818/sm/2021/1.1.
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The paper uses the constructivist theory of international relations in order to explain the main aspects of the development of the European Union, i.e. the process of European integration. Also, with the help of European integration, an attempt is made to clarify the relevance and importance of using constructivism as a theoretical and conceptual framework for understanding political and political-science concepts, which is still, with a few exceptions, a rarity in Croatian political science. By using concepts and notions that emerged halfway between sociology and political science, this paper points to the importance of studying the concepts of identity, language, socialization and norms, in order to fully understand the development of a complex political system as is the European Union. At the very end, general conclusions are offered about the importance of using different schools of thought, including constructivism, if we want to fully understand the development of a political phenomenon, but it also points out certain weaknesses and criticisms, which should be taken into account when using constructivism as a prism that seeks to describe and clarify a specific political phenomenon.
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Starodubtseva, Maria A., Valery A. Mazurov et Ekaterina A. Shushakova. « EUROPEAN UNION STRATEGY FOR THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM ». Society and Security Insights 3, no 2 (20 juin 2020) : 158–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ssi(2020)2-10.
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The article analyzes the European Union counter-terrorism strategy. The authors give a brief outline of the formation of a system of supranational bodies of the EU. The absence of an integrated approach to the issue, the lack of narrow definitions of the terrorist threat is indicated. Given that, despite the fact that the EU’s attention is again (if not more) focused on the security aspect of terrorism (i.e. the fight against terrorism), and not on the myriad of other complex aspects that lead to it (i.e. the prevention of terrorism), the authors of the article conclude that the EU still does not fully understand the nature of terrorism. Its political dynamics are still driven by crisis situations, and the EU does not seem to want to deviate significantly in real terms from any of its previous strategies. In the authors' view, the EU’s approach to combating terrorism (politics, not rhetoric) will remain the same: focusing on security cooperation while promoting initiatives that create the impression that other areas, such as civic cooperation and intercultural dialogue, are not completely excluded . This will remain the main focus of the EU's anti-terrorism policy: with each terrorist attack (whether group or single), calls will be intensified to expand security cooperation in the context of EU integration and ensuring public safety. According to the authors, the development of a single concept will enhance the joint actions of states to destroy the terrorist threat.
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Koller, Boglárka. « Book review : The European polis by George Schöpflin ». Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 9, no 4 (2021) : 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2021.4.5.
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George Schöpflin’s latest monograph provides a unique understanding of the politics of contemporary Europe in two ‘interconnected essays’. The first part focuses on a comprehensive interpretation of the EU’s political community, the European polis. The author argues that political innovation has slowed considerably in the last decade, particularly after the Lisbon Treaty entered into force and the EU was gradually transformed into a punitive polis. The second part of the book focuses on the relationship between Central Europe and the European Union. Central Europe is European, but differently European. The shortcomings of the Eastern enlargement, Central Europe’s misadventure in the European Union and the unseen and unintended consequences of the 2004–2007–2011 enlargement waves all contributed to the development of a troubled relationship between the EU and its new members. The volume combines both theoretical and practical aspects, making it a relevant contribution to European Studies literature.
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Breckinridge, Robert E. « Reassessing Regimes : The International Regime Aspects of the European Union ». JCMS : Journal of Common Market Studies 35, no 2 (juin 1997) : 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00056.
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Troitiño, David Ramiro. « The European Union Facing the 21st Century : The Digital Revolution ». TalTech Journal of European Studies 12, no 1 (1 mai 2022) : 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2022-0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The European Union is a unique political process in the world. It continuously integrates different aspects creating a communality among its Member States. The process of integration responds to the necessities of the organization to adapt to the social, political, and economic reality and solving the dysfunctionalities arisen from the process. Currently, digitalization is a process required to adapt the European Union to the reality, to provide a common frame to an existing digital world. Therefore, the EU needs to respond the requirements of the society for the implementation of European standards in a new, but already relevant, area. In addition, the EU drag from the past dysfunctionalities that can be addressed thanks to the new possibilities generated by the digitalization of politics and economy. This research analyses both the necessity of adapting and solving previous obstacles under the prism of the available digital solutions.
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Sharoichenko, Natalia. « Spain and the European Union : topical issues of interaction ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no 4 (28 décembre 2017) : 70–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-70-73.
