Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « European Union – Membership – Political aspects »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "European Union – Membership – Political aspects"
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Ilyushyk, O. M., et N. I. Didyk. « Administrative and legal foundations of the state policy of the European integration of Ukraine ». Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no 4 (27 novembre 2022) : 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.04.35.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the study of the essence and structure of the administrative and legal mechanism of state policy in the field of European integration of Ukraine. The article examines the main aspects of Ukraine's accession to the European Union. Membership in this organization is considered as a key practical means of forming an effective open economy. The experience of member countries, namely their current economic development and political situation, is analyzed: both positive and negative examples are highlighted. The potential benefits and possible threats in the development of our state upon joining the European Union have been determined and substantiated. The main barriers to Ukraine's acquisition of membership of the European Union and options for their elimination are considered. European integration, declared as a strategic direction of Ukraine's development, is not only a foreign economic vector, but also a reference point of values for the entire Ukrainian society. Ukraine's integration into the European Union today is supported by all government structures and the vast majority of the Ukrainian population, 81%. However, many objective and subjective difficulties arise in this strategic direction of our state's development. Moreover, overcoming them depends not only on Ukraine, but also on external factors that are outside its borders. Special attention is paid to the social, economic and cultural problems of modern Ukraine. Conclusions were made about the need to make balanced political and economic decisions, which depend on the prospects of Ukraine's integration into the European Union. The article is devoted to the coverage of the topic of the legal basis of membership in the European Union, the criteria that the state must meet in order to acquire the status of a candidate for membership. In the European Union, a strict approach is applied to the issue of granting membership, which is explained by the fact that a member of the European Union cannot be any state that territorially belongs to Europe, but only a state that adheres to the basic values of the association and together with the member states brings them to life.
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Sabic, Dejan, Mila Pavlovic, Snezana Vujadinovic et Miroljub Milincic. « Global and regional aspects for development of Serbia and the Balkans : The events from the past as a message for future ». Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 90, no 1 (2010) : 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd1001159s.
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In 2010 Serbia faced with many social, economical and political issues such as the economic crisis, unemployment, uncertain candidate for membership in the European Union, cooperation with the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague and others. Recurrences of the past are still being felt in the political than some of the European Union with Serbia. Serbia has a long way toward permanent membership, and to intensify regional cooperation in Southeast Europe (SEE) through active membership in regional organizations and initiatives. Although this region for many years been burdened with the past and lack of understanding among nations, the steppes of integration is still achieved and is still stricken by stereotyped comparisons with a barrel keg, and so damn yard. The aim of this paper is to point out some directions for further development of the region and review of the circumstances that have contributed to this state, to show the events of the past who may be a message for the future. .
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Petrovic, Milos. « European Union and Ukraine : The strategic partnership leading to (some)where ? » Medjunarodni problemi 74, no 1 (2022) : 75–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2201075p.
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This article analyses the evolving nature of the strategic relationship between Ukraine and the EU since the onset of the second decade of the 21st century. The author aims to show that, although the two sides have for years been elevating their ties through the neighbourhood policy and the Eastern Partnership strategic initiative, Kyiv?s ultimate ambition has always been focused on securing the EU membership perspective. The author considers the Ukrainian EU membership request precarious due to the Union?s concerns over stability, Kyiv?s territorial integrity problems and the ongoing war, the unfavourable impact for the current membership candidates, but also since such a request sets a precedent for the other eastern partners. To explicate the abovementioned aspects, the author primarily uses the historical method and the document analysis, to clarify in greater detail the chief political events which have gradually led towards the current state. Research conclusions point out that, despite Ukraine?s right to apply for EU membership, such a request is unlikely to result in a speedy accession, due to a variety of abovementioned aspects, coupled with a complicated decision-making process in the Union in that regard. In spite of that, the EU intends to continue supporting Ukraine as a strategic partner in a variety of domains, including also an indirect aid in combating the Russian military incursion. The author finds that the EU?s response to the membership application will have extensive ramifications not only on the two parties? relations, but also on the enlargement policy and the Eastern Partnership domain.
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Żukowski, Arkadiusz, et Marcin Chelminiak. « European Union Enlargement and the new Peripheral Regions : Political, Economic and Social Aspects and Related Issues – A Case of Warmia and Mazury Region ». Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 8, no 4 (6 octobre 2010) : 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/8.4.353-367(2010).
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This paper analyses the problems of the new peripheral regions after the European Union enlargement. The last EU enlargements in 2004 and 2007 were the logical consequences of political, social and economic changes associated with the break-up of the Soviet Union and the disintegration of the Communist Bloc. These two enlargements led to substantial geopolitical consequences. The European Union’s demographic and territorial potential increased by around one-third. At the same time, the European Union structures moved east and southwards. In 2004, one of the Polish regions, the Warmia and Mazury region, faced some new challenges associated with the Polish accession to the EU. The years of Poland’s membership in the European Union have been a period of gaining experience in submitting EU projects for the region, and in allocating financial resources properly. The total effect of this period is rather positive. However, we must not forget that many negative economic and social phenomena still occur (e.g., a high unemployment rate, emigration of young educated people, etc.). Politically, a new challenge for the Warmia and Mazury region is going to be a continuation and development of the cross-border cooperation with the Kaliningrad region. Poland’s accession to the EU has had no positive impact on improving the Polish-Russian relations at the central decision-making level.
KEYWORDS: • European Union • regional development • new peripheral regions • Warmia and Mazury region
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ASIRIAN, Siuzanna, Tetiana SEMENCHENKO et Olena LESHCHENKO. « Stages of Ukraine's accession to the European Union and future prospects ». Economics. Finances. Law 11/1, no - (18 novembre 2022) : 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37634/efp.2022.11(1).2.
