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1
Angelopoulou, Maria. « Cosmopolitanism in Europe-in-crisis : the cases of the EU, Greece and Turkey ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10375.
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Adopting a critical cosmopolitan outlook the thesis identifies a constructive engagement with the European project at a time when the crisis of the Euro-zone is still threatening the very existence of the European Union. The purpose of the study is to determine whether cosmopolitanism is feasible in Europe. I argue that the EU can be conceived as a catalyst of cosmopolitanism without being cosmopolitan per se due its so far limited internal and external contexts of cosmopolitanism. In the case of the EU's limited inner cosmopolitanism, I seek cosmopolitan alternatives for the EU to overcome the crisis on the basis of an institutional and civil society analysis within the conceptual framework of cosmopolitan democracy. Instead of adopting the terminology of governance either for or by the people, my cosmopolitan approach focuses on governance with the people. The case of Greece is of utmost importance for my research as it reveals the causes and gravity of the crisis. It also broadens the empirical basis of cosmopolitan studies by embodying both the dynamics and challenges posed to cosmopolitanism which are exemplified in the paradoxes provoked; on the one hand there is aggravation of (fascist) nationalism and domination of economics on politics perhaps leading to Greece's de- Europeanisation; on the other hand the dynamics of a paradigm shift towards a post-crisis cosmopolitanism are revealed. That kind of cosmopolitanism needs to take under consideration the role of contestation and to redefine its position in the era of global capitalism for the confrontation of the crisis. In the case of the EU's limited external cosmopolitanism, my analysis of Turkey's possible impact on the EU and the reverse aims to demonstrate that Turkey's integration can contribute to the formation of a cosmopolitan, post-Western EU and post-national Turkey. What is of crucial importance for both cosmopolitan and Europeanisation studies is that the endogenous process of change within Turkey which is interlocking with the external dynamics of the EU may potentially lead to a distinctive ‘hybrid' type of cosmopolitanisation neither merely European nor simply Asian. The conclusions drawn from this multiple case study suggest that the current crisis may open new meanings for cosmopolitanism in Europe.
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Barton, Justin. « Foreign policy between the Russian Federation and European Union in the 21st century ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10093.
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Bibliography: leaves 74-77.This thesis examines the growing partnership between Russia and the ED. Although suspicious of each other's intentions at times, both sides have realized the necessity for close cooperation. In many respects, the ED is an economic empire in search of a security structure, while Russia is a military power without an economic base. The crime, corruption, and slowly developing democracy in Russia are of supreme security concern for the EU, because they create instability and uncertainty in the region.
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Fox, Timothy William. « Euros, pounds and Albion at arms : European monetary policy and British defense in the 21st century ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FFox.pdf.
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TESCHE, Tobias. « Institutional responses to the euro area crisis ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/62526.
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Defence date: 13 May 2019Examining Board: Prof. Philipp Genschel, European University Institute; Prof. Adrienne Héritier, European University Institute; Prof. C. Randall Henning, American University Washington D.C.; Prof. Manuela Moschella, Scuola Normale Superiore
This article-based dissertation traces the institutional responses to the euro area crisis in the realm of fiscal and financial governance. First, it shows why the diffusion of national fiscal councils in the EU has not led to institutional isomorphism. The troika institutions - the European Commission, the ECB and the International Monetary Fund - formed a technocratic consensus about the desirability of establishing national fiscal councils in the EU. Considerable disagreement existed, however, with regards to their design features. Each institution promoted a distinct fiscal council model in line with their institutional self-interest. Preference heterogeneity among the troika members ultimately prevented the spread of a one-size-fits-all fiscal council in the EU. Second, this thesis links three models of a fiscal council (agent, trustee and orchestrator) to three different sources of the deficit bias (i.e. forecasting errors, common pool problem, asymmetric information) and three different conceptions of legitimacy (input, output, throughput). Third, it explains why the ECB President started to visit national parliaments. The ECB’s unconventional monetary policy measures triggered unprecedented levels of public distrust, invigorated a fierce debate about central bank independence and led to deteriorating output legitimacy. Given the diverging demands from creditor and debtor states, the ECB saw an opportunity to reduce the audience costs of their policies by directly targeting national parliaments. Fourth, it shows how large cross-border banks stood to gain from the banking union because it would level the playing field, create regulatory savings and ultimately encroach on the business model of the smaller competitors that had, thus far, been shielded from competition through favorable regulation. Fifth, it discusses the European Stability Mechanism, the ECB, the proposed European Minister of Economics and Finance and the European Fiscal Board and relates them to strategies that supranational actors can pursue to deepen European integration.
Chapter 2 draws upon an earlier article published in the JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies. Chapter 3 draws upon an earlier article published in the Journal of Contemporary European Research (JCER). Chapter 4 draws upon an earlier article published in the Journal of European Integration. Chapter 5 draws upon an earlier paper published in the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Research Paper Series. Chapter 6 draws upon an earlier paper published in the CERiM Online Paper Series.
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Dewar, Robert Scott. « Cyber security in the European Union : an historical institutionalist analysis of a 21st century security concern ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2017. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8188/.