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This article analyzes various aspects of interaction of Spain and European Union (EU) at the present stage. Due to the fact that the studied period is less than six months (including several events happened in a period less than a month) before presenting the paper, this research is topical and covers issues which were not examined before in academic literature. The aim of the study is to analyze major problems on which Spain has made suggestions for positive changes in the EU recently. The research was conducted with the help of such methods, as event-analysis, comparison and system approach. The article implies consistent and coherent analysis of important recent events, political and economic processes which actors were Spain and the European Union. In order to make the research comprehensive, materials of international media, official statements and papers of researchers from Spanish-speaking countries on associated topics were studied. The main conclusion on Spain’s participation in political and economic processes at the level of the EU is that Spain suggests different ways to strengthen economies of the Eurozone, accelerate integration in the framework of the EU, resolve migration crisis and fight against terrorism in Europe. Thanks to economic growth during this year and relative stabilization of political situation after the party crisis, Spain began to participate more actively in international projects within the EU, and it is engaged in a constructive dialogue on the most urgent European problems.
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TSARIK, V. S. « COUNTERING ‘RUSSIAN INFORMATION THREAT’ IN THE EUROPEAN UNION POLICY AFTER THE UKRAINE CRISIS : DISCOURSE AND INSTITUTIONAL ASPECTS ». Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 15, no 5 (2020) : 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2020-15-5-107-123.
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The purpose of the article is to study the order and progress of the mobilization of the European Union and its bureaucratic structures to counter the "Russian information threat" after the Ukrainian crisis (2015-2016), the role of individual states and EU bodies in the process of getting involved in the fight against "Russian disinformation" and especially doctrinal consolidation and institutional organization of this opposition in the activities of the European Union. The study showed that of all the communitarian bodies of the European Union, the most active role in promoting the discourse on the "Russian information threat" after the Ukrainian crisis was played by the European Parliament, which was the main platform for bringing this topic to the level of the European public space and the EU political agenda. The most significant practical effect in terms of doctrinal and institutional consolidation of this discourse at the EU level was made by the European External Action Service, within which in mid-2015 the East Stratcom Task Force was formed. The East Stratcom Operational Working Group, responsible for monitoring and timely refutation of "Russian fakes and disinformation", voiced radical assessments in relation to certain (pro) Russian information materials. The European Commission has shown the least activity in strengthening the confrontation with Russia in the information sphere. In doctrinal terms, in 2015–2016 the European Union has made significant progress towards recognizing the relevance of information and so-called “hybrid” threats, however, at the level of the basic position documents adopted during the period under review (primarily the EU Global Strategy 2016), the direct linkage of these threats to Russia was not clearly articulated.
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Вербицкая, Татьяна, Tatyana Verbitskaya, Полина Гилева, Polina Gileva, Федор Золотарев, Fedor Zolotarev, Дмитрий Коростелев et al. « The Catalan Conflict in Spain : Consequences for the European Union ». Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series : Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2018, no 4 (14 janvier 2019) : 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2018-4-13-18.
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The present paper identifies the specific features of the conflict between Madrid and Catalonia and its significance for the European Union. The Catalan conflict serves here as an example of the regionalism processes in the European Union. The author defines the conflict as postmodern, which determines the novelty of the research. The research employed integrated scientific methods. The comparative method was used to compare the economic, social, cultural, and political positions and aspects of Catalonia and Spain; the method of actualization was used to describe the situation taking into account the specifics of the region; the method of structural analysis was used to study the content of the conflict. The authors applied the systemic approach since the structure of the Spanish political system is extremely complex. Analytical expert articles, news reports, and video recordings were used as an empirical research base. As a result, some features of the conflict in the postmodern world were revealed and exemplified by the Catalan crisis.
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Rozée, Stephen Anthony. « The European Union as a Comprehensive Police Actor ». Journal of Contemporary European Research 7, no 4 (4 décembre 2011) : 435–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v7i4.301.