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Introduction. Accession to the European Union provides a large number of economic, political, cultural and social benefits. Back in 1994, Ukraine expressed its aspiration to become a member of the EU and is still not a member of the EU. Today our country is a candidate for EU membership. The purpose of the paper is to consider the general stages and criteria of EU accession and to analyze Ukraine's path towards EU accession and future stages of accession. Results. Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union defines the geographical criterion for accession to the EU. Being the largest country in Europe by area, located in its eastern part, bordering the EU member states: Romania to the southwest, with Hungary, Slovakia and Poland to the west - Ukraine undoubtedly meets the geographical criterion. The Copenhagen criteria are: political, economic and membership criteria. As for the Copenhagen criteria, the answer to the question whether Ukraine meets them is currently different among international scholars. In our opinion, indeed, at the current stage of European integration Ukraine has already implemented a number of political conditions, in particular, partially fulfilled the requirement of the European Union to carry out a number of reforms and adapt Ukrainian legislation to the European one. As for the stages of accession to the EU, they are evaluation; negotiations; ratification. Usually, accession is preceded by years of cooperation with the European Union. To express its intention to do so, the state and the Community conclude an international agreement on in-depth cooperation, which provides for an active political dialogue. Negotiations are a process that involves the adoption of established EU legislation, preparations for its proper application and compliance, as well as the implementation of judicial, administrative, economic and other reforms necessary for the country to meet the conditions of accession, known as the accession criteria. After that, the last stage is ratification. Ukraine has successfully passed the first stage and received the status of a candidate state. Conclusion. On February 28, 2022, the President of Ukraine signed the application for Ukraine's membership in the EU - this marked a new stage for our country on the path of European integration. In this regard, close cooperation between Ukrainian officials and representatives of the European Union is currently underway to simplify and speed up the overall lengthy accession procedure. Ukraine will be able to achieve an appropriate level of economic development, high quality of life, make effective and accessible the provision and protection of human rights, implement all aspects of democracy, introduce energy security.
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Wardana, Adhi. « UPAYA PEMERINTAH TURKI UNTUK BERGABUNG DENGAN UNI EROPA ». Global Political Studies Journal 1, no 2 (31 octobre 2017) : 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v1i2.2015.
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The European Union is an inter-governmental organization whose members are European countries. Since July 1, 2013 already has 28 member countries, many countries of the European region who want to join the European Union, one of which is Turkish, the extent to which the Turkish government's efforts to join the European Union? This study aims to determine the extent of the Turkish Government Efforts To Join The European Union (2004-2008). To be able to Turkey joining the European Union must meet the Copenhagen criteria which consists of the political criteria, economic and acquis, Turkey must conform to all the regulations of the European Union so researchers try to analyze from the effort, constraints, and prospects for Turkey to join the European Union. This type of research is a qualitative research method used is descriptive analysis techniques. aims to describe the facts related to the problem under study. Most of the data that is collected through library research, online data retrieval, and documentation, data were then analyzed with a theoretical approach to dealing with International Relations. The results showed that the Turkish government has made progress in meeting the criteria candidates are awarded by the European Union, Turkey showed promising economic growth, recorded during the year 2004-2008 Turkish economic growth averaged 7%. Turkey managed to adopt new chapters in the Acquis criteria, although there are many other chapters that have not adapted to the European Union, in the political aspects of the Turkish government has been working hard to solve the problem of ham with the Kurds, Armenia and Cyprus, but in line with the efforts that have been The Turkish government in its application, there are still many obstacles that eventually make Turkey's accession to EU membership back hampered..
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Andonov, Oliver. « Maintenance and achievement of national interests and security policy of the European Union ». Medjunarodni problemi 65, no 1 (2013) : 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1301085a.
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The objective of the research of connection between national interests and the security policy of the European Union is to perceive the possibilities of the Balkan states to preserve their identity and achieve their vital and permanent national interests by their membership in the European Union. According to the author, the implementation of the security policy of European Union is often opposite to one?s own national interests. However, a pragmatic question for political leaders is how to resolve the following dilemma: ?is the created european security identity more important at the moment than the preservation of immediate or some permanent national interests?? The author points to the fact that the notion of national interests is a variable both historically and theoretically. Political, economic, security and other objectives determine vital national interests in some historical periods. At the same time, not rarely, some states alter their strategies and objectives for their own interests assessing whether the conditions prevailing in the internal and external surroundings have changed. The author devotes special attention to a comparative analysis of defining, determining and conceptual determination of national interests from the aspect of national security policies of some important states and the European Union. The second part of the article contains an analysis of the response of a group of Macedonian experts to the questions pertaining to the possibility of preserving and achieving of national interests of the Republic of Macedonia through its membership in the European Union.
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Kaveshnikov, N. Yu. « Ukraine’s Membership Application As a Trigger to Reform the EU Enlargement Policy ». Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S7 (décembre 2022) : S651—S659. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622130032.
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Abstract The European Union’s successive enlargements had a qualitative impact on the nature of the integration organization, entailing changes in the agenda and priorities, institutions, and decision-making process and also changing the attitude of other international actors towards the European Union. The EU’s decision to grant candidate status to Ukraine reflects a fundamental change in the logic and goals of the enlargement policy and will have a strategic impact on the design of integration processes both within the EU and on its periphery. This article is devoted to two aspects of the ongoing changes: (1) the geopoliticization of the enlargement policy and (2) the further development of differentiation processes and the prospect for new forms of external differentiation (partial membership).
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Klym, Ruslana. « Theoretical Aspects of the Communication Interaction of Political Institutions and Media (Illustrated by the Republic of Bulgaria) ». Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no 7 (23 décembre 2019) : 260–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.260-270.
