Thèses : « European Union – Political aspects »

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RUIZ, SOLER Javier. « Is Twitter the new coffee house ? : the contribution of the European political Twittersphere to the European public sphere and European demos ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63305.

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Defence date: 12 June 2019
Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor); Prof. Giovanni Sartor, European University Institute; Prof. Luigi Curini, University of Milan; Prof. Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Lund University
A Public Sphere and a demos are intrinsic key elements of any democratic society. The literature has pointed out that social media platforms can play an important role in developing direct interactions between users and creating a sense of community. Can Twitter contribute to the emergence of a transnational networked European Public Sphere and European demos? This thesis examines the contribution of the European Political Twittersphere to this question. I divide the question into three articles. In each I use a different theoretical framework and methodological approach to two datasets of two issue publics (the Schengen agreement and the transatlantic trade partnership, TTIP) collected through the public Twitter Streaming API from August 2016 to April 2017. In the first article I explore the actor level of the networks created from the Twitter data. I investigate whether these Twitter networks constitute networked publics where non-elite actors receive attention and play an important role by the number of mentions and retweets. In the second article I explore the question of the constitution of European transnational networks. To do so, I geolocate the accounts involved in the two networks to identify the type of interactions the users establish, whether national or transnational. In the third article I analyse the content of these networks by extracting what sentiments the users express for the topics, and whether they see themselves and the topics as national or European. The three articles capture three features of the European Political Twittersphere. First, the results indicate the presence of transnational European networks. Second, built from the bottom-up where non-elite actors receive most of the attention. And third, composed of a multilingual demoi where the users see themselves and the topics as European. However, although these mapped Twitter networks contribute to some extent to transnational interaction and a sense of community, the deliberative quality of these networks is low.

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Schilcher, Daniela, et n/a. « Supranational governance of tourism : aid, trade and power relations between the European Union and the South Pacific island states ». University of Otago. Department of Tourism, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080508.150955.

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This thesis examined the role of supranational organisations (SOs) in the governance of tourism in a North-South context. Focusing on the issue area of development cooperation, this thesis investigated the question of how and why SOs got involved in tourism in developing countries, and more specifically, in small island developing states. Such involvement may occur either directly through aid funded projects or indirectly through international trade regimes that impact on tourism in the aid recipient countries. The thesis adopted a case study approach focussing on the European Union�s (EU�s) involvement in the governance of tourism in South Pacific island states. Grounded in a history of colonialism, the EU has been involved in the �development� of the South Pacific for more than three decades, which allowed to track changes in development philosophy over time. Focusing on the concept of power, the case was assessed in a multi-scalar manner, analysing the EU�s involvement from the global down to the local level. Never before has an entire multilevel polity been assessed in one coherent case study, incorporating actors situated at all levels and ranging from supranational organisations to national governments, businesses, communities, and individuals. The methods employed in this thesis included interviews, participant observation, document analysis (policy documents and newspapers), and subsequently critical discourse analysis. The latter served to highlight the so-called �third face of power� (Lukes 1974), which is closely related to the concept of ideological hegemony. Interviews were conducted in Fiji and Samoa with officials of the South Pacific Delegations of the EU, officials of tourism authorities, NGOs, tourism operators and community members. Elite interviews in Brussels were conducted with officials of the European Commission and the European Parliament. Under all scales and �faces� of power the EU was found to be the dominant actor, while the issue of self-interest appeared to play a key role. At a macro-level, the EU clearly dominated in most overt decision-making situations during negotiations on aid and trade agreements. As concerned the inclusion of tourism in the agreements, the relative importance of the sector was clearly dependent on the European Commission�s prevailing attitude on �tourism and development� at any point in time. At a meso- and micro-level, the EU�s influence was less obvious yet nonetheless existent, for example through funding rules and the use of European consultants. Indirect influence also occurred at the national level. In particular the substitution of a preferential trade regime with a free trade agreement (the Economic Partnership Agreements), which is currently being negotiated between the EU and the Pacific Islands, is likely to have a significant impact on the economic importance of tourism, as well as public policy in the South Pacific. In a mini case study of Samoa, it was found that the resulting changes in tourism policy would have a significant impact �on the ground�, in particular with regard to rates of local ownership and control. Overall, power relations were found to be highly unequal and self-determination and empowerment have largely not been achieved. However, more research is needed to examine the ability to generalise the findings to other geographic regions or other types of SOs. The key contribution of this thesis in the theoretical realm constitutes its bridging of agency and structure within multi-level governance, which may be conceived as a �third way� to either dependency theory-influenced studies (global/structure) or community approaches (local/agency).

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Marengo, Umberto. « The European Union in the international energy regime and relations with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, 1981-2013 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709420.

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Breindl, Yana. « Hacking the law : an analysis of internet-based campaigning on digital rights in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209836.

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Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.

The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.

Doctorat en Information et communication
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Papandropoulos, Sylvie-Pénélope. « Issues in european competition policy : lobbying, reputation and R&D co-operation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211988.

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Weerts, Laurence. « Mutations et utilisations du concept de "frontière" dans l'intégration européenne : une analyse des recompositions des modes de gouvernement et de légitimation dans l'ordre politique européen ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211212.