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The European Union (EU) has responded to changing security threats by seeking to increase cooperation between the law enforcement agencies of the Member States, granting further powers to Europol and other intelligence-sharing institutions, and by undertaking police missions beyond EU borders. The literature relating to EU policing is generally focused on the ‘internal’ and ‘external’ dimensions, or on specific aspects of police activity. This tendency to concentrate on narrow or isolated areas of policing has led to a significant gap regarding the broader analysis of the EU as a comprehensive police actor. Important questions about the nature of EU policing as a whole, as well as the contribution of policing activities to the EU’s security agenda, remain unexplored in the literature. This article aims to define what is meant by ‘comprehensive policing’ and to indentify criteria by which the comprehensiveness of EU-level policing may be measured. In addition to this, an integrated actorness/police comprehensiveness framework will be presented as a tool for assessing the EU as a comprehensive police actor.
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Lahusen, Christian, et Maria Theiss. « European Transnational Solidarity : Citizenship in Action ? » American Behavioral Scientist 63, no 4 (7 février 2019) : 444–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218823836.
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Europeans proclaim a readiness to engage for solidarity in support of others, even across their most immediate environment. However, our knowledge is rather limited on how widespread transnational European solidarity might be. Additionally, we do not know what kinds of beliefs and ideas are patterning cognitively the popular conceptions of transnational European solidarity. This article aims to present fresh insights on all these aspects. The analysis is based on a survey conducted in the context of the TransSOL project. This survey provides data about citizens reporting to have supported people abroad through various practices. In conceptual and theoretical terms, the article wishes to analyze and discuss transnational European solidarity from the perspective of political citizenship. Findings show that solidarity activities in support of other Europeans are more likely among citizens with “civic” skills and commitments, stronger identifications with the European Union, and preferences for more inclusive social rights.
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Brito, Wladimir. « 40/30 (years) of Constitution and Integration : The national and European representation crisis ». UNIO – EU Law Journal 3, no 1 (2 janvier 2017) : 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.3.1.5.
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This article critically approaches some issues of legal and political nature, necessarily controversial, raised by the Portuguese accession to the EU and the own political action of the Union, with the purpose to draw attention to the aspects that seem to be the most relevant in the 40/30 years milestone of the Constitution and the European integration. Amongst these issues I point out the followings: 1) perception and way of receiving the European integration by the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic, 2) degradation of the democratic principle and of the political representation due to the intervention of the EU in the member states politics or the effect of empting the internal politics caused by the action of the EU, 3) globalisation, neoliberalism and the crisis of the democratic power: producing the effect of moving the locus of the democratic powerand the erosion in the relations of the EU with the member states, 4) the EU as a space of action of the market against people. I intend, then, to provoke the debate on these relevant problems of the EU integration.
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Pochet, Philippe, et Christophe Degryse. « Monetary union and the stakes for democracy and social policy ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 19, no 1 (21 janvier 2013) : 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258912469915.
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The democratic and social aspects of the new European governance are not really separable. In the 1970s monetary union was seen as the successful culmination of political and social integration; subsequently, it was regarded as the trigger for such integration. Finally, the Maastricht Treaty opted for monetary union in the absence of political union, on a basis of rule-based governance for the public finances and with social policy playing the role of shock absorber. Since 2008 the crises in the euro area have shown that this route does not lead to increased convergence and their result has been to exacerbate the dismantling of social models. Today the question of political integration has come once again to the surface, albeit accompanied so far by scant democratic debate. The authors of this contribution consider that EMU will never be stable in the absence of real debate on the varying options and of a strengthening of the European social model.
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Papanikos, Gregory T. « Democracy and Politics : An Introduction to the Special Issue of the Athens Journal of Social Sciences ». ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 9, no 2 (2 janvier 2022) : 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-2-0.
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This paper is an introduction to the special issue of the Athens Journal of Social Sciences on Politics. It includes six papers, which relate to various aspects of politics in today’s democracies. The first paper examines populism in selecting political parties of the European Union (EU); the second explains a political experiment performed in USA; the third discusses the prospects of the 2022 elections in Brazil; the fourth states that democracies need leaders as this is the case with Israel; the fifth looks at a real threat to democracy which is radicalism and violence using the case of the Slovakian youth; and the last paper examines a case of primary elections of a Greek political party (PASOK). Keywords: politics, democracy, elections, Brazil, Greece, Israel, Slovakia, USA, European Union, Latin America
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Djurovic, Gordana, et Damjan Lajh. « Relationship with the European Union : Slovenia and Montenegro Compared ». Politics in Central Europe 16, no 3 (1 décembre 2020) : 667–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0030.