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The article defines that political institutions are integral elements of the political system of society, important subjects of politics and carriers of the political process, that regulate the political organization of society, ensuring its stable and long-term functioning. It is stated that the main scientific approaches to understanding the phenomenon of political communication is positivism, behaviorism, structural functionalism, institutionalism and the attention is drawn to the fact that the mass media perform several functions in modern society – communicative, informational, relay, through the implementation of which, media affects all spheres of society and play an important role in the process of interaction between the government and the public. It was noted that the authorities of the Republic of Bulgaria took advantage of the historical moment when the European Union member states were interested in cooperation and were able to convince the Bulgarian society that membership in the EU is a way to solve economic problems, which will further contribute to the economic well-being of the country. The article mentions that an important role in the European integration process of interaction between the authorities and the public was played by Bulgarian journalists, who conducted an extremely intensive and important information campaign, which resulted in 76% of support for the Republic’s membership in this international organization by the Bulgarian society The experience of the Republic of Bulgaria shows that effective work of the mass media is extremely important for establishing communication interaction between government and civil society at a crucial moment for the country. However, the modern Bulgarian media environment is subject to intense criticism for the poor quality of the media product, the media’s dependence on oligarchs, and corruption.
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Imamović-Čizmić, Kanita, et Samir Sabljica. « Legal and politological aspects of competition in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a paradigm of the European integration process ». European Integration Studies 1, no 14 (22 octobre 2020) : 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.eis.1.14.25287.
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As a country in transition and development, committed to the path towards membership in the European Union, Bosnia and Herzegovina encounters many challenges and obstacles in terms of fulfilling the tasks set before it. Quite complicated governmental and legal arrangement determines the pace of achieving the tasks that are prerequisites for the European Union membership status. By signing the Stabilisation and Association Agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina assumed the obligation to gradually harmonise the national legislation with the EU legislation in the most important areas related to the internal market. In this context, one of highly important ones is the area of competition law. This paper analyses the quality of solutions provided by the normative and institutional framework of the market competition protection in Bosnia and Herzegovina by using the normative, historical, comparative, and content analysis methods. Basic features of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the EU are presented through a chronological summary of the integration process of BiH into the EU. The primary hypothesis of the paper is that recent legal solutions in the area of competition do not follow the current legal standards of the competition regulations in the EU. Analytical overview of annual reports on the operation of the Council of Competition as regulatory body in Bosnia and Herzegovina shows that competition is a typical example of the ‘crawling’ integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the EU. It is quite obvious that the lack of political will of the ruling structures slows the integration processes down. This area requires an efficient enforcement of competition regulations whose implementation enables the companies to act in line with the law. Without adequate and prompt amending of the Law on Competition and related by-laws there can be no positive evaluation of the European Commission concerning the progress of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Thèses sur le sujet "European Union – Membership – Political aspects"
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Ozsahin, Mustafa Cuneyt Morrison Minion K. C. « The impact of European Union membership conditionality of human rights in Turkey ». Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/6733.
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The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on March 23, 2010). Thesis advisor: Dr. Minion KC Morrison. Includes bibliographical references.
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MacGregor, Robert J. « An Economic and Political Analysis of the United Kingdom's Membership in the European Union ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/676.
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This thesis will explore the current relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union. There is a high degree of public discontent in the UK over current membership and I will seek to answer the question: is continued membership in the interest of the UK? I will analyze this question from both an economic and political perspective examining the overall degree of linkage and key arguments for and against continued EU membership on a number of issues including trade, labor, foreign direct investment, and political/foreign relations. To conclude, I propose an alternative solution through a multi-speed European Union.
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Teusch, Jonas. « Supranational assurance : how European Union membership clears the way for political decentralization in countries with secessionist potential ». Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=103773.
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Political decentralization is in vogue. However, it is not clear what political incentives central governments should have to give up authority. Thus, the question guiding this thesis is under what conditions and why central governments shift authority to subunits. The existing literature does not specify the cost-benefit calculus that could underlie such a decision, merely viewing decentralization as a reaction to increased demands for sub-national authority, which are believed to be the result of international trends such as Europeanization or globalization. Working with a sample of 42 industrial democracies that have been observed over a period of up to 40 years, I demonstrate that central governments pursue institutional reforms only under the condition that they are sufficiently reassured that granting autonomy to subunits will not threaten the territorial integrity of the nation-state. When this necessary condition is met, as is shown to be the case for European Union member states, state agents are mainly motivated by reaping the political benefits associated with reforming a malfunctioning political system or with accommodating sub-national demands.La décentralisation politique est en vogue. Toutefois, il n'apparait pas clairement quels incitatifs politiques motivent les gouvernements centraux à déléguer leur autorité. Par conséquent, ce mémoire de maîtrise se penche sur la question de savoir dans quelles conditions et pourquoi les gouvernements centraux cèdent de leur autorité aux gouvernements sous-nationaux. La littérature existante ne précise pas quel calcul coûts-bénéfices sous-tend une telle décision. Les recherches antérieures suggèrent plutôt que la décentralisation est une réaction à des demandes sous-nationales accrues qui sont censées être le résultat de tendances internationales comme l'européanisation ou la mondialisation. À partir d'un échantillon de 42 démocraties industrialisées observées sur une période allant jusqu'à 40 ans, je démontre que les gouvernements centraux poursuivent des réformes institutionnelles uniquement s'ils perçoivent que l'octroi d'autonomie aux gouvernements sous-nationaux ne menace pas l'intégrité territoriale de l'État-nation. Lorsque cette condition nécessaire est atteinte, comme c'est le cas dans les États membres de l'Union Européenne, les agents de l'État voient un intérêt dans la collecte des bénéfices politiques liés soit à la réforme d'un système politique dysfonctionnel, soit aux concessions accordées aux paliers gouvernementaux sous-nationaux.
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Bjugan, Ketil. « Europe's divided north : a comparative analysis of the conflict over European Union membership in four Nordic countries ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1516/.