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This thesis uses cyber security, an important topic in today's world, as a vector for analysis in order to contribute to a better understanding of the European Union (EU)’s policy-making processes. Although EU policy has received extensive scholarly attention, cyber security policy is under-researched, a gap in current literature this thesis addresses. The goal of the thesis is to understand why the Union adopted and maintained a socio-economic approach to cyber security when other actors added military and defence considerations. The thesis employs an historical institutionalist (HI) framework to examine the long-term institutional and ideational influences underpinning policy development in this area between 1985 and 2013. This was achieved using a longitudinal narrative inquiry employing an original, conceptual content analysis technique developed to gather data from both relevant EU acquis communautaire and over 30 interviews. There were three main findings resulting from this analysis, two empirical and one theoretical. The first empirical finding was that the EU’s competences established an institutional framework – a set of rules and procedures – for policy development in this sector. By restricting the EU’s capacity to engage in military or national security-oriented issues, its competences required it to respond to emerging security matters from a socio-economic perspective. The second empirical finding was that there exists a specific discourse underpinning EU cyber security policy. That discourse is predicated upon a set of five ideational elements which influenced policy continuously between 1985 and 2013. These five elements are: maximising the economic benefits of cyberspace; protecting fundamental rights; tackling cyber-crime; promoting trust in digital systems and achieving these goals through facilitating actor co-operation. Throughout the thesis the argument is made that the EU adopted and maintained its socio-economic policy as a result of an interaction between this ideational discourse and the institutional framework provided by competences. This interaction created a linear, but not deterministic path of policy development from which the EU did not deviate. The third, theoretical, finding relates to the HI mechanisms of path dependency and punctuated equilibrium. The EU’s policy discourse was exposed to major stresses after 2007 which, according to punctuated equilibrium, should have caused policy change. Instead, those stresses entrenched the Union’s discourse. This demonstrates an explanatory flexibility not normally associated with punctuated equilibrium. The findings of the thesis have implications for policy practitioners by providing a way to identify underlying ideational dynamics in policy development. Due to a combination of empirical and conceptual findings, the thesis provides a potential basis for future research in EU policy development and HI analyses.
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Stivas, Dionysios. « The securitization of the European refugee crisis : a novel approach to the 'audience acceptance' of the Copenhagen School of security studies ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/733.
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In 2015, Europe experienced the most significant refugees' outbreak in modern history. Millions of displaced persons crossed the external borders of the European Union. Some of the EU member states represented and handled the outbreak as an opportunity. Some others framed and dealt with the migratory pressures as a security threat. The designation of an issue as an existential threat to a referent object constitutes a security speech act. According to the Copenhagen School of Security Studies, when extraordinary measures and the acceptance of the audience follow a security speech act, then we observe successful securitization. Motivated by the desire to examine the securitization of the refugee crisis in Europe, from a Copenhagen School's perspective, I performed a thorough assessment of the relevant literature which brought into the light a research gap. Despite the persistence of the Copenhagen School's scholars to underline the importance of their analytical framework's 'audience acceptance' component, most of the securitization literature focuses on the other two components of a successful securitization: the security speech act and the emergency action. As a result, the audience acceptance component suffers from under-theorization, underdevelopment, and under-assessment. To enhance the analytical potential of the Copenhagen School's theorem, I develop two methodological novelties -the Triangulation Method of Audience Identification and the Comprehensive Securitization Empirical Framework. The first guarantees the accurate identification of the securitization audience. The second classifies ten different forms of securitization based on the presence or absence of the three securitization components and on the placement of the 'audience acceptance' within the securitization's timeline. To demonstrate the applicability of the novel analytical tools, I test them on the securitization of the European refugee crisis. To support my findings, I perform a comparative case study of five case studies: Greece, Poland, Hungary, Germany, and the EU. To draw my conclusions, I consult thousands of official statements, hundreds of surveys and opinion polls, dozens of relevant books and peer-reviewed articles and several in-person interviews with renowned decision-makers. The outcomes of the research suggest that, in the case of the European refugee crisis, the primary targeted audience was the general public. However, the opinion of the general public about the designation of the existential threat and about the necessity of the extraordinary measures' adoption was rarely considered after the utterance of the security speech acts. In most of the cases, the securitizing actors assessed the feelings of the general public before uttering the speech acts. The findings of this research also indicate that the higher the negativity of the general public towards immigrants and refugees, the most likely the political elites to perform a security speech act and to resort to emergency action. Despite the indisputable impact of the public opinion, the final decision about the securitization of the refugee crisis belongs to the political actors
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Tanrikulu, Osman Goktug. « A Dissatisfied Partner : A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union ». PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1064.
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Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU.
The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed.
The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.
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SCHULTE-CLOOS, Julia. « European integration and the surge of the populist radical right ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63506.
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Defence date: 2 July 2019Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Elias Dinas, European University Institute; Professor Liesbet Hooghe, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; Professor Kai Arzheimer, Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz
Does European integration contribute to the rise of the radical right? This dissertation offers three empirical contributions that aid understanding the interplay between political integration within the European Union (EU) and the surge of the populist radical right across Europe. The first account studies the impact that the European Parliament (EP) elections have for the national fortune of the populist right. The findings of a country fixed-effects model leveraging variation in the European electoral cycle demonstrate that EP elections foster the domestic prospects of the radical right when national and EP elections are close in time. The second study demonstrates that the populist radical right cannot use the EP elections as a platform to socialise the most impressionable voters. The results of a regression discontinuity analysis highlight that the EP contest does not instil partisan ties to the political antagonists of the European idea. The third study shows that anti-European integration sentiments that existed prior to accession to the EU cast a long shadow in the present by contributing to the success of contemporary populist right actors. Relying on an original dataset entailing data on all EU accession referenda on the level of municipalities and exploiting variation within regions, the study demonstrates that those localities that were most hostile to the European project before even becoming part of the Union, today, vote in the largest numbers for the radical right. In synthesis, the dissertation approaches the relationship between two major current transformations of social reality: European integration and the surge of the radical right. The results highlight that contention around the issue of European integration provides a fertile ground for the populist radical right, helping to activate nationalistic and EU-hostile sentiments among parts of the European public.