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Penwarden, Mia. « Suur druiwe ? Wyn, die TDCA en Suid-Afrika ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53076.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In October 1999 South Africa and the European Union (EU) signed a free trade agreement, the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA), which came into effect on 1 January 2000. The TDCA was developed to enhance bilateral trade, economic-, political- and social cooperation and consists of three components - the creation of a Free Trade Area between South-Africa and the EU, EU financial aid to South Africa through the European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD), and project aid. However, the EU, in an effort to secure the best possible deal for itself, often behave in its own interests (through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement) during the negotiations for the TDCA. The goal of this study was to establish what exactly trademarks are, and what implications the EU's protection of intellectual property rights on wine and spirits trademarks will have on i) the South African wine industry, ii) whether South Africa could have exercised another option, iii) whether this action has created a precedent with which the EU can, in future, again force South Africa or any of its other developing trade partners to make concessions, and iv) who gains the most from the TDCA. The concludes that the EU, through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement, left South Africa with no choice by to concede the use of the contested trademarks - something that has already taken its toll on the South African wine industry - in order to save the TDCA. This action created a precedent that the EU will, in future, again be in a position to threaten developing countries with the termination of an agreement should they fail to comply with its demands. Finally, the conclusion is made that even though the TDCA was created to assist South Africa with its reintegration into the world market, it will ultimately be the EU that benefits most from the agreement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (EU) het in Oktober 1999 In vryehandelsooreenkoms, die Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) onderteken, wat op 1 Januarie 2000 in werking getree het. Die TDCA is ontwerp om bilaterale handel-, ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale samewerking te bevorder en bestaan uit drie komponente, naamlik die skep van 'n vryehandelgebied tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika; finansiele steun deur die EU aan Suid-Afrika onder die European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD) en projekhulp. Die EU het egter dikwels in eiebelang opgetree (deur middel van die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms) tydens die onderhandelingsproses in 'n poging om die beste moontlike ooreenkoms vir homself te beding. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal wat presies handelsmerke is, en watter implikasies die EU se beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte aangaande wyn- en spiritushandelsmerke op i) die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf sal he, ii) of Suid-Afrika 'n ander opsie kon uitoefen, iii) of hierdie aksie In presedent geskep het waarmee die EU Suid-Afrika of enige van sy ander ontwikkelende handelsvennote in die toekoms weer sal kan dwing om toegewings te maak, en iv) wie die meeste baat vind by die TDCA. Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die EU deur die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms aan Suid-Afrika geen keuse gegee het nie as om die gebruik van die betwiste handelsmerke op te se - iets wat reeds die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf geknou het - in 'n poging om die TDCA te behou. Hierdie optrede skep 'n presedent dat die EU voortaan in onderhandelings met ander ontwikkelende state weer kan dreig om die hele ooreenkoms te verongeluk indien daar nie aan sy eise voldoen word nie. In die laaste instansie is daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat, alhoewel die TDCA daarop gemik was om Suid-Afrika te help met sy herintegrasie tot die wereldmark, dit uiteindelik die EU is wat die meeste daarby gaan baat.

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Paparouni, Evgenia. « La rhétorique des institutions européennes : le débat sur les perspectives financières 2007-2013 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209385.

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Abstract (version française suit)

Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.

In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.

From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.

The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.

DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.

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Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.

La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.

En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.

Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.

Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.

DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne.

Doctorat en Langues et lettres
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Renard, Philippe. « Les politiques de l'enseignement supérieur en Europe : de l'intégration à l'harmonisation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211983.

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Marcinkiewicz, Kamil. « Ist alles Innenpolitik ? Der Einfluss innenpolitisch motivierter Präferenzen von Entscheidungsträgern auf die Außenpolitik – eine vergleichende Analyse ausgewählter Aspekte der Europapolitik zweier polnischer Regierungen ». Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2011. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-72427.

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Diese Arbeit untersucht, inwieweit sich die Präferenzen polnischer politischer Parteien in der Europapolitik Polens widerspiegeln. Es wird dabei davon ausgegangen, dass die Parteipräferenzen signifikanten Einfluss auf die Gestaltung der politischen Praxis ausüben und so einen Spezialfall der liberalen Theorie der Internationalen Politik darstellen. Diese Abhandlung beschreibt die Überprüfung der genannten Hypothese und fasst die Ergebnisse des Verfahrens zusammen. Diese sprechen gegen eine parteizentrische Interpretation der liberalen Theorie in der internationalen Politik.

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Menuet, Laetitia. « Le discours sur l'espace judiciaire européen : analyse du discours et sémantique argumentative ». Phd thesis, Université de Nantes, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00133442.

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La recherche menée dans cette thèse traite du discours de l'Union européenne sur l'espace judiciaire européen entre 1996 et 1999. En convoquant l'analyse du discours et la lexicométrie dans un cadre théorique de la sémantique argumentative, elle analyse le sens des mots autour de l'expression « espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice ». L'objectif est de définir comment s'élabore la réappropriation de valeurs universelles au profit du discours et de l'identité européenne véhiculée par les procédés argumentatifs utilisés pour représenter l'espace judiciaire européen. Le contexte politique et les théories linguistiques de la méthode d'analyse exposés, cette thèse porte sur les conditions de communication du discours et de sa particularité sémantique, en montrant qu'il construit une identité en triade renvoyant aux trois valeurs de son emblème triptyque (« liberté, sécurité et justice ») : les institutions, la criminalité organisée et les citoyens. Elle révèle les indices linguistiques de cette construction identitaire avec ses enjeux politiques et de légitimation en introduisant la notion de « normalisation discursive ». Celle-ci adopte un schéma linguistique très marqué conduisant à la mise en œuvre d'un processus de « manipulation argumentative » défini et démontré dans ce travail. Les résultats illustrent que la normalisation et la manipulation engendrent une circularité du discours reposant sur le conflit de deux orientations discursives : celle d'un discours sécuritaire et celle d'un discours sur l'État de droit et la démocratie.

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Tsakatika, Myrto. « Political responsibility and the European Union ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249742.

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Alouini, Olfa. « Country size, growth and the economic and monetary union ». Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16609.