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This thesis is a comparative analysis of how the conflict over membership in the European Union (EU) affected people and parties in four Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden) between 1985 and 1997. The purpose of the thesis is to analyse how and why a) the people, and b) the political parties in these four countries have reacted to the prospect of membership - or, in the case of Denmark, continued membership - in the EU. The thesis is divided into two main sections. Section one consists of three theoretical chapters. Chapter one explains why European integration has conflict potential in the Nordic countries, and why this conflict has increased in salience since the mid-1980's. Chapter two outlines and develops a political cleavage model. This has two purposes; firstly, to explain the nature of the Nordic party systems; secondly, to outline social, ideological and institutional limitations to the effect of the conflict over EU membership on the party systems of these countries. Chapter three develops two models derived from rational choice theory. The first assesses how EU membership might be expected to affect the utility of individual citizens. The second focuses on how political parties might be expected to react to the prospect of (continued) EU-membership. Chapters four to seven (section two) assess the explanatory power of the models developed in chapters two and three for each of the countries concerned, by analysing the hypothesised effects of the EU-conflict on individual utility and on the party systems. Chapter eight compares the results of chapters four to seven. Finally, the conclusion assesses the heuristic value of the methods employed, and the implications for theory. In summary, it is argued that, firstly, expected consequences for individual economic utility and left-right ideological position are the most important variables for explaining differences in attitude to membership, both within each country and between the four countries. Secondly, for the majority of parties the increased salience of this conflict complicates their strategy, in particular with regard to the ability to pursue vote maximisation and office maximisation simultaneously. A partial solution is to off-load the EU-conflict away from national elections. This explains in large part why in each of the countries the EU-conflict has been off-loaded from the arena of national elections to that of referendums and elections to the European Parliament.
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Ozer-Afsar, Kivanc. « A Normative and An Empirical Analysis on Conflicts Between Turkey and European Union During The Ongoing Process of Turkey's Membership To The Union ». Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3572388.
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Tanrikulu, Osman Goktug. « A Dissatisfied Partner : A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union ». PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1064.
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Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU.
The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed.
The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.
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RUIZ, SOLER Javier. « Is Twitter the new coffee house ? : the contribution of the European political Twittersphere to the European public sphere and European demos ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63305.
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Defence date: 12 June 2019Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor); Prof. Giovanni Sartor, European University Institute; Prof. Luigi Curini, University of Milan; Prof. Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Lund University
A Public Sphere and a demos are intrinsic key elements of any democratic society. The literature has pointed out that social media platforms can play an important role in developing direct interactions between users and creating a sense of community. Can Twitter contribute to the emergence of a transnational networked European Public Sphere and European demos? This thesis examines the contribution of the European Political Twittersphere to this question. I divide the question into three articles. In each I use a different theoretical framework and methodological approach to two datasets of two issue publics (the Schengen agreement and the transatlantic trade partnership, TTIP) collected through the public Twitter Streaming API from August 2016 to April 2017. In the first article I explore the actor level of the networks created from the Twitter data. I investigate whether these Twitter networks constitute networked publics where non-elite actors receive attention and play an important role by the number of mentions and retweets. In the second article I explore the question of the constitution of European transnational networks. To do so, I geolocate the accounts involved in the two networks to identify the type of interactions the users establish, whether national or transnational. In the third article I analyse the content of these networks by extracting what sentiments the users express for the topics, and whether they see themselves and the topics as national or European. The three articles capture three features of the European Political Twittersphere. First, the results indicate the presence of transnational European networks. Second, built from the bottom-up where non-elite actors receive most of the attention. And third, composed of a multilingual demoi where the users see themselves and the topics as European. However, although these mapped Twitter networks contribute to some extent to transnational interaction and a sense of community, the deliberative quality of these networks is low.
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Shelton, Joel Trent. « Conditionalizing Conduct : Political Economy and the Limits to Governance in European Union Enlargement ». Diss., Virginia Tech, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77062.
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This dissertation argues that European Union membership conditionality operates as a modality of political-economic governance directed at securing the conditions of possibility for a harmoniously functioning political economy of Europe. I argue that conditionality can best be understood not as a series of requirements for EU membership, a set of incentives for rule adoption, or a vehicle for the transmission of European norms to candidate states, but as an ensemble of discursive and material practices – fragile, dispersed circuits of governmental activity directed at a particular strategic ambition. I argue that existing accounts of EU membership conditionality are informed by predominantly rationalist understandings of political economy which work to conceal various cultural, social, and subjective sources of disharmony in political-economic life. Thinking about the political economy of conditionality through rationalist lenses privileges the study of bargaining and negotiation and institutional reform and overlooks the ways that conditionality targets the transformation of problematic socio-cultural and subjective elements of political economy – among them particular habits of culture, patterns of sociality, and subjective qualities and capacities of the person deemed essential to securing order and abundance. Re-reading canonical works in classical and critical traditions of political economy by James Steuart, Adam Smith, and Karl Marx makes clear that political economy as a field of knowledge and practice has long been concerned with understanding the political, legislative-legal, institutional, socio-cultural, and subjective conditions of possibility for securing order and abundance and has long reflected on the potential and limits of governance to secure these conditions in a world of shifting circumstance. I argue that a political economy of EU membership conditionality concerned with disharmony should investigate the ways that particular socio-cultural and subjective features of political-economic life are problematized in the discourse of conditionality and subsequently targeted for transformation through the work of instruments and agents of conditionality operating in a variety of institutional contexts. On this basis, I analyze conditionality as practice – tracing the emergence of instruments of conditionality currently at work in the Republic of Macedonia through official documents produced by the EU and the Republic of Macedonia from 2001-2011. I then examine the ambitions and limits of the Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007-2013 (OP-HRD) – a program tasked with translating the aims of conditionality on paper into concrete activities for implementation in the fields of employment, education and training, and social inclusion. I outline some limits to the program derived from personal interviews with officials of the EU and the Republic of Macedonia who work to implement the OP-HRD "on the ground." In reflecting on these limitations, I return to the political economy of disharmony, concluding that constraints on the operation of conditionality in practice are not merely the product of technical and political impediments but are also derived from inherent limits to the old dream of political-economic harmony to which the ambitions of conditionality are ultimately directed.Ph. D.