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Hildermeier, Julia. « How Ideas Change Markets : Social and Semantic Construction(s) of Automobility in 21st century Europe ». Thesis, Cachan, Ecole normale supérieure, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015DENS0022.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse cherche à comprendre et développer comment les trajectoires institutionnelles émergent, tant empiriquement que théoriquement. Sur la base d’une étude de cas de l’industrie et la culture automobile, elle identifie les trajectoires de PATH DEPENDENCY, historiquement (chap.1) et théoriquement (chap.2). Dans une approche méthodologique qualitative, les chapitres 4 et 5 identifient les effets des conflits environnementaux dans l’industrie que remettent en cause la justification de sa structure même. L’analyse empirique de différents conflits autour des standards des émissions des voitures, les innovations technologiques comme le moteur électrique montrent que l’automobilité de demain, et le secteur, vont évoluer de manière plus pluraliste et hétérogène qu’avant. Si parmi les deux scenarios de développement une trajectoire institutionnelle stable émerge, elle dépend de si un narratif cohérent peut émerger, qui rend compréhensible et évident les relations entre offre, demande et réglementation pour les acteurs. La conclusion (ch.6) identifie les conditions d’émergence de nouvelles trajectoires institutionnelles : dans les conflits où un narratif alternatif est déjà présent, mais sous-jacent, des nouvelles structures organisationnelles et sémantiques peuvent émergerThis PhD thesis seeks to understand how institutional paths emerge, theoretically and empirically. Taking the case of the European automobile industry and culture it revisits how path dependency can emerge historically (chapter 1) and theoretical patterns of path production (chapter 2). Based on qualitative research design (chapter 3), the case study identifies possibilities of path rupture through environmental conflicts in automobile history (chapter 4 and 5). It shows that through path ruptures and the emergence of new paths following new environmental requirements, 21st century automobility builds pluralistic and more heterogeneous semantic and organizational structures. Geographic and local conditions such as city planning and infrastructure matter in shaping vehicle use and culture in the future, as well does the distribution of decision making power on different political levels. Chapter 6summarize s and reflects the results of my micro-analytical study as parts of an emerging theory of path creation. If the analyzed trajectories of scenarios for the automobile sector become reality, either electrified automobility or electric multimodality, depends on whether they build a coherent narrative that ‘make sense’ of offer, demand and regulation in the sector. The case study showed that these coherent narratives can emerge when conflicts render visible already existing counter-narratives. These counter-narratives emerge in situations of crisis, such as when new environmental regulation determines technological development and behavioural adaptation in automobility. Once accepted, they create a new path – a new semantic and organizational structure in society
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O'Brien, Carolyn 1957. « Immigrant integration, European integration : the Front national and the manipulation of French nationhood ». Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8548.
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Christensen, Daniel S. « The 'Grand Bargain' of the 21st Century : Assessing the Adequacies and Inadequacies of the Liberal Intergovernmental Theory of European Integration in Explaining the Treaty of Lisbon ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/581.
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SUZUKI, Hitoshi. « Digging for European Unity : the role played by the trade unions in the Schuman plan and the European coal and steel community from a German perspective, 1950-1955 ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10420.
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Defence date: 13 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Wilfried Loth (Universität Duisburg-Essen) ; Prof. Bo Stråth (EUI) ; Prof. Pascaline Winand (EUI and Monash University) ; Prof. Gérard Bossuat (Université de Cergy-Pontoise)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
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Novotná, Tereza. « Negotiating the accession : transformation of the state during German unification and the Eastern enlargement of the European Union ». Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32886.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This dissertation examines the profound transformations in post-1989 Europe by comparing and contrasting the unification of Germany and the European Union's (EU) eastern enlargement to the Czech Republic as two integration processes during which (post)-communist states were incorporated into Western-style democratic political structures. The main research questions are how and by what means a post-communist state can be transformed through political integration and how the (post)-communist state can influence this process of political integration. The research is thus two-directional: it examines both the 'downloading' side of the process, in which the 'accepting' unit imposes its structures (political institutions, legal order, economic system) on the 'entering' unit, and the 'uploading'/impact side, in which the entering unit changes under pressure from the accepting unit while influencing the transformation process. The dissertation develops two models of political integration, Transplantation and Adaptation. Both possess a wider applicability than the two cases studied. Transplantation involves an immediate integration with a strong leader, no preconditions and no preceding reforms on either part. Rather a simple transfer principle occurs. Adaptation, in contrast, entails a gradual, long-term integration with bureaucratic oversight and the use of 'political conditionality' until the candidate states reach an acceptable political and economic level vis-a-vis the accepting unit. Speed and the impact of the local actors are the key factors distinguishing the two models of political integration. An interdisciplinary methodology is employed which blends the traditions of political science and political sociology. At the center of the research is an extensive series of 90 semi-structured interviews conducted in German, Czech, and English with key political actors that offer new perspectives on the dynamics of the processes of unification and enlargement. The dissertation examines in detail the negotiation processes that led to German unification (Transplantation) and, using the case of the Czech Republic, the eastern enlargement of the EU (Adaptation). It concludes by drawing several general lessons.
2031-01-01
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Blew, Dennis Jan. « The Europeanization of Political Parties : A Study of Political Parties in Poland 2009-2014 ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2567.
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On May 1st 2004, Poland entered the European Union (EU), introducing new variables into the domestic politics of the Polish Republic. Since gaining its independence from Soviet control in 1989, Poland’s political landscape can be described as a dynamic and ever changing force towards democratic maturation. With the accession of Poland to the EU, questions of European integration and Europeanization have arisen, most specifically with how these two processes effect and shape the behaviors of domestic political actors.
With Poland entering its second decade of EU membership, this study attempts to explain how, and if, further European integration has had any effect on the Europeanization of political parties in Poland. Building upon the work of various scholars, most notably Aleks Szczerbiak, this study examines the years 2009-2014, and examines Poland’s political parties through Robert Ladrech’s framework of Europeanization.