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Der Zweck dieser Arbeit ist es, die Beziehung zwischen die Größe des Landes und das Wachstum auf internationaler Ebene und vergleichsweise in der Wirtschafts-und Währungsunion zu untersuchen und erarbeiten ihre Folgen für das Verhalten der wachstumsorientierte Finanzpolitik. Um ein globales Verständnis des Zusammenhangs zwischen Größe des Landes und das Wachstum in der EWU weiter verfolgen wir einen interdisziplinären Ansatz, einschließlich der makroökonomischen Modellierung (DSGE), Ökonometrie und Analyse der politischen Ökonomie. Die Kombination dieser Untersuchungen schließen wir, dass die Größe des Landes einen Einfluss auf die wirtschaftlichen Strukturen der Nationen, die Auswirkungen ihrer Politik und damit auf ihre Wachstumsdynamik hat. Aus diesem Grund ist es notwendig, die Bedeutung der Größe des Landes und ihre Folgen für die WWU wieder.
The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the relationship between country size and growth at the international level and comparatively in the Economic and Monetary Union, and to draw up its consequences for the conduct of growth-orientated fiscal policies. To further a global understanding of the link between country size and growth in the EMU, we follow an interdisciplinary approach, including macro-economic modelling (DSGE), econometrics and political economy analysis. Combining these analyses, we conclude that country size has an incidence on the economic structures of nations, the effects of their policies and therefore on their pace of growth. For this reason there is a need to reinstate the importance of country size and its consequences for the EMU.

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Moreira, Alves Amanda. « Corporate Political Activity in the European Union ». Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLED060.

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L’environnement politique dans lequel une entreprise exerce ses activités peut imposer plusieurs défis à sa performance, tels que de nouvelles taxes et législations qui encourageront leur engagement aux actions politiques (traduction du terme américain Corporate Political Activity – CPA). Ces actions ciblent les acteurs politiques et ont pour objectifs d’obtenir des avantages concurrentiels ou d’éviter des risques institutionnels liés à leur activité. Ces actions peuvent prendre la forme de lobbying, de contributions aux campagnes électorales et de poursuites judiciaires. Plusieurs résultats positifs des CPA sont documentés dans la littérature, mais la plupart d'entre eux font référence à l'environnement américain. Considérant que l'environnement institutionnel est essentiel pour le déploiement et les résultats des CPA, l'objectif principal de cette thèse est d'élargir l'analyse en étudiant l'environnement institutionnel européen. Dans ce but, cette thèse s’appuie sur trois axes de recherche liés au lobbying et aux poursuites judiciaires en utilisant une approche empirique dont l’objectif est d’explorer la dynamique de CPA et son impact sur l’environnement institutionnel européen. Le premier examine les facteurs déterminants de l'accès des entreprises aux représentants de la Commission européenne pour faire du lobbying. Le deuxième étudie l'élaboration de la réglementation du marché de gros d’itinérance afin de comprendre le déploiement des stratégies de lobbying et leurs résultats. Le troisième porte sur le processus décisionnel de la Commission européenne et de la Cour de Justice dans l'octroi des aides d'État dans l'Union européenne
The political environment where a firm operates can impose several challenges to its performance such as new taxes or legislation that will incentivize their engagement on Corporate Political Activities (CPA). These activities target political actors and intend to capture advantages or to avoid institutional risks in their own business environments. They can be deployed in the form of lobbying, campaign contributions, and litigation. The positive outcomes have been already documented in the literature, but most of them refer to the US environment. Taking into consideration that the institutional environment is essential for the deployment and outcomes of CPA, the main goal of this dissertation is to investigate CPA in the European Union level further using an empirical approach. Through three research projects related to lobbying and litigation in the EU, this dissertation explores the dynamics of CPA and how the institutional environment impacts on it. The first project examines the determinants of firms' access to the European Commission representatives. The second project studies the making of the wholesale roaming regulation to understand the deployment of lobbying strategies and their outcomes. The third project investigates the decision-making of the European Commission and the Court of the Justice in the processes of granting state aids in the European Union

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Grigoriadis, Ioannis Nikolaou. « Turkish political culture and the European Union ». Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28796/.

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This thesis examines the impact of improving EU-Turkey relations on Turkish political culture since the 1990s. While republican institutions and a multi-party political system were introduced in Turkey by the 1950s, political liberalism was the missing part of Turkey's substantive democratisation. The subject character of Ottoman political culture, compounded by the leading political role of the military and successive military coups, resulted in the consolidation of a republican political culture, which valued submissiveness toward state authority and did not favour citizen participation. The liberal deficit of Turkish politics became apparent with Turkey's decision to pursue membership of the European Union. Turkey's need to comply with the Copenhagen Criteria to achieve the start of EU accession negotiations meant that political liberalisation reforms were inevitable. This study embarks from an examination of the historical background to the political culture debate in Turkey. It then explores European and Turkish political cultures and draws a comparison between them. The core of this study consists of an exploration of the impact that Turkey's EU-motivated political reform had on civil society, state-society relations, the role of religion in politics and national identity. An assessment whether Turkish political culture has become more participant and citizen-centred is attempted in the concluding chapter. The theoretical framework of this thesis is informed by the work of Almond and Verba on civic culture. Historical institutionalist theories of European integration and path dependence theory are also applied to explain the role of the European Union in the liberalisation process of Turkish political culture. Putnam's work on two-level games helps explain the interplay of Turkish and European actors in the process of EU-Turkey negotiations, while his work on 16 social capital points at a feature, which can serve as the acid test for the emergence of a liberal, participant political culture in Turkey.

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Bauer, Sibylle. « The europeanisation of arms export policies and its impact on democratic accountability ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211210.

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Hopkins, William John. « Regional autonomy in the European Union ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1997. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14715/.

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Miller, William J. « Citizens' Trust in European Union Institutions ». University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1276308801.