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Radice, Luke C. « Evolving Conceptions of Sovereignty as Applied to Membership in International Organizations ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2147.
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In the current international climate, both nations and individuals increasingly question both the validity and necessity of international organizations. This paper seeks to answer some of those questions, and to determine why countries choose to surrender significant portions of the national power that they are afforded under traditional perceptions of “Westphalian sovereignty”. This question is answered through an analysis of historical political thought on the concept of Sovereignty, then is applied to two case studies: the United Nations and the European Union, in which the benefits and downsides of surrendering sovereignty are discussed. Ultimately, this thesis concludes that the concept of Westphalian sovereignty is weakening in the modern world, as the international system gradually adopts new ideas about what national power allows, and reapplies old concepts that had long fallen out of use. Additionally, many of the problems faced by humanity in the present day are too large and complicated to be solved by singular nations, and require concerted international action. Together, these evolving conceptions of sovereignty and increasingly complex global problems have greatly contributed to the growth and empowerment of international organizations.
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Zuleeg, Fabian. « The political economy of the accession process : aspirations of European Union membership leading to divergence within Central and Eastern Europe ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22769.
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This thesis examines the Political Economy of the Accession of Central and Eastern European Countries to the European Union. It focuses on the process of accession from the perspective of the applicant countries and the constraints they face. For this purpose the thesis examines the literature of transition economics with a particular emphasis on macro-economic modelling and contrasts the findings with literature on the accession process. It demonstrates that there is a need to apply the transition literature to the accession process by using economic modelling. The thesis recognises that the position of the applicant countries is path dependent and thus sets out the main historical developments. The thesis demonstrates that groups of applicant countries share a certain degree of common historical development, particularly in the later half of the second century. The thesis then examines the transition up to date with a particular emphasis on the relationship with the European Union, to determine the starting point of the accession process. This part of the thesis shows that some of the countries have fallen behind in the accession process and face further difficult reforms. The next section of the thesis models the accession process and derives theoretical conclusions. The conclusions show that constraints play an important part in the accession process. In particular, the thesis identifies the main constraints as political feasibility, time consistency and uncertainty. Furthermore the theoretical conclusions demonstrate that countries at different stages of the accession process need to pursue different strategies. The thesis then applies the theoretical conclusions by examining the literature on the applicant countries to identify the presence of constraints. The thesis demonstrates that the constraints are present in all the applicant countries, but, as predicted by the theoretical model, the presence of constraints is most frequent in those countries furthest away from accession. The thesis concludes that some countries face an increasingly difficult accession process, which might lead to the postponement or even abandonment of accession.
Livres sur le sujet "European Union – Membership – Political aspects"
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The politics of EU enlargement : Accession negotiations, distributional conflicts, and discriminatory membership. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2008.
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Trybuchowska-Hartlińska, Karolina. Bliskie sąsiedztwo - dalekie sojusze. Olsztyn : Instytut Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu Warmińsko-Mazurskiego w Olsztynie, 2008.
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Schneider, Christina J. Conflict, negotiation and European Union enlargement. Cambridge, UK : Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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Hill, Christopher. The geo-political implications of enlargement. Badia Fiesolana, Italy : European University Institute, 2000.
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Christopher, Hill. The geo-political implications of enlargement. San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy : European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre, 2000.
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Edwards, Erica E. Products of their past ? : Cleavages and intra-party dissent over European integration. Wien : Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), 2009.
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Tusche, Stefanie. Demografische Entwicklung in der EU und Beschlussfassung im Ministerrat : Wer "regiert" Europa 2050 ? München : Utz, Herbert, 2011.
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EC membership and the judicialization of British politics. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2001.
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Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) and European Democrats in the European Parliament., dir. Our vision of Europe : Proximity, competitiveness and visibility. Leuven, Belgium : Garant, 2001.
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Jovanović, Bojan. Evropeizacija Crne Gore : EU i budućnost crnogorske države. Podgorica : Matica crnogorska, 2020.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "European Union – Membership – Political aspects"
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Davidson, Ian D. « Some Political Aspects of the Choice ». Dans European Monetary Union : The Kingsdown Enquiry, 28–35. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24825-4_6.
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Jansen, Giedo, et Agnes Akkerman. « The Collapse of Collective Action ? Employment Flexibility, Union Membership and Strikes in European Companies ». Dans Comparative Political Economy of Work, 186–207. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-32228-9_9.
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Gekara, Victor Oyaro. « Union Organising in the Context of Regional Labour Market Decline : The Case of Nautilus International ». Dans The World of the Seafarer, 157–71. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49825-2_13.
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AbstractOver the past few decades the impact of globalisation on society and industry at the national level has been immense and has been studied and extensively documented in the literature. Some of the major benefits and losses accruing from economic globalisation, particularly since the late 1970s have been debated by dominant political economy commentators (see e.g. Harvey 2005; Held et al. 1999; Strange 1996; Scholte 2000; Stiglitz 2002; Giddens 2002; Chomsky 2017). An important aspect of the globalising process has been the extensive restructuring of production and distribution patterns in search of cheaper resources, through aggressive outsourcing and offshoring. The result for many national economies, particularly advanced industrial states, has been a drastic decline in traditional industries affecting both labour and capital (Dunning 1993; Beck 2005; Perraton 2019). This chapter examines the decline in the seafaring labour markets of the so-called Traditional Maritime Countries (TMN), and the implications for union organising focusing on the UK and its seafaring labour. It examines the creation of Nautilus International (NI) Union via a merger of unions for maritime professionals across different countries in Europe initially beginning with Great Britain, the Netherlands and later Switzerland. This was a uniquely strategic response to declining membership and weakening organising capacity. Some of the key challenges associated with unions trying to organise and represent their members in the context of industrial and labour market decline are explored.