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De, Vos Johannes Nicolaas. « A security community in Africa : a critical assessment of the African Union’s contribution towards the construction of a potential security community since 2002 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20159.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to provide a critical discussion of the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community since its inception in 2002. Utilising Security Community Theory, and the framework for the study of security communities developed by Adler & Barnett (1998) it commences with an interrogation of the AU. This interrogation is arranged along the three tiers of the framework. The first tier is the precipitating conditions, which cause states to orient themselves in each other’s direction and desire to coordinate their relations. The second tier investigates the factors conducive to the development of mutual trust and collective identity. The third, and final, tier identifies the necessary conditions of dependable expectations of peaceful change. The study goes on and introduces three African case studies, which illustrate the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community. The case studies are the African Union mission in Burundi, the African Union mission in Sudan, and the recent intervention of the African Union in the post-election crisis in Côte d'Ivoire. All three case studies were able to provide ample evidence to illustrate the AU’s contributions. The study concludes with two major findings. Firstly, this study is able to illustrate that the AU has made significant contributions towards the development of peace and security in Africa. Secondly, that the AU has made significant contributions at all three tiers of the framework, and therefore major contributions to the potential development of an African security community. However, the AU is still in its embryonic phase, and any prediction concerning the existence, or potential existence of an African security community would be premature. Even though there are ostensibly, positive developments in the area of continental peace and security this study is able to illustrate several remaining challenges to further contributions by the AU. The first is a lack of resources. The AU is heavily dependent on the contributions of its member states, and a number of members persistently fail to meet their contributions to the organization. A second challenge is the loosely defined relationship with the UN (and other external partners). It is crucial that a constructive relationship be established, if not, differences might antagonise the two organisations and negatively affect any future contributions of the AU towards the development of an African security community. Finally, the role of core states, most notably regional hegemons such as South Africa and Nigeria will remain important for stabilizing and encouraging the further development of an African security community.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om n kritiese bespreking te bied van die bydra wat die Afrika Unie na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het sedert sy intrede in 2002. Deur gebruik te maak van Sekuriteits Gemeeenskap Teorie, en die raamwerk vir die studie van sekuriteits gemeenskappe deur Adler & Barnett (1998) begin die studie met n direkte ondersoek van die AU. Hierdie ondersoek vind plaas volgens die drie vlakke van die raamwerk. Die eerste vlak is die kondisies wat veroorsaak dat state hulself na mekaar orienteer, en n wil ontwikkel om hulle sake te koordineer. Die tweede vlak ondersoek die faktore vir die ontwikkeling van wedersydse vertroue en gesamentlike identiteit. Die derde, en finale, vlak identifiseer die nodige kondisies van afhanklike verwagtinge vir vreedsame verandering. Die studie gaan voort met drie Afrika geval studies, wat die bydra van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap illustreer. Die geval studies sluit in die Afrika missie in Burundi, die Afrika missie in Sudan, en die onlangse intervensie deur die AU in die na-eleksie krisis in Côte d'Ivoire. Al drie geval studies verskaf wye getuienis wat die bydra van die AU illustreer. Die studie sluit af met twee hoof bevindings. Eerstens, kon hierdie studie illustreer dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes na die ontwikkeling van vrede en sekuriteit in Afrika gemaak het. Tweedens, dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes op al drie vlakke van die raamwerk gemaak het, en daarom ook mondige bydraes tot die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het. Nogtans, is die AU self nog in n onvolwasse stadium, en enige voorspelling in verband met die bestaan, of oor die potensiele bestaan van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap is voortydig. Al is daar opmerkilike positiewe ontwikkelinge in die area van kontinentale vrede en sekuriteit, kan hierdie studie steeds verskeie uitdagings identifiseer wat verdere bydraes deur die AU kan hinder. Die eerste uitdaging is n tekort aan bevondsing. Die AU is hoogs afhanklik op die bydrae van sy lidmaat state, maar n paar lede mis aanhoudend hulle bydraes tot die orginasasie. n Tweede uitdaging is die ongedefineerde verhouding tussen die AU en die VN (en ander eksterne vennote). Dit is belangrik dat n konstruktiewe verhouding in werk gestel word, indien nie, kan verskille die twee organisasies van mekaar dryf en enige toekomstige bydraes van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits kompleks negatief beinvloed. Laastens, sal die rol van kern state, mees aanmerklik streek leiers soos Suid Afrika en Nigerie, belangrik bly om die sekuriteits kompleks te stabiliseer en verdere ontwikkeling in die toekoms te bevorder.
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Bois, Julien Raymond Florent [Verfasser], Mark [Akademischer Betreuer] Dawson et Ramses [Akademischer Betreuer] Wessel. « The Uncertain World of the Court of Justice of the European Union. A Multidisciplinary Approach of the Legitimacy of the EU Judiciary in the 21st century / Julien Raymond Florent Bois ; Mark Dawson, Ramses Wessel ». Berlin : Hertie School, 2021. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-40844.
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Demers, Alanna. « They Kill Horses, Don't They ? Peasant Resistance and the Decline of the Horse Population in Soviet Russia ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1459521486.
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Magnette, Paul. « Citoyenneté et construction européenne : étude de la formation du concept de citoyenneté et de la recomposition de ses formes institutionnelles dans le cadre de la construction européenne ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211973.
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Maagaard, Sebastian. « The End of Sweden’s Nonalignment Policy and Generous RefugeePolicy, or EU as a Solution : Sweden’s National Self-determination in the EU Membership Debate,1987 – 1991 ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-320389.
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This thesis examines how the parliamentary debate in Sweden saw the consequences of Swedenas a nation were to join the European Union. The nation is defined as a state based on nationalself-determination. The EU is regarded as a supra-state organisation and one of the moreextensive efforts of its kind. I specifically examine two themes in Swedish foreign policy. Theseare the nonalignment policy and migration policy. Through a discourse analysis I show that allpolitical parties perceive consequences for the self-determination and all argue selfdeterminationwill be lost in the event of membership. However, they are divided in what theybelieved this would lead to. Some parties support EU whereas others are sceptical of EU. Partiesthat support an EU-membership argue that it is inevitable to join and Sweden will lose selfdeterminationanyway. A membership opens the possibility to influence and participate, but anabstaining will lead forced acceptance of policies. Many of the supporters are even positive ofbeing a member in EU. Sceptics, on the other hand believe Sweden will lack influence and loseall self-determination. The organisation itself is against Sweden as it is a supra-stateorganisation, which may reduce the role of single member-states. For the nonalignment policy,the government initially use it as an argument against EU, but later support membership if thenonalignment policy can be kept. The other supporters acknowledge the nonalignment policy,but nevertheless assert that EU is compatible with the nonalignment policy. This is because ofthe changes in the geopolitical situation. Sceptics believe the nonalignment policy rejectmembership, mostly due to the still uncertain geopolitical situation and the suspicion EU willdeprive Sweden of its decision-making. Sometimes they suggest the self-determination andnonalignment policy are prerequisites for each other. In the migration policy, all parties supportgenerous migration policy, but
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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. « Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.