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Lowe, Allyson M. « Social policy negotiation in the European Union / ». The Ohio State University, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1486462067843427.

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Rasco, Clark Joseph. « Demographic trends in the European Union : political and strategic implicaitons / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FRasco.pdf.

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Heims, Eva. « Managing European risks without a European State : transnational coordination between regulators in the European Union ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1022/.

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Governmental authorities are known for zealously protecting their ‘turf’, which is usually seen to inhibit them from coordinating their work with rival authorities. In the EU, however, national regulators often engage proactively in coordination with sister authorities in the forum of EU regulatory bodies. This is puzzling if one considers that this means that national authorities actively support EU bodies –potential rivals- in their work. The thesis hence examines what determines the coordinative behaviour of national regulators at a transnational level in the European Union. It analyses the engagement of UK and German authorities in transnational coordination in the regulatory regimes of drug safety, maritime safety, food safety, and banking supervision. The study demonstrates that coordinative behaviour is driven by strategic considerations of national regulators that want their coordination activities to add value to their own work, rather than being determined by their professional norms, functional pressures or the ‘shadow of hierarchy’, as stipulated in the EU governance literature. Their strategic assessments of whether they are getting something out of transnational activities are informed by the interpretative filters of the social relations they are embedded in at the domestic level. They are also fundamentally shaped by the institutional frameworks provided by the tasks of the EU regulatory bodies in which national regulators come together. This explains variation of coordination patterns across policy areas and national regulators, which the EU governance literature has not accounted for. The argument of the thesis implies that the engagement with coordination can be linked to an enhancement –rather than a loss– of bureaucratic autonomy. By identifying the determinants of coordinative behaviour at a transnational level, this thesis hence also seeks to contribute to our understanding of the conditions in which transnational administration functions. This, in turn, is vital for understanding of how capacity to manage cross-border risks is created in the absence of a ‘European’ state.

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Roberts-Thomson, Patricia. « Democratic governance, EU referendums and the European Union ». Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324566.

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Carey, Sean D. (Sean Damien). « A Political and Macroeconomic Explanation of Public Support for European Integration ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278919/.

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This study develops a model of macroeconomic and political determinants of public support for European integration. The research is conducted on pooled cross-sectional time-series data from five European Union member states between 1978 and 1994. The method used in this analysis is a Generalized Least Squares - Autoregressive Moving Average approach. The factors hypothesized to determine a macroeconomic explanation of public support for integration are inflation, unemployment, and economic growth. The effect of the major economic reform in the 1980s, the Single European Act, is hypothesized to act as a positive permanent intervention. The other determinants of public support are the temporary interventions of European Parliament elections and the permanent intervention of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. These are hypothesized to exert a negative effect. In a fully specified model all variables except economic growth and European Parliament elections demonstrate statistical significance at the 0.10 level or better.

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Mavrikiou, Petros Andreas. « Aspects of European economic integration : the single market and the single currency ». Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23724.

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This paper considers two major issues in the evolution of the European Union, the Single Market and the Single Currency. The first chapter deals with the projected effects of the 1992 Programme, and the second chapter deals with the collapse of the Exchange Rate Mechanism of the European Monetary System and examines the prospects for European Monetary Union given this collapse. The third chapter revolves around the concept of Central Banking under Monetary Union and focuses on the European Monetary Institute and the European System of Central Banks. Chapter four presents data regarding the progress of the European Union towards the target of the Single Currency, as well as other macroeconomic indicators.

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Kolsuz, Neval. « European Union Citizenship And Its Impacts On The Formation Of European Political Identity ». Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612509/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims at evaluating the impacts of European Union Citizenship on the development process of European political identity. With the introduction of European Union citizenship upon the ratification of the Treaty of Maastricht, a breath of fresh air has been brought to the ongoing debates and a new form of citizenship has taken its place in the literature. The &ldquo
workers&rsquo
right to free movement &rdquo
which was the core of the push for European citizenship, has played a pioneering role for the rights engendered thereunder. In due course, new rights have been entitled to the citizens and the scope of these rights has been broadened. From the 1950s to the present, EU citizenship has continued its evolution and, rather than being referred to as a common market citizenship, it became a highly political concept during this period. In the context of these developments, this thesis view the historical background and the legal framework of the concept and, in light of these insights, analyze the impacts of European Union citizenship upon the formation of European political identity. In this study, European citizenship has been defined as a form of political identity, whose emergence , in turn , was a consequence of citizens&rsquo
relationships with the political entity-European Union- . On account of the inadequacy of the elements that constitutes the identity under normal conditions , the existence of the political identity has been emphasized as a the key concept in order to attach the citizens to the political entity and the role of the citizenship has been stated as comprising a common basis within the EU in order to constitute a political identity.

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Abbott, Keith. « The European Trade Union Confederation : the political development of a European pressure group ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261530.

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Kaplan, Galyna. « The European Union Online : An Analysis of the European Commission's Online Political Communication ». Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35130.

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Boyce, B. « Policy-making in the European Union : a study of the nature of the European Union through the examination of its policy process ». Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 1995. http://radar.brookes.ac.uk/radar/items/158b738d-a756-3e02-1eec-b35e58fadee7/1.