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Abstract As part of former Yugoslavia and non -members of the Eastern Bloc, Slovenia and Montenegro enjoyed a special status and relationships with the European Communities (EC) before most other socialist countries. Economic and social interactions with the EC and its member states thus formed part of Slovenian and Montenegrin life even during socialism, particularly after Yugoslavia signed special agreements on trade relations with the EC in the 1970s and 1980s. In this respect, Europeanisation as ‘practical’ integration with the EC was closely linked with liberalisation processes concerning the economy, society and politics along with democratic transition processes that began in the late 1980s. When Slovenia joined the European Union (EU) in 2004 following a relatively smooth integration process, Montenegro was still holding EU candidate member status, after having officially started its accession negotiations in June 2012. The article analyses selected development and integration aspects of Slovenia and Montenegro, their relationship with the EU, together with their similarities and differences. The aim is to highlight developments in both countries and determine whether Slovenia, as an ex -Yugoslav republic and EU member since 2004, may serve as a good example for Montenegro to follow while pursuing European integration.
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Ilyushyk, O. M., et N. I. Didyk. « Administrative and legal foundations of the state policy of the European integration of Ukraine ». Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no 4 (27 novembre 2022) : 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.04.35.
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The article is devoted to the study of the essence and structure of the administrative and legal mechanism of state policy in the field of European integration of Ukraine. The article examines the main aspects of Ukraine's accession to the European Union. Membership in this organization is considered as a key practical means of forming an effective open economy. The experience of member countries, namely their current economic development and political situation, is analyzed: both positive and negative examples are highlighted. The potential benefits and possible threats in the development of our state upon joining the European Union have been determined and substantiated. The main barriers to Ukraine's acquisition of membership of the European Union and options for their elimination are considered. European integration, declared as a strategic direction of Ukraine's development, is not only a foreign economic vector, but also a reference point of values for the entire Ukrainian society. Ukraine's integration into the European Union today is supported by all government structures and the vast majority of the Ukrainian population, 81%. However, many objective and subjective difficulties arise in this strategic direction of our state's development. Moreover, overcoming them depends not only on Ukraine, but also on external factors that are outside its borders. Special attention is paid to the social, economic and cultural problems of modern Ukraine. Conclusions were made about the need to make balanced political and economic decisions, which depend on the prospects of Ukraine's integration into the European Union. The article is devoted to the coverage of the topic of the legal basis of membership in the European Union, the criteria that the state must meet in order to acquire the status of a candidate for membership. In the European Union, a strict approach is applied to the issue of granting membership, which is explained by the fact that a member of the European Union cannot be any state that territorially belongs to Europe, but only a state that adheres to the basic values of the association and together with the member states brings them to life.
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Amaral, Maria Lúcia. « Forty years of Constitution, Thirty years of integration ». UNIO – EU Law Journal 3, no 1 (2 janvier 2017) : 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.3.1.6.
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This article presents an assessment on the history of the Portuguese constitutional option for the European project path. It also reflects about the juridical-political aspects of the construction of the European Portugal and the meanings of sovereignty and self-determination in the context of the European integration, highlighting that in the present the ones responsible for its political conduction are not known, especially when we consider the crisis of the sovereign debts.
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Schmidtke, Oliver. « Informal Governance in the European Union ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no 1 (mars 2005) : 239–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905270105.
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Informal Governance in the European Union, Christiansen, Thomas and Simona Piattoni, eds., Celtenham (UK) and Northampton, MA (USA): Edward Elgar, 2003, pp. viii, 274.The nature of governance in the European Union (EU), the production of authoritative decisions through a plurality of actors and institutional arrangements, has been at the centre of recent scholarly debates. While at first sight many of its institutions resemble their national counterparts the EU seems to have established a system of governance sui generis with modes of decision-making that reflect the distinct institutional distribution of power and the complex multi-level game of accommodating interests in the regional, national and European arena. Thomas Christiansen and Simona Piattoni have focused on one critical aspect of this evolving mode of decision-making, namely, the role of informal governance. It is defined as the operation of networks and actors pursuing common goals through regular, though not codified and not publicly sanctioned exchanges in the institutional context of the EU.