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Fahlbusch, Markus. « European integration in the field of human rights protection : the interaction on the basis of different constitutional cultures ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209162.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present thesis suggests that judicial interaction can benefit constructive solutions of concrete human rights problems as a specific way of integrating European human rights protection. This affirmation is substantiated by case studies examining the interaction of the European Court of Human Rights with the UK House of Lords and Supreme Court on the one hand and with the German Federal Constitutional Court on the other. Yet, the manner in which the courts proceed in their interaction, notably in view of their potentially conflictual stances, can deflect from the concentration on constructively solving the substantive human rights problem with which the courts are confronted. Accordingly, the courts might be inclined to preserve the status quo of their initial positions and to resort to a mere compromise between the different interests involved.This thesis identifies two major factors in the courts’ reasoning that inhibit the fruitful discussion of the substantive human rights questions brought up by the cases: the reference to “culture” and the focus on their institutional relationship with the balancing of possibly conflicting interests. By way of analysing practical cases against a legal- and political-theoretical backdrop, this work develops how these two factors contribute to the obstruction of a constructive interaction between the courts and to the shielding of controversial views from being discussed and challenged. In response, also by reference to the concrete practice of the courts, this thesis puts forward an approach to the interaction which avoids this inhibiting effect and therefore allows for a comprehensive, deep and critical discussion on how to solve the specific human rights problems raised by the cases./La présente thèse soutient que l’interaction judiciaire peut bénéficier à des solutions constructives des problèmes concrets de droits de l’homme comme une forme spécifique d’intégration de la protection européenne des droits de l’homme. Cette affirmation est corroborée par des études de cas qui examinent l’interaction de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme avec la House of Lords et la Cour suprême du Royaume-Uni d’un côté et avec la Cour constitutionnelle fédérale de l’Allemagne de l’autre. Pourtant, la manière dont les cours procèdent dans leur interaction, notamment au vu de leurs points de vue potentiellement conflictuels, peut détourner l’attention de la solution constructive des problèmes substantiels des droits de l’homme auxquels les cours font face. En conséquence, il se peut que les cours soient susceptibles de préserver le statu quo de leurs positions initiales et d’avoir recours à un simple compromis entre les différents intérêts en cause.
Cette thèse identifie deux facteurs majeurs dans le raisonnement des cours qui entravent la discussion fructueuse des questions substantielles soulevées par les cas :la référence à la « culture » et la concentration sur leur relation institutionnelle avec le balancement des intérêts possiblement conflictuels. Au moyen de l’analyse des cas pratiques sur le fond de la théorie juridique et politique, ce travail fait ressortir comment ces deux facteurs contribuent à l’obstruction d’une interaction constructive entre les cours et à la protection des opinions controversées contre leur discussion et défi. En réponse, également en se fondant sur la pratique concrète des cours, cette thèse avance une approche quant à l’interaction qui évite cet effet inhibant et, par conséquent, permet une discussion complète, profonde et critique de comment résoudre les problèmes spécifiques de droits de l’homme posés par les cas.
Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
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Kostera, Thomas. « When Europa meets Bismarck : cross-border healthcare and usages of Europe in the Austrian healthcare system ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209268.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In a series of landmark rulings on patient mobility and cross-border healthcare, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has made clear that Member States’ healthcare systems have to comply with the rules of the EU’s Internal Market when it comes to individual patient rights and the non-discrimination of healthcare providers. The rulings increased the possibilities for EU Member State citizens to get medical treatment in another Member State (“cross-border healthcare”), yet providing that under certain conditions the home Member State has to pay for these treatments in the other country. After a decade of negotiations, these rulings have been codified in a European Directive. Assuming that European integration has an impact on national welfare states and taking the example of European rules on access to cross-border healthcare, this thesis suggests analyzes the domestic impact of European integration in terms of Europeanization of the Austrian healthcare system within the context of the interplay between actors’ interests and practices on the one hand, and institutional effects on the other. European cross-border healthcare in forms of regional projects and privately or publicly organized healthcare arrangements has already become a reality in many European countries, especially in border regions. The main research questions which guides this thesis can be be put as follows: How does European integration in healthcare impact on the interests, practices and strategies of national actors that operate between national institutional constraints and European opportunities? And if national actors’ interests and strategies change, does this in turn have repercussions on the national institutional rules of healthcare governance? Given that European integration in healthcare delivery is a rather a “recent” phenomenon, and based on the assumption that actors’ strategies change more easily than national institutions, the following hypothesis is tested: Even if national healthcare actors use Europe – and hence their practices and strategies change – their interests remain largely determined by the national institutional set-up of the healthcare system. The institutional boundaries of the national healthcare system may have become porous, but for the time being they remain intact. The main findings of this study confirm the hypothesis and can be summarized as follows: Austrian actors responsible for the delivery of healthcare actively integrate various usages Europe into their existing practices of healthcare governance. These usages of Europe are more frequent at European level than at national level. Those actors who have important legal competencies, financial resources, and hence power in healthcare governance at national level, are also in a better position to use Europe effectively than those actors who lack such national resources. Limited usages of Europe at national level by corporate actors can best be accounted for by practices of consensually governing a typically Bismarckian healthcare system. None of the actors analysed, no matter how critical their stance vis-à-vis their own healthcare system might be, puts into question the legitimacy of the national healthcare system in the light of increased European competencies in regulating cross-border healthcare. Advancing European integration, mainly through the ECJ’s rulings on cross-border healthcare, might have rendered national institutional boundaries porous, but national institutions retain – at least for the time being – their power of channelling actors’ interests and of influencing corresponding practices of healthcare governance. These results invite us to further investigate which kind of healthcare governance structures are being developed at European level in parallel to those existing at national level, and to what extent Bismarckian welfare regimes might be showing resistance to institutional change induced by European integration.