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Karolewski, Ireneusz Paweł. « Towards a Political Theory of Democratic Backsliding ? Generalising the East Central European Experience ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 301–21. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_13.
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Abstract This chapter argues in favour of a general theory of democratic backsliding which should cover three dimensions: (1) the societal one (changing citizenry), (2) the institutional one (changing institutions of democratic government) and (3) the processual one (the nature of the democratic backsliding itself). Following these aspects, the chapter explores general developments of democratic backsliding, which also apply to East Central Europe. Regarding the societal dimension, it points to changes in the nature of citizenship towards spectatorship and plebiscitary understanding of democracy. Considering the institutional dimension, it focuses on two types of state capture: the party state capture and the corporate state capture. With regard to the processual dimension, the chapter argues that democratic backsliding does not imply fully fledged authoritarianism but rather represents a retrogression to semi-democracy—a potentially stable regime type, in which the dismantling of the rule of law goes hand in hand with cyclical elections preserving democratic standards.
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Gehler, Michael. « On the Long and Winding Road to European Union Membership : Austrian Party Elites in Transnational Political Networks ». Dans Transnational Networks in Regional Integration, 199–220. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283268_10.
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Balmas, Paolo, et Sabine Dörry. « The Geoeconomics of Chinese Bank Expansion into the European Union ». Dans The Political Economy of Geoeconomics : Europe in a Changing World, 161–85. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-01968-5_7.
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AbstractWe apply the concept of geoeconomics to the example of Chinese state-owned commercial banks based in Luxembourg and their financial activities in the European Union. The case study links the uneven relationship between China and Luxembourg to the field of international finance via large Chinese state-owned banks as important but analytically neglected actors. In doing so, we analyze how economic resources are used by, through and between nation states in the pursuit of their strategic goals. Starting from the observation that Chinese banking networks primarily provide a platform for the implementation of direct investments by Chinese companies, we identify important mechanisms and practices of Chinese banks, their anchoring in Luxembourg and the limited fulfilment of Western policy makers’ expectations from the presence of the Chinese banks in Luxembourg. Furthermore, we analyze instruments and strategies that define important aspects and dimensions of the concept of geoeconomics and complement them with the agency attributed to Chinese banks. An interesting paradox emerges from our analysis: while the geoeconomic power of Chinese banks’ activities is limited by the strict adherence to Chinese state development guidelines, the new organization of the Chinese banking networks in the EU suggests that they will be able to exercise their geoeconomic power in the future; with corresponding implications for local economies and economic development in Europe.
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de Witte, Bruno. « Constitutional Aspects of European Union Membership in the Original Six Member States : Model Solutions for the Applicant Countries ? » Dans EU Enlargement, 65–79. The Hague : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-449-3_8.
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Bürgin, Alexander. « The European Commission’s Role in EU–Turkey Relations ». Dans EU-Turkey Relations, 219–40. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70890-0_9.
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AbstractBased on a review of the relations between the European Commission (EC) and Turkey across a selection of policy areas, this chapter illustrates two aspects of EC influence in EU–Turkey relations. First, as a defender of the rules of the (enlargement) game, the Commission has rebuffed attempts by some member states to undermine Turkey’s membership prospects. The EC’s influence in the debate on the most appropriate approach to Turkey underlines its autonomous role within the EU system and the relevance of its norm-based argumentation. However, due to Turkey’s current alienation from the EU’s normative standards, norm-based arguments in favor of Turkey’s membership have lost much of their weight even within the Commission. Second, the EC has been an important ‘agent of change’ in Turkish domestic politics, even in times of deteriorating political relations with the EU. Because of its contributions to regular interactions, in particular, in the framework of projects financed by the EU’s Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance, the EC has continued to increase administrative capacity and policy learning processes within Turkey’s bureaucracy, which, in turn, contributed to Ankara’s continued harmonization with the EU acquis in some sectors, despite the waning relevance of the EU’s conditionality strategy.
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Akman, Mehmet Sait, et Semih Emre Çekin. « The EU as an Anchor for Turkey’s Macroeconomic and Trade Policy ». Dans EU-Turkey Relations, 295–322. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70890-0_12.
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AbstractEU–Turkey relations have been subject to manifold ups and downs for decades. The EU’s role in Turkey’s domestic transformation has long been a matter of interest to the academic community. This chapter examines to what extent and under what conditions the EU has served as an anchor for the Turkish economy during the last two decades, focusing on the effects of the EU anchor on Turkey’s macroeconomic and trade policy. It finds that maintaining a European anchor after the Helsinki European Council helped Turkey realize much-desired comprehensive macroeconomic reforms, especially during times when the EU anchor was combined with another multilateral anchor. Nevertheless, the EU’s anchor-providing role has not been consistent and amidst changing political circumstances it is no longer considered an ‘elixir’ for the Turkish economy. The establishment of the Customs Union (CU) is revealed to have been a significant driver of the transformation of Turkey’s trade policy. While the trade partnership remains one of the few well-functioning aspects of the volatile bilateral dialogue between the EU and Turkey, the EU’s role in the trade policy arena is diminishing, and the upgrading of the CU remains vital to achieve further momentum and enhance mutual gains.
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Griffith-Jones, Stephany, et Bettina De Souza Guilherme. « Introduction ». Dans Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 1–7. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_1.