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This study has discussed the policy process of the European Union in order to illuminate major aspects of the nature of this peculiar and unique political system. The discussion necessarily involves an examination of traditional integration theories, but it concentrates primarily on policy analysis which is based on extensive empirical research and supported by secondaiy literature and theoretical deliberations. The major research for this project was carried out between 1990 and 1994, in the form of mail surveys, interviews, non-participatory observation and scrutiny of documentation and secondary literature. The empirical approach adopted here is regarded as superior to purely theory-based research, because the former provides more insight into the nature of the European Union than the latter. The thesis consists principally of a discussion of the general nature of the policy process in the European Union, but contains also a more detailed case study on food policy-making. The findings in this study confirm that there is a marked gap between formal policy procedures and the way in which policy is actually carried out Consequently, policy-making in the European Union is very varied and dynamic, and cannot be encapsulated into a single static conceptual framework. The gap is explained in terms of the influence of informal factors on policy-making, namely the involvement of private interests, the varied interpretations of the formal provisions which flourish due to Treaty ambiguities and the mediating effects of manifold political and cultural agendas. The actual influence of private interests is difficult to measure, and data are contradictory, but it is nonetheless evident that influence is disproportionately low compared to the extent of consultation and lobbying that characterises policy-making in the European Union. However, as far as broad developments are concerned, business and other economic interests have had significant influence on EU developments - but only if their interests did not diverge too markedly from the political priorities of the most senior European politicians. This finding confirms that, despite many bureaucratic and technocratic elements, the European Union is an intensely political system. Within the realm of politics, national self4nterests remain dominant, even though they are constantly challenged and mediated by other political and non-political concertinos. The predominance of national concerns is however constantly reinforced by the hybrid structures of the European Union. It is argued in the thesis that empirical policy studies must be embedded in a suitable conceptual framework so that they do not result lii purely descriptive exercises. Therefore, considerable attention has been given to constructing such a framework. The latter is based broadly on policy networks analysis but emphasises the problems and limitations of this approach and expands the basic concept in order to take account of the idiosyncrasies of the European Union which is a unique political system.

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Kewley, S. J. « Japan's foreign-economic policy initiatives to the European Union ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300868.

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Bubpasiri, Tipparat. « The fifth enlargement of the European Union : the accession of Central and Eastern European countries ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302543.

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Mårtensson, Moa. « Political Representation in the European Union : A Multi-Channel Approach ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-267106.

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The European Union (EU) is the most far-reaching attempt yet undertaken to institutionalize democratic policy-making beyond the nation-state. To what extent, and in what ways, do various channels of representation contribute towards the realization of this aim? This dissertation takes stock of current research on the EU’s system of representation, and seeks to expand its agenda so that this central question can be properly addressed. In contrast to prior empirical work in the field, the dissertation employs research designs that incorporate several forms of representation into a unified evaluative framework. This multi-channel approach to political representation paves the way for a systematic comparison of how different forms of representation (electoral, territorial and corporate) perform in the EU context. It also makes possible an empirical assessment of a key proposition in current representation theory: that elections, in large and heterogeneous political systems, are outperformed by other forms of representation. The three articles in the dissertation draw on existing cross-country data, interviews with policy-makers and a new dataset collected by the author. They scrutinize representation in three principal channels: electoral representation in the European Parliament, government representation in the preparatory bodies of the Council of Ministers, and representation through organized interests that seek to influence EU policy. The first article examines the balance of power that has emerged between these three channels of representation in the EU’s legislative process, and how the current balance is likely to affect the Union’s legitimacy. The second article investigates how different channels of representation perform in terms of providing linkage between Brussels-based representatives and their domestic principals. The third article examines the extent to which different channels of representation contribute to the coordination of EU policy-making domestically, at the European level, and across the two levels of government. Finally, this dissertation makes a methodological contribution by applying social network analysis (SNA) to classic problems of representation within and across different channels of representation. This approach is novel to the field. Researchers should be able to exploit SNA and relational data fruitfully in the future, in the study of representational relationships in the EU and numerous other contexts.

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Demasi, Mirko A. « Debating the European Union : dynamics of argumentation in political debates ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2016. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/22765.

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This thesis is a discursive investigation of contested political discourse. Using Discursive Psychology, I analyse broadcast political debates on the European Union to explore how politicians advocate and defend their political positions in an argumentative context of justification and criticism. Past research in social psychology and cognate disciplines has investigated ideology from a multitude of views. Following a move away from mainstream approaches I demonstrate how some qualitative approaches treat it as a live matter in broadcast political debates. For my data I have chosen the controversial political battleground that is the European Union and what it means for Britain. The contribution of Discursive Psychology comes in highlighting the contested, rhetorical, nature of ideology . In this thesis I draw upon Discursive Psychology to explore how this contestation unfolds as situated practice in multi-party conversations about the EU. Politicians will argue in favour or against the EU, often on the grounds of what the implication is for Britain. In this thesis I argue that Discursive Psychology is best equipped to allow us to study this as an activity; an observable, and contextual, social action. The analytical chapters focus on three interrelated aspects of political argumentation: the construction and use of factual claims (including demonstrations of knowledge statuses ) and counterclaims, the role of overlapping talk, and the function of laughter and derision. The first analytical chapter seeks to elucidate some of the ways in which facts and situated knowledge displays of them are oriented to as an argumentative matter and how they can be challenged. The second analytic chapter illustrates the role played by overlapping talk and challenges in managing the argument at hand. The last analytic chapter focuses on the accomplishment of derision in broadcast political debates, particularly on how derision can be used as form of counterclaim. Ultimately, this thesis demonstrates the usefulness of Discursive Psychology in understanding the discursive dynamics of mobilisation, contestation, and defence of contrasting viewpoints in the service of political argumentation. Discursive Psychology can help social psychologists get a much deeper appreciation of the situated, and discursively dynamic, nature of political argumentation and conflict in talk.