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Idrissi, Nizar. « Stephen Poliakoff : another icon of contemporary British drama ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210559.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an attempt to portray the birth of British modern drama and the most important figures breaking its new ground; more to the point, to shed light on the second generation of British dramatists breaking what G.B. Shaw used to call ‘middle-class morality’. The focal point here is fixed on Stephen Poliakoff, one of the distinctive dramatists in contemporary British theatre, his work and the dramatic tinge he adds to the new drama.Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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ORLUC, Katiana. « Europe between past and future : transnational networks and the transformation of the Pan-European idea in the interwar years ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5925.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 27 September 2005Examining board: Prof. Bo Stråth (Supervisor), European University Institute ; Prof. Martin van Gelderen, European University Institute ; Prof. Hartmut Kaelble, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin ; Prof. Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann, University College Oxford
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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SCHOELLER, Magnus G. « Explaining political leadership : the role of Germany and the EU institutions in Eurozone crisis management ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/43705.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 17 October 2016Examining Board: Professor Adrienne Héritier, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Professor Ulrich Krotz, European University Institute / RSCAS (Co-Supervisor) ; Professor Amy Verdun, University of Victoria ; Professor Lucia Quaglia, University of York
Why and how do composite actors such as states or international institutions emerge as political leaders? Moreover, once in charge, how do they influence policy or institutional change? What are the conditions for successful leadership? These questions become particularly relevant in times of crisis. However, there is no political science theory that explains the emergence and the impact of leadership when exercised by composite actors. In the context of the Eurozone crisis, we observe that neither Germany, which is the actor most frequently called upon to assume leadership, nor any of the EU’s institutional actors have emerged as leader under all circumstances. Instead, we find three different outcomes: no leadership, failed leadership, and successful leadership. This thesis develops a theoretical model to explain this variation and to address the stated gap in the literature. Building on rational-institutionalist assumptions, it argues that leaders can help a group to enhance collective action when there are no, or only incomplete, institutional rules to do so. Thus, especially in times of crisis, leaders can act as drivers of policy or institutional change. However, they emerge only if the expected benefits of leading exceed the costs of it, and if the potential followers suffer high status quo costs. A leader’s impact on the outcomes, by contrast, depends on its power resources, the distribution of preferences, and the institutional constraint. The model is applied to Germany’s role in the first financial assistance to Greece, the proposal to establish a so-called ‘super-commissioner’, and the shaping of the Fiscal Compact. Moreover, the attitude of the European Commission and the European Parliament towards the issue of Eurobonds as well as the European Central Bank’s launch of the Outright Monetary Transactions are analysed on the basis of congruence tests and rigorous process-tracing. These within-case analyses are complemented by a cross-case comparison in order to enhance the external validity of the results. The analysis draws on 35 semi-structured élite interviews conducted at the German Ministry of Finance, the European Central Bank, the European Commission, the Council of the European Union, the European Parliament, and two Permanent Representations in Brussels.
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Dunlap, Tanya Keller. « A union in disarray : Romanian nation building under Astra in late-nineteenth-century rural Transylvania and Hungary ». Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/18076.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Scholarly studies of the nation as a socially constructed community, while accurate, do not explain how individuals in a predominantly agricultural society build and mobilize a national community outside of traditional political arenas and without the resources of a bureaucratic nation-state. This investigation of late-nineteenth-century Romanian nation building under the Transylvanian Association for Romanian Literature and the Culture of the Romanian People, or Astra, examines the educational and cultural activities Astra used to communicate nationalist messages to Romanian villagers and the responses of those villagers who funded and participated in Astra's movement. I argue that thousands of villagers participated in Astra events because Astra created a forum that addressed their needs and interests and raised their social status. Villagers never achieved equality with their social superiors in Astra, but villagers became more equal to them as Romanians than they had been as mere villagers. It was not easy to incorporate villagers into the association. As this dissertation shows, nation building is a contentious undertaking subject to diverse social pressures and full of internal conflicts and contradictions. Astra leaders hoped to build a unified and prosperous national community, but their initial attempts to transform peasants into rational and efficient farmers with academic programs mostly appealed to Romanian intellectuals. In order to retain their educated members and to attract peasants to the association, Astra leaders legitimized two competing images of the Romanian national community, one based on the values of educated Romanian professionals and one based on traditional peasant culture. The dual representations of the nation both created the impression that a unified national community existed and underscored the divisions in the community, making it possible to think of the nation as a homogeneous community while simultaneously contesting its boundaries. Resulting contestation, I argue, enabled rural Romanians to challenge Astra's professionals for more influence over the national movement and forced intellectuals to address rural interests. Although this study examines the specifics of Astra's national movement, it also offers a potentially fruitful approach for understanding nation building among other marginal groups in search of greater power and autonomy over their own lives.