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AbstractThis book is the result of the first 3 years of the comparative and multidisciplinary Jean Monnet Network, “Crisis-Equity-Democracy for Europe and Latin America”, of senior academics and policy advisors from four European and three Latin American countries, including experts on the European Union and Latin American regionalism. The rationale of the project and the common link is that both Europe and Latin America can learn from their respective experiences on “crisis”, its management and the distributive and democratic implications at national and regional level. The main purposes of the joint research can be summarised as to (1) locate in the current global financial system as one of the very major causes of the financial and debt crises in the EU and Latin America; (2) demonstrate the impact of the paradigm change on global and EU economic governance; (3) analyse key systemic aspects of the global crisis, i.e. climate change, macro-financial instability and the weakening of democracy and their inter-connections; (4) map and evaluate how both regions and individual countries within both regions have tried to manage these crises; (5) discuss the economic, political and social effects of these crises on both regions and individual countries; (6) finally, to make policy suggestions on how to transition from finance capitalism to a more sustainable real capitalism, on how both regions can better manage/govern/respond to such systemic pressures and on how they can increase their cooperation.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "European Union – Membership – Political aspects"
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Чепик, Виктор. « Немецкий подход к идее европейской интеграции после Первой и Второй мировых войн ». Dans Россия — Германия в образовательном, научном и культурном диалоге. Конкорд, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/de2021/027.
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The appearance of Soviet Russia in the international arena in 1917 was one, but not the only factor that contributed to the further development of the idea of European integration. German supporters of the unification of Europe after the First World War were attracted by the economic and political aspects of the European idea, in the development of which they themselves took an active part. In particular, it was proposed to create a pan-European economic zone, which included as an "indispensable complement" the "joint economic exploitation of pan-European colonies", most of which were in Africa. The German Foreign Ministry, headed by G. Stresemann, supported the project of a federal union of Europe. After the Second World War, the supporters of European integration in Germany, which was divided into occupation zones, hoped with the help of membership in the proposed European Federal Union to solve a number of national tasks, the main of which was the reunification of Germany.
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Başeğmez, Nergiz, et Kerem Toker. « A Crossroad For Turkey : European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.
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With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.
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Petrishchev, Vyacheslav. « ETHNO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF GLOBALIZATION : EXPERIENCE OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES ». Dans Globalistics-2020 : Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-340-349.
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The article deals with the ethno-cultural aspects of globalization on the example of European countries, members of the European Union. The influence of the ethno-cultural factor on political, economic and cultural relations within the EU member-states, between the EU member-states and relations with immigrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East is shown. The forecast for the further development of the European Union as a major factor of globalization is given.
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ÖZTÜRK, YUSUF KEMAL, et Selami Sedat Akgöz. « European Union’s Expansion and Globalization Strategies : A Special Investigation on Poland ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00503.
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During the development process, particularly Middle and Eastern European Countries have increasingly integrated into the Union economy while parliaments, governments, public and private sectors have put forth significant effort to prepare for membership to European Union. European Union, on the other hand, prepared a financial framework in 1989 to actively support such efforts. Thus the Union financial and institutional regulations were realized to finance the process of transition to market economy. In this regard, Poland has quickly completed the necessary steps for harmonization and accelerated its efforts towards this goal. Following the radical change Poland experienced after 1989, the process of democratization and transition to open market economy. In our study we compared and investigated Poland economic and political situation before joining European Union, with the developments during the harmonization process and its economic structure today. In this process, it will be appropriate to take a look at Poland recent political and economic life as well as the reasons as to why Poland is an important state for Europe.
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Danaj, Adela, Kornelia Lazanyi et Heidi Kasa. « THE TRUST OF THE ALBANIAN YOUTH TOWARDS THE EUROPEAN UNION INSTITUTIONS ». Dans NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b1/v4/36.
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Albania appears to provoke a new problem. The desire of young people to leave the country, as well as the strong focus on EU membership of the country as the greatest answer for their future and that of the country, has drawn academics to the topic. According to studies, young Albanians' trust in national institutions has fallen significantly. Based on these findings, the purpose of this study is to examine the factors, such as: perceived political situation, trust in the national situation and EU education programme, that contribute to a high degree of trust in EU institutions. From a methodological standpoint, the paper is based on the quantity approach, and the survey is the technique of data gathering. The survey was established as part of this research, and the categories for the analyses were determined by the theoretical foundation. A total of 212 people responded to the survey. The analytical model of the paper is based on authors Fukuyama and Putnam. They define trust as an expectation that evolves in a community as a result of regular and societal changes in common norms. This declaration served as the foundation for the entire project. Following the examination and processing of the data, as well as running a multiple linear regression, it was determined that a negative perception of the political situation, low level of trust in national institutions and high level of trust in the EU education programme contribute to the high degree of trust towards EU institutions.
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Накрыжская, В. А. « Some legal aspects of European Program “Green Deal” ». Dans XXIII Международная научная конференция «Цивилизация знаний : российские реалии» «Цивилизационные задачи современного правоведения : наука, образование, практика» (стратегическая панель). Crossref, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18137/cz22.2022.18.28.001.
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Европейская зеленая сделка является амбициозным пакетом мер правового, политического и экономического характера, направленных на достижение климатической нейтральности Европейским союзом (ЕС) к 2050 году. В статье анализируются некоторые правовые аспекты регулирования в таких сферах европейской экономики, как промышленность, сельское хозяйство, энергетика, инвестиции и других, которое радикально изменилось с 2019 года, в том числе в связи с опубликованием пакета инициатив Комиссии ЕС «Fit for 55» в 2021 году. Не все инициативы носят однозначно положительный характер: например, автор критически рассматривает предложенный механизм трансграничного углеродного регулирования и его связь с системой торговли квотами на выбросы ЕС в текущем виде, а также перспективы самой зеленой сделки. The European Green Deal is an ambitious package of legal, political and economic measures aimed at achieving climate neutrality of the European Union (EU) by 2050. The article analyzes some legal aspects of the regulation in such areas of the European economy as industry, agriculture, energy, investment and others, which has dramatically changed since 2019, especially due to publication of the EU Commission's "Fit for 55" package in 2021. Not all the initiatives are completely positive: for example, author discusses the proposed carbon border adjustment mechanism and its connection to the EU emissions trading system in its current form, as well as perspectives of the Green Deal.