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Rasco, Clark Joseph. « Demographic trends in the European Union : political and strategic implications ». Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1526.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited
This thesis analyzes adverse demographic trends in the European Union, including sub-replacement birthrates and increasing median ages. It investigates the implications of these trends for the EU's prospects for becoming a stronger and more influential actor in international affairs. Pressures arising from population trends in and near the EU could ultimately affect national and EU cohesion, governmental effectiveness, and social stability. Absent remedial measures, social programs in some EU countries will be unsustainable due to the mounting financial burden of pensions and health care for growing elderly populations. Such financial obligations hinder funding other national programs, including modernized military capabilities. Nationalism and national identity are at issue in immigrant integration and assimilation efforts. The role of population trends with regard to the growing threat of radical Islamic fundamentalism is explored. The thesis concludes with policy recommendations that might be considered to avert the looming economic, social, and security crises that may result from these demographic trends. In short, the security and financial consequences foreshadowed by the current demographic trends of an aging, economically weaker, and socially conflicted European Union could present dramatic implications for the vital national interests of the United States.
Lieutenant, United States Navy

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Atikcan, Ece. « 'Framing' the European Union : explaining the 2005 constitutional referenda results ». Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=95104.

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The 2005 European Union (EU) constitutional referenda results reflected growing Euroscepticism. While the referenda in Spain and Luxembourg approved the European Constitution (TCE), the ones in France and the Netherlands rejected it. Polls show that public opinion in all four countries originally favored the TCE several months before the referenda. Why could this initial positive public opinion not be sustained in the French and Dutch cases? I argue that the stronger a state's No campaign relative to its Yes campaign - that is, the better the No campaigners linked existing contentious issues to the European Constitution - the greater the increase in the magnitude of the No vote. Based on 96 in-depth interviews with campaigners, media content analyses and public opinion data from all cases, I show that the initial favorable public opinion in the French and Dutch cases fell dramatically due to strong No campaigns because the French and Dutch No campaigners framed the issue effectively. The framing literature argues that politicians encourage voters to think along particular lines, by using frames that emphasize certain features of the subject. Vivid, concrete, image-provoking, emotionally compelling frames that contain negative information are more successful in influencing individuals' opinions. In the French and Dutch cases, the No frames argued that the TCE would increase immigration, lead to market- friendly reforms, and cause rising unemployment. In contrast, the Yes campaign frames sounded overly technical, presenting the TCE as an institutional step towards a better Europe. Negative, immediate linkages to existing problems won over abstract, non-immediate benefits. Strong No campaigns successfully countered the initial favorable public opinion in these referenda. Nevertheless, I also argue that the temporal sequencing of the referenda could affect the relative strength of the No campaign in second-mover states; all campaigns were th
Les résultats des référendums constitutionnels de l'Union européenne de 2005 ont reflété un euroscepticisme croissant au sein de l'Union. Bien que les référendums en Espagne et au Luxembourg aient approuvé la Constitution européenne (TCE), ceux de la France et des Pays-Bas ont rejeté la proposition de réforme. Les sondages de l'époque montrent que l'opinion publique dans ces quatre pays favorisait le TCE quelques mois avant les référendums. Pourquoi cette opinion publique favorable ne s'est pas maintenue dans les cas français et néerlandais? Je soutiens que plus forte était la campagne du Non par rapport à celle du Oui - c'est à dire plus il existait des liens entre le référendum et des enjeux locaux controversés - plus élevé s'en trouvait le support pour le Non le jour du vote. Cette analyse se base sur une série de 96 entrevues en profondeur menées auprès de militants, des analyses de contenu média et des données d'opinion publique. Dans les cas français et néerlandais, l'opinion favorable du public a considérablement diminué suite à l'usage d'un meilleur cadre cognitif durant la campagne par le camp du Non. La littérature sur le cadrage cognitif suggère que les politiciens encouragent les électeurs à garder en tête un ordre d'idées particulier, grâce à un argumentaire qui met l'accent sur certaines caractéristiques de l'enjeu. Des images vives et concrètes, en plus de messages négatifs sont plus efficaces pour agir sur l'opinion des individus. Dans les cas français et néerlandais, le cadrage cognitif du Non a soutenu que le TCE augmenterait l'immigration, conduirait à des réformes favorables au marché, et provoquerait la montée du chômage. Par contre, le cadrage cognitif de la campagne du Oui s'est montré trop technique en présentant le TCE comme une étape institutionnelle vers une Europe meilleure. Des liens négatifs et im

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Vaillancourt, Luc Jena Joseph. « The development of relations between Russia and the European Union ». Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1349617/.

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Russians overwhelmingly see themselves as part of Europe, yet appreciate their Asian connection; there is a continuation of the 'Great Debate' between Westernizers and Slavophiles. Decades of official acrimony towards the EC were followed by acceptance of West European integration, if it did not involve Russia's isolation. After a period of rapprochement with Europe, a feeling of betrayal has recently grown in Russia. Nevertheless, the trend is for ever closer links with the West. From the EU's perspective, Member States' conflicting views on the New Europe hinder a united approach to solutions. The EU has gained a very strong position with the collapse of the CMEA. The EU-Russia Partnership Agreement shows that vested interests of EU producers often prevail, yet useful structures for political dialogue were nonetheless created, and the prospect of a common free trade area is momentous. The need for a new security structure is unlikely to be satisfied by NATO's Partnership for Peace, but the EU has failed to lead European calls for a WEU or CSCE-based security framework. The inheritance of the command economy has damaged foreign trade and investment conditions. Despite the transformation of the economy, much needs to be done to improve investment conditions for foreigners as well as for potential exporters - fiscal, export and property legislation must become workable, and the need to make a profit must be respected. Nonetheless, foreign investment projects are growing fast. The energy and aeronautics industries are used as case studies of the new possibilities for foreign investors and Russian exporters. Having long been aimed at restricting Russian economic growth, statecraft has become an instrument of growth. The EU's assistance is particularly beneficial as it is non-reimbursable and aims at long-term change through training, yet TACIS could be improved by better management, smaller projects and lower wages. Overall, Western investment in Russian stability should increase.

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Şerban, Ileana. « The European Union and Latin America : normative encounters ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/111210/.