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WILLUMSEN, David Munck. « Preferences, parties and pragmatic fidelity : party unity in European legislatures ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29633.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 6 December 2013Examining Board: Professor Adrienne Héritier, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Stefanie Bailer, ETH Zürich (External Supervisor); Professor Mark Franklin, EUI & MIT; Professor Simon Hix, London School of Economics and Political Science.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Voting unity in parliamentary parties is an inescapable phenomenon in parliamentary democracies. Knowing only which party a legislator belongs to and how the majority of that party voted allows for the identification, with extremely high levels of accuracy, how said legislator actually voted. However, most explanations of why this is the case rests of unsustainable assumptions about the effects of institutions and electoral systems on the behaviour of parliamentarians. Further, most work ignores the most basic explanation of why legislators vote the way they do: Their policy preferences. Without first explaining the role they play in legislative behaviour, little else can be explained with confidence. This work first theorises and develops measures of how parliamentarians’ policy preferences lead to incentives for them to vote against their party’s line in floor votes, and then applies them to a series of diverse institutional setups, showing that while parliamentarians’ preferences may explain significant parts of parliamentary party voting unity, it is also clear that they cannot, except in rare circumstances, explain all of it. Having shown that preferences cannot explain unity, this work then argues that by analysing MPs’ attitudes to party unity, we can understand why MPs choose to vote contrary to what their preferences alone would predict. Applying this logic to parliaments at either extreme of the spectrum of parliamentary institutionalisation, it is shown that there is little evidence that legislators are compelled to act in ways they do not want. Rather, what is found is that they recognise the value of party voting unity and can overcome the temptation to free-ride on their co-partisans. Finally, analysing floor votes in the European Parliament, it is shown that what explains defection are the long-term rather than short-term goals of parliamentarians, complementing the previous findings.
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FERNANDES, Jorge Miguel. « Power sharing in legislatures : mega seats in twenty European parliamentary democracies ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29625.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 17 September 2013Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, EUI (Supervisor) Professor Mark N. Franklin, MIT/EUI Professor Kaare Strøm, University of California, San Diego (External Supervisor) Professor Shane Martin, University of Leicester.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Recent contributions in legislative studies field have coined the term mega-seats to denote committee systems and leadership bodies. The significance of viewing the internal bodies of legislatures as mega-seats is that they are conceived as part of the democratic delegation chain. Consequently, such an approach adds a political bargaining dimension to the allocation of mega-seats. During the internal organization process of the legislature, plenary legislators become principals, who delegate power to internal bodies, mainly to enhance labor division, tackle information asymmetries, and channel party demands. This thesis examines the process of payoff distribution in legislatures, using an original dataset containing 350 parties, in 12 Western European parliamentary democracies. The analysis is carried out at the party level as well as at the legislature level. Moreover, I conduct two case studies - Portugal and the United Kingdom - to further disentangle the causal mechanisms used to explain mega-seats allocation in parliamentary democracies. The empirical analysis starts with an examination of whether the division of payoffs (i.e., mega-seats) follows a proportionality logic. The proportionality assumption is borrowed from coalition studies, which have long established that institutional payoffs are distributed in a 1:1 proportionality. Using a new index to gauge disproportionality in the allocation of legislative mega-seats, the first finding of this thesis is that mega-seats allocation in parliamentary democracies is not proportional. Subsequently, I adduce a model that explains this counterintuitive finding at the party and legislature levels. The second main finding is that a party’s degree of disproportionality is a function of its power. Parties are conceived as having a number of resources to spend on mega-seats distribution. The way they spend these resources is constrained by the existence of proportionality protection rules within an institution and incentivized by the value of the payoff. Regarding the former, I find that rules matter in protecting proportionality whilst for the latter I find that the amount of resources parties are willing to spend on a mega-seat depends on the mega-seat’s power. Finally, the third main finding is that, at the aggregate level, the overall power of the legislative branch vis-à-vis the executive branch is important in determining the degree of disproportionality. Powerful legislatures tend to be more disproportional, as executive members seek control of its internal bodies.
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Outeiro, Marta Soares. « Hybrid warfare : a threat of the 21st century in a political-juridical perspective ». Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/29459.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This document is the thesis entitled “Hybrid warfare: a threat of the 21st century in a political-juridical perspective” submitted in order to obtain the degree of Master of Arts in Governance, Leadership and Democracy Studies from the Instituto de Estudos Políticos of Universidade Católica Portuguesa.
This dissertation analyzes the emergence of “hybrid warfare” and the new prominence of hybrid threats in the European Union and Portugal during the 21st century. Even though there is no universal agreement upon the concept of hybrid warfare and threats, between the academic and military communities, this paper attempts to fill in the terminological and conceptual gap by focusing on the definitions developed by specific scholars like Frank Hoffman, Russell Glenn and John J. McCuen, as well as on the views of NATO and the European Union institutions.
To better understand the nature of this type of warfare, this thesis reflects on its origin, components, and the primary methods (such as social media and the use of “fake news”), that are being used by hybrid state and non-state actors inside the cyberspace. In addition, this paper also pretends to establish a bridge between the concept of hybrid warfare and hybrid threats as well as to present some of the main vulnerabilities, impacts, defensive measures and legislation that are being applied by the European Union institutions and by Portugal to counter the phenomena in the socio-political and legal spheres.
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SALO, Sanna. « The curious prevalence of austerity : economic ideas in public debates on the Eurozone crisis in Ireland and Finland, 2008-2012 ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45946.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 31 March 2017Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (EUI Supervisor); Professor Pepper D. Culpepper, formerly EUI/University of Oxford (Co-Supervisor); Professor Mark Blyth, Brown University; Professor Niamh Hardiman, University College Dublin
This thesis explores why, and in what political process, austerity became the uniformly accepted policy response of Eurozone governments in the economic crisis of 2008–2012. It traces the path to austerity in two distinct Eurozone Member States, Ireland and Finland. Ireland, in this crisis, became a debtor country that had to do heavy domestic adjustment; Finland, by contrast, ended up in the group of Eurozone creditor countries, imposing structural adjustment programmes on the debtor countries. The analysis of the thesis emphasizes political agency behind ideas and shows the political process where perceptions about the economic crisis were formed. It argues that two types of politicization of the crisis were necessary for the outcome of interest, the prevalence of austerity, to happen. The Irish case demonstrates a two-stage process of politicization and internalization of the crisis, where the significant policy decisions were reached in a transnational, fairly technocratic policy process but were debated and internalized in domestic, redistributive and politicized process. The transnational stage was characterized by economic and practical reasoning, whereas the domestic stage represented a conflict about distributive justice. For Finland, the 2008–9 financial crisis was not domestically politicized at all. This only changed in 2010–12, when the crisis became re-interpreted as a sovereign debt crisis of the GIIPS countries. Yet the politicization in Finland did not come about as a typical domestic redistributive debate, but as a new type of supranational conflict over distributive justice. Such conflict was not primarily framed in terms of just burden-sharing, but in terms of national and European interest. It was simultaneously a debate on borders and boundaries – polity and identity – as it was about distributive justice. Alongside rhetoric, the official line of Finnish EU policy became tougher and Finland became perceived as an increasingly difficult and selfish member of the EU community.