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Stepina, Mairita, et Modrite Pelse. « European Union funding support to Latvian municipalities for degraded areas revitalization ». Dans Research for Rural Development 2022 : annual 28th international scientific conference proceedings. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/rrd.28.2022.033.
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The formation and existence of degraded areas is one of the consequences of civilization, which has a negative impact on both the environment and economic development in the municipality. The problem of degraded areas has been faced by all countries worldwide, including Latvia, when as a result of the change of the state political system in the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet system, a large number of inactive production companies appeared, resulting in a significant number of polluted / degraded areas. To solve the existing problem, local governments in Latvia use European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) funding under the Operational Program ‘Growth and Employment’ 5.6.2, specific support objective ‘Revitalization of territories by regenerating degraded areas in accordance with local government integrated development programs’ (SSO 5.6.2) to ensure the sustainable development of the territory by revitalizing degraded areas. In the implementation of projects, local governments must ensure the fulfilment of the indicators planned in the projects in the following groups of indicators: the area of degraded areas has been renewed, adapted for the location of new businesses or expansion of existing businesses in order to promote employment and economic activity in local governments; new jobs created in supported areas; non-financial investments made by businesses located in the supported territory in their own intangible investments and fixed assets. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the indicators of the implemented projects in order to be able to draw conclusions about the financial aspects of the project implementation and the progress of the project implementation.
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Miceski, Trajko, et Natasha Stojovska. « Comparative Analysis of Birth Rate and Life Expectancy in Macedonia, Turkey and the European Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01036.
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The comparative analysis of birth rate and life expectancy will provide information about the position of Macedonia in relation to Turkey and the EU and also about the factors that have the greatest impact on the population’s movement and vitality. This information should help the policy creators in the process of defining and implementing measures for increasing the birth rate and life expectancy of the population, which is aim of every country. In this paper will be put out some theoretical aspects about the economic, social, psychological, technological, cultural and political factors that have impact on the birth rate and life expectancy of the population. Also, the tabular and graphical displays will show the movement of these two demographic features in the period from 1980 to 2011. Changes in birth rate and life expectancy in Macedonia, Turkey and the European Union have been leading to demographic aging of the population in the last three decades. The birth rate in these countries shows a trend of continuous decline, despite the gradual increase in life expectancy of the population. Although the declined birth rate and increased life expectancy of the population have been a common features of these countries in the last decades, the percentage of this changes is different for each country.
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Ivković, Nikola. « POLITIČKI KOMPLEKS VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA ». Dans 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.367i.
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The paper analyzes the political context of the constitution of a common state of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The search for and recording of the reasons for the adoption of certain legal solutions begins with the consideration of political circumstances at the domestic and international political level. Further, through the analysis of political circumstances and sociological environment, the character of the legal acts that preceded the constitutive, Corfu and Geneva declarations and finally the December unification acts is observed. After the objectification of the act of unification, the central topic of research is the procedure of enactment and political elements of the Vidovdan Constitution. The research is also part of an attempt to establish the facts and demystify the issues that have burdened the former Yugoslav states for decades. Was the common state a mistake or the result of rational decisions in the dynamics of Europe at that time. Formally - legally and politically, all countries of the former community are either in the European Union or on the path to membership, with a strong state desire to be part of the same community, and on that basis, the historical-political context is observed.
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Gajić, Aleksandar V. « FACING REALITY : A NEED TO CHANGE THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK OF THE EU PUBLIC HEALTH POLICY AND THE INFLUENCE OF THE PANDEMIC OF COVID-19 ON THE PERCEPTION OF IDENTITY AND THE ROLE OF THE EU ». Dans The recovery of the EU and strengthening the ability to respond to new challenges – legal and economic aspects. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/22434.
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The main aim of this article is to highlight two interconnected issues raised in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. The first one concerns a need to change the EU Health Policy legal framework, particularly the founding treaties (TEU and TFEU), while the second one relates to the issue of the very perception of the identity of the European Union. The possible adequate solution for the situation created by the unprecedented nature of the COVID-19 pandemic and unprecedented measures that followed, was to proclaim state of emergency, which was largely avoided. It seems that it should be considered whether there is a need for amendments of the European Union founding treaties and/or the Charter on Fundamental Rights by providing the possibility of the state of emergency proclamation in the case of “the threats of the life” of the EU. The European Union is not entrusted with the competencies, powers, and responsibilities in health matters such as a pandemic, however founding treaties, functioning institutions as well as procedures seem sufficient for an effective response to health crises such as the one caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. However, having in mind experience with the COVID-19 pandemic it seems that there is a need to strengthen the EU legal framework concerning the issues of pandemic and similar threats, not by altering the nature of the EU competence regarding health issues, but by identifying the threats such as pandemic in the founding treaties that should contain basic regulations concerning European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control. In that manner the efficient response would be in a form of an institutionalized mechanism at the core of the European Union instead of being fully dependent on the variable political will. At the same time there is an urgent need to identify those Health Policy issues that should be an adequate subject of judicial scrutiny. The COVID-19 pandemic also proved that Member States and the European Union should be more realistic regarding the perception of the role and identity of the European Union. The author argues that the identity of the European Union is blurred with a variety of considerations and that its content and features should be more determined, not only in academic literature but also in political practice, especially when it comes to the issue of self-determination of the European Union. The world is not the same as it was before the pandemic, and it seems that the European Union, in order to be prepared to face new challenges, must build its identity in realistic parameters and act in one voice “if it wants to make itself heard and play its proper rôle in the world”, as it was declared in the 1973 Declaration on the European Identity.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "European Union – Membership – Political aspects"
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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.
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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.