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The current doctoral research looks at how norm entrepreneur and norm interpreter interact, highlighting the limitations of previous research in recognising the agency of the norm interpreter and the complex interactions between the two actors. Normative encounters is coined as a central concept for understanding how the EU as norm entrepreneur creates normative dialogues with its interlocutors, in this case Latin American regional organisations. Two dynamics are proposed to show how normative encounters happen or are prevented from doing so. On one side, an analysis is made of cases in which the norm entrepreneur attempts to diffuse its norms to the norm interpreter that localises the norms which are then incorporated (or not) in concrete policies through policy entrepreneurship. On the other side, an equally important dynamic starts with the norm interpreter that creates new norms though norm subsidiarity, diffuses this new normative content and creates a need for the initial norm entrepreneur to adapt its normative approach and to make it visible to the norm interpreter through concrete policies. By using concepts from both International Relations and public policy studies, the thesis questions and updates the way of looking at the European Union as a normative actor. It also explores the link between norms and policies by analysing the European Union cooperation for development strategies and programmes, as well as the negotiation of Association Agreements with three regional groups in Latin America: Central America, Mercosur and the Andean Community. Thus, the study opens a space of analysis in which norm entrepreneurship is part of both the EU desire to diffuse its norms and of its need to adapt to a new international context. In this way, norm entrepreneurship becomes also a reaction to norm subsidiarity and makes it imperative for the European Union to use new norms if it is to keep its normative identity. We are witnessing a shift from a world in which the EU diffuses norms to other actors and regions, to a world in which the EU norms are perceived, interpreted and sometimes challenged, sometimes rejected and replaced by new ones.

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Closa, Montero Carlos J. « The creation of the European political union : the reform of the Community during the 1991 IGC on political union ». Thesis, University of Hull, 1993. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:16863.

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The 1991 IGC has reformed the European Community and the nature of the host of relations between its Member States. It has created the European Union through the Maastricht Treaty. The central hypothesis is that reform seems not to have resolved fully the deficiencies in form and substance of the Community's politico-legal foundation. The analysis proceeds through the comparison of three aspects: the reform of the constitutional foundation of the Community carried out by the IGC; the changes in the nature of the relations between Member States in these areas of competence that are inalienable from their sovereignty, and the introduction of the concept of citizenship of the Union in order to consolidate certain elements of citizenship that were present in the Communitys framework. The conclusion reached is that the 1991 IGC has produced an entity of which the elements carry inherent contradictions; this tense nature appears to demand further reform.

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Blew, Dennis Jan. « The Europeanization of Political Parties : A Study of Political Parties in Poland 2009-2014 ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2567.

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On May 1st 2004, Poland entered the European Union (EU), introducing new variables into the domestic politics of the Polish Republic. Since gaining its independence from Soviet control in 1989, Poland’s political landscape can be described as a dynamic and ever changing force towards democratic maturation. With the accession of Poland to the EU, questions of European integration and Europeanization have arisen, most specifically with how these two processes effect and shape the behaviors of domestic political actors. With Poland entering its second decade of EU membership, this study attempts to explain how, and if, further European integration has had any effect on the Europeanization of political parties in Poland. Building upon the work of various scholars, most notably Aleks Szczerbiak, this study examines the years 2009-2014, and examines Poland’s political parties through Robert Ladrech’s framework of Europeanization.

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Ehin, Piret. « Enlargement of the European Union and the problem of popular consent ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/279926.

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The erosion of popular support that has accompanied the expansion of European-level governance has given rise to interesting debates about the origins of public support for the European Union (EU). The utilitarian explanation that focuses on rational cost-benefit calculations competes with a cultural approach that ties evaluations of the EU to dominant societal values and individual socialization experiences. A third approach regards domestic political dynamics as an important determinant of public support for the EU. Empirical tests of these explanations have been limited almost exclusively to current EU member states, while the growing differentiation of popular attitudes in the Central and Eastern European candidate countries has received much less attention. This dissertation brings the Western European literature to bear on the EU's Eastern enlargement, seeking to explain extensive variations in the level of popular support for the EU both within and across post-communist societies. Hypotheses derived from the utilitarian, cultural and domestic politics explanations are tested with individual- and national-level data from a variety of candidate countries and, for purposes of comparison, three non-applicant Eastern European states. The results lend some support to all three explanations, suggesting that support for the EU is influenced by micro-level expectations of gain, changes in macro-economic conditions, the prevalence of democratic norms, and trust in domestic political incumbents. The dissertation also examines the implications of growing popular euroskepticism for the integration process, situating the discussion of popular attitudes in post-communist societies in the broader discourse on European-level democracy and legitimacy. The dissertation reviews the controversy over which standards of legitimacy are suitable in a non-state polity such as the EU, and presents an overview of the various institutional channels through which European electorates can influence European governance. In sum, the dissertation adds an interesting bottom-up dimension to the predominantly elite-centered study of the Eastern enlargement and contributes to the construction of general theories about the logic of public support for regional integration and international governance.

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Bradshaw, Julia Elena. « European Union citizenship : the long road to inclusion ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/european-union-citizenship-the-long-road-to-inclusion(8d1dd5bb-42cf-49b4-818c-425c83574923).html.