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Kyckelhahn, Tracey. « The right to be free from offense : the development of hate speech laws in the European Union, UK, Canada, and Sweden ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3529.
Texte intégralRésumé :
With the increasing population heterogeneity and rising tensions in Western nations, the governments of those nations have sought ways to manage conflict between different groups. This often comes in the form of laws criminalizing certain speech, and numerous Western nations have passed bills strengthening sanctions against hate speech or adding previously unprotected groups. However, when the European Union attempted to pass strict hate speech legislation, many EU member states disagreed with its provisions and, due to the structure of the EU, managed to substantially change the resulting legislation. This study examines how proponents and opponents of hate speech legislative change frame the issue and the role the EU.text
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GLENCROSS, Andrew. « E Pluribus Europa ? Assessing the Viability of the EU ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7766.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 28 May 2007Examining board: Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Daniel Deudney, Johns Hopkins University ; Prof. Sergio Fabbrini, Università degli Studi di Trento ; Prof. Alexander H. Trechsel, European University Institute
As a novel and complex polity, also subject to endless proposals for institutional reform, the viability of the EU is an open but under-theorized question. This thesis conceptualizes EU viability from an internal perspective, that is, the viability of the process of integration rather than Europe as a viable actor in international politics. Adopting the concept of a compound polity to understand the tensions inherent in the EU, viability is defined in relation to the -rules of the game- of this compound system. This gambit has a twofold purpose. Firstly, it permits an analogy with another historical case of a compound system, the antebellum US republic. Secondly, it enables the specification of two scenarios of viability in a compound polity: dynamic equilibrium and voluntary centralization. Four aspects of the rules of the game (institutions, expectations, competence allocation and representative functions) are analysed to determine which scenario the EU follows. The analogy with the early US and its own conflicts over these four elements of the rules of the game is then contrasted with the EU experience. Five differences in how these disputes arise and the means for trying to settle them are singled out to explain the differing problems of viability in both compound polities. The results of this analogical analysis are then used to explore the appropriateness of certain proposed changes to the rules of the game in the EU, notably in the area of political representation. In a system accustomed to dynamic equilibrium, enhancing the representation of individuals is often seen as a condition for favouring more voluntary centralization. However, the analysis of conflicts over the rules of the game in two compound systems suggests a more cautious approach is required in the interests of viability. Hence this study presents itself as a significant, if incomplete, initial step in the process of identifying what makes the EU viable.
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DICKHAUS, Monika. « Zwischen Europa und der Welt :Die internationale Waehrungspolitik der Deutschen Zentralbank 1949-1958 ». Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5745.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 March 1995Examining board: Prof. Dr. Werner Abelshauser, Bielefeld (Doktovater) ; Prof. Dr. Richard T. Griffiths, Florenz ; Prof. Dr. Gerd Hardach, Marburg ; Prof. Dr. Peter Hertner, Florenz ; Prof. Dr. Alan S. Milward, London
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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SOBCZAK, Anna. « Europeanization and urban policy networks : the impact of EU programmes on cooperation around economic development in Kraków and Glasgow ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14507.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defense date: 09 February 2010Examining Board: John Bachtler (Univerity of Strathclyde), László Bruszt (EUI), Jerzy Hausner (Cracow University), Michael Keating (EUI) (Supervisor)
First made available online: 25 August 2021
This PhD thesis is the outcome of a research project that has analysed how EU programmes influence cooperation among local economic development actors in European cities. The focus of the research is particularly on the impact of the Europeanization process on urban policy networks. The study is based on a comparative analysis of two European cities, Krakow and Glasgow. In particular, the thesis looks into the impact of EU funds on local actor relations around economic development by analysing the management of EU programmes, participation in EU projects and international city cooperation. The theoretical framework provided is based on analysing five dimensions of the Europeanization process, categorised as institutional, financial, cognitive, rhetoric and symbolic. The study builds on an extensive literature review and involved a range of sources, including a large number of interviews in both cities. The structure of the thesis is based on six main chapters. The first chapter introduces a research problem, puts forward preliminary hypotheses and sets a research design based on the five dimensions of the Europeanization process. In the second chapter we find a literature review, looking at actor relations around economic development in cities, with an emphasis on urban policy networks, and the conceptualised role of Europeanization stimulating cooperation among actors. Chapter three provides a review of the urban dimension in EU policies with respect to policy objectives, funding and policy measures. This is followed by two empirical chapters on Glasgow and Krakow, reviewing the historical, political and institutional contexts, management of EU programmes, participation in EU projects and engagement in inter-city cooperation. The final chapter links the empirical findings with urban theories and Europeanization literature as well as provides conclusions on the five dimensions set out in the theoretical framework. The dimensions of the Europeanization model set out in this dissertation demonstrate that when exposed to EU programmes, European cities tend to develop similar features of cooperation around EU funded economic development, despite their distinct institutional structures and differences in national, historical, cultural and political backgrounds. Similar institutions in the form of partnerships are created around EU funds (institutional dimension), which attract additional funds, both private and public (financial dimension). Actors involved with EU funded projects exchange knowledge and expertise that contribute to the creation of best practices, which become available to all cities in the European Union (cognitive dimension). Consequently, local actors involved with EU programmes start using the same EU language (rhetoric dimension) and apply the same EU symbols (symbolic dimension).