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This thesis considers the development of the concept of citizenship, both historically and in its supranational guise. It addresses the traditional models of citizenship that have arisen in the national arena before turning its focus to supranational citizenship. The development of quasi-citizenship rights at the European level between 1957 and 1992 are discussed whilst asking whether, in fact, these principles amounted to a de facto creation of citizenship as would be formally understood in a national model. Thereafter, post-1992 developments are considered via the activities of the European courts. The courts’ particularly activist role in expanding our understanding of Union citizenship by using existing Union legislation in imaginative ways is highlighted and used as a key factor in determining Union citizenship’s capacity to adapt and develop in the face of new challenges. This thesis plays particular attention to the non-Member State nationals who reside in Union territory and find themselves ostensibly deprived of citizenship rights despite being actively involve in the Union’s activities. Supranational citizenship is viewed through the unusual lens of stateless persons and this thesis suggests that Union citizenship does not live up to its ideals by excluding them from its understanding of the citizenry. It formulates a novel conception of rights-based residence, as opposed to nationality-based, supranational citizenship that is predicated on the Union’s heritage of respect for rights and would include Member State nationals, alongside third-country nationals, the stateless and refugees (who would struggle to gain recognition under a conventional citizenship paradigm), with the aspiration of rendering Union citizenship a more inclusive and rounded conception.

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Prosser, Christopher. « Rethinking representation and European integration ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f596c7e-bfb9-43ff-b3e8-2de716f234ec.

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In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.

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Jorgensen, Knud Erik. « Three doctrines on European foreign policy ». Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4631/.

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Taking its departure from the debate on the Iraq war, the article examines three so-called „doctrines“ on European foreign policy. According to the first one, there is no such thing as an EU foreign policy. This may come as a surprise for policy-makers but is a common view among media commentators, analysts and some diplomats. The second doctrine holds that the EU’s foreign policy has been, is, and always will be a failure. Reasons for this gloomy view show considerable variations and are most likely unsustainable in the long run. The third approach is more optimistic, counting on the EU’s material volume, yet often ignoring the need to politically cash in if international clout is the quest.

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Gropas, Rubini. « Human rights and foreign policy : the case of the European Union ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272786.

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Nihoul, GaeÌˆtane. « Policy formation in the European Union : the case of education policy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312553.

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Home, Anna T. « International political theory and European Union foreign policy : a practice approach ». Thesis, University of Kent, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.404540.

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Huldin, Daniel. « State of the Union : How democracy affects the European political process ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-381029.

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This paper investigates the correlation between how Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) vote and their respective domestic democracy level. In doing so, it tests two hypotheses – first, that domestic democracy level affects MEP voting conduct. Second, that domestic democracy level affects the way MEPs tend to be disloyal to their European Party Groups (EPGs). The first hypothesis regarding the correlation between democracy level and MEP voting conduct is analysed statistically through logistic regression, the data for which has been collected from VoteWatch, whereas the second hypothesis is tested in a qualitative discussion based upon a smaller dataset. Both hypotheses are supported by the data, but because the study is based on a single issue, one can only feasibly generalise the findings to similar cases voted upon by the European Parliament. This paper uses a motion in the Parliament that directly concerns democratic values – as such, any conclusions drawn only apply to other cases similarly centred on democratic values. However, the findings of this study underline the importance of further studies on the topic of the influence of democracy levels on the political process of the European Union.

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Johnson, Ailish M. « Social aspects of economic integration : European and global governance ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270084.

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Tzanidaki, Johanna-Despoina. « The European cultural heritage : community and national legislation for heritage management in the European Union ». Thesis, University of Southampton, 1999. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/43790/.

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The aim of this research is the consideration of the cultural heritage policies of European institutions (the European Union and the Council of Europe) and the impact of such policies on the national heritage policy of two member States (Greece and Italy). The analysis focuses mainly on the national and supra-national heritage legislation. The EU by means of policies and laws has gradually emerged as an important factor in the field of national heritage management. The impact of the EU in the fields of heritage terminology and legislation is a fact. New concepts concerning things 'national' are being directly 'imported' from the EU to its member States. The use of heritage in the political arena has a long history in nation States, with regard to issues of identity. By taking this one step further, the EU aims to construct a 'European' identity which will eventually replace the different 'national' ones. A historical narrative proves the logic behind EU action. The cultural heritage has been used by the EU throughout the years for a variety of political and economic purposes. The amendment of national laws and the introduction of EU concepts into national heritage law are results of an imposed change, not of legal evolution. The comparison of the two EU member States emphasises the complexity of issues involved in both the national and supra¬ national level. The conclusions aspire to arouse awareness of the powers that EU enjoys over national heritage legislation. The thesis also endeavours to highlight the power of law to create and construct public attitude towards the heritage, enhancing or denying claims for identity. It assesses the political will behind legal acts and policies with regard to the heritage. It addresses the attempt made by European institutions to create 'uniformity' in both laws and concepts related to heritage in a Europe of diverse heritages.

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Jurado, Elena. « Complying with European standards of minority protection : Estonia's relations with the European Union, OSCE and Council of Europe ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270111.

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Bilgi, Seniz. « A Comparative Study Of The European Union ». Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608588/index.pdf.

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This thesis mainly analyses the change in the enlargement strategy of the European Union (EU) especially in the case of Turkey. Although the Union has always sought ways to enlarge, it has been rather reluctant as far as accepting Turkey as a full member into the EU is concerned. In 2004, the EU enlarged so as to include the Central and East European countries (CEECs), but Romania and Bulgaria were left behind since they did not fulfill the membership criteria at the time. However, these two countries became members on January 1, 2007 and Turkey is still waiting in the line to become a member. Therefore, the writer has chosen Turkey and Bulgaria in order to analyze the change in the enlargement strategy of the Union. The medium to arrive at conclusions as regards the strategy is mainly the environmental aid as the two countries display noticeable differences. Furthermore, the enlargement strategy papers prepared by the European Commission have also been analyzed in order to see the changing attitude of the EU especially by re-introducing the concept of absorption capacity. Even though the Union states it keeps its open door to new members, the new enlargement strategy proves that it will be rather difficult for the candidate states and especially Turkey to enter into the EU.

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Thèses sur le sujet « European Union – Political aspects »

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