Thèses : « European Union – European Commission »

1

Jones, Peter D. « The European Commission and Education Policy in the European Union ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.505797.

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Neyer, Anne-Katrin. « Multinational Teams in the European Commission and the European Parliament / ». Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/503788236.pdf.

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Theiler, Tobias. « The identity policies of the European Union ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365518.

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Hansen, Peo. « Europeans only ? : essays on identity politics and the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-60606.

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The chief preoccupation of the dissertation revolves around the European Union's project of calling forth a collective sense of "European identity" amongst people in the Union. It focuses specifically on how the European Union's identity politics plays out once the ethnic minorities with immigrant background now living in the Union are brought into view. The main purpose can be described as twofold; involving, firstly, a mapping and examination of how the EU construes and defines the identity it seeks to mobilize, and, secondly, a thorough discussion of the types of consequences or implications that stem from this endeavour. In demonstrating the strong tendency on part of the EU to articulate a common identity for the Union in ethno-cultural terms — whereby the EU is conceived as primarily a cultural community whose members are said to share the same origin, cultural heritage, religion and history — the study goes to great length in discussing the excluding implications that an ethno-cultural identity politics gives rise to. The dissertation argues that such an ethno-cultural disposition partly must be seen in light of the European Union's gradual adjustment to a largely neoliberal order; an order which has worked restraining on the feasibility of a social and political articulation of identity and citizenship in the Union. An introductory chapter outlines the discourse theoretical approach which guides the analyses in five essays. The essays mainly explore how the European Union's discourse on identity manifests in various policy areas - immigration, citizenship and education - all of which in one way or another address the issues of culture, the multicultural society, ethnic exclusion, racism and the situation for ethnic minorities and migrants. The complex of problems concerning ethnic, cultural and social exclusion in today's European Union thus constitutes a central theme engaged with throughout the dissertation.
digitalisering@umu

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Kaplan, Galyna. « The European Union Online : An Analysis of the European Commission's Online Political Communication ». Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35130.

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Melis, Demetrios George. « The executive role of the European Commission in the external relations of the European Union ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323863.

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Cohen, Justin A. « The committee system and participatory governance in the European Union : case Studies from the European Commission ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522861.

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Thorhallsson, Baldur. « The role of smaller states in the decision-making process of the Common Agricultural Policy and the regional policy of the European Union ». Thesis, Bangor University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287030.

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Dan, Oana. « Public Opinion, National Party Positions, and the European Commission : Contours of the Public Sphere in the European Union ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10373.

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As the realm of social life where public opinion forms, the public sphere has been the focus of much theoretical debate and empirical operationalization in political sociology. However, by conceptualizing the public sphere as a nationally circumscribed and normatively defined space that excludes governance institutions, much existing research provides a limited set of tools to define and assess the structure of a supranational public sphere. A deeply integrated supranational polity, the European Union (EU) provides a revealing terrain for tracing the structure of a public sphere emerging between national politics and supranational institutions. In this dissertation, I delineate the contours of the supranational public sphere in the EU by exploring the subjective meanings, national political influences, and institutional interpretation of public opinion about political integration in the EU. I answer the following questions: (1) How salient is EU political integration among Europeans, and what does this concept mean to them? (2) How does Europeans' awareness about EU political integration vary across policies, time and social strata? (3) How is public opinion on EU political integration shaped by national political discourse, as reflected in the positions of national parties? (4) How do officials at the European Commission (EC) measure and interpret public opinion data, and to what extent are these data used to construct an image of the European public and an EU public sphere? Based on quantitative survey data and on interviews with French and Romanian citizens, I show that political integration in the EU remains a distant and abstract concept to which citizens attribute personalized or nationalized meanings. Longitudinal panel models show that public opinion on EU policy often relies on cues from national party discourse. Moreover, interviews with EC staff revealed that, because of logistical and institutional constraints that stifle civil servants' analytical aspirations, public opinion data collected by the EC fail to define a European public and to construct a supranational communicative space for this public. The EU public sphere is a product of supranational polity, but its public is absent and its structure remains nationally embedded.
Sociology

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Cram, Richard. « MODELS OF INFRINGEMENT:THE COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS RELATIONSHIP WITHEUROPEAN UNION MEMBER STATES ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3780.

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This thesis is designed to explore the complex question of compliance within the European Union. The European Union relies on the voluntary submission of it members to rules that the organization sets up. Other international organizations operate through this dynamic as well. As such, it is highly important to shed light, through research, on why states comply with the rules set forth by the organizations they belong to. Why do states comply in the European Union? There are many channels of research currently looking at this question. This thesis seeks to examine the European Commission's role in ensuring compliance in the European Union. The Commission is the chief enforcer and monitor within the European Union; as such, it is a critical component in the examination of state's compliance behavior. In order to examine the question of compliance within the European Union a researcher is forced to look at an alternative variable. Compliance is not measurable in a direct fashion and thus some proxy measure must be constructed in order to research it. The conduct of the Commission with regards to suspected and actual Member State violations of treaty obligations offers such a variable. Using data drawn from a variety of sources including the European Commission itself and a framework of research drawn from Mbaye's Why National States Comply with Supranational Law (2001) this thesis finds that no single explanatory variable is responsible for Member State compliance with the rules and laws of the European Union. Rather several factors are at work and must be looked at. This thesis finds moderate support for several hypotheses sourced from the extant literature on the subject of compliance through the models proposed herein. Other hypotheses do not hold up as well under scrutiny.
M.A.
Department of Political Science
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

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Franchino, Fabio. « Executive and bureaucratic politics in the European Union : bureaucratic preferences, executive discretion and procedural control of the European Commission ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1542/.

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The neofunctionalist literature asserts that supranational institutions play a crucial role in shaping the process of European integration. Yet, it is not apparently obvious why institutions with far less capabilities and resources than national ones can be so effective. The thesis tries to explain this puzzle focusing on the European Commission. It takes up two related questions: Which motives drive this institution. Under which conditions does it reach its objective (and, hence, affect integration). In other words, the thesis applies domestic theories of bureaucratic and executive politics to the European Union. First, it tests Niskanen's and Dunleavy's hypotheses on bureaucratic preferences on the Union competition and regional policies. It asserts the preeminence of the work-related preferences of the Commission, consisting of managerial discretion and broad scope of functions. Second, it uses a formal model of EU legislative politics and the work of Epstein and O'Halloran and of Gilligan and Krehbiel to quantitatively test the factors that increase the statutory discretion delegated to the Commission. The results show that the uncertainty facing Union legislators about policy actions, policy types and informal decision rules are the most important determinants. Finally, it uses the work of McCubbins and Page to quantitatively test the factors that increase the likelihood and the stringency of procedural controls of the Commission's functions. The results show that unanimity, level of conflict among the Union institutions and uncertainty are key determinants for the establishment of these controls. Level of conflict and uncertainty are also important factors affecting the degree of stringency in control. In conclusion, the Commission enjoys broader discretion and, hence, affects integration when 1) qualified majority is used in the Council and 2) only the Commission is in charge of implementation. However, we should be cautious about its actual room of maneuver because broader discretion correlates positively with the stringency of control.

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ANDERSEN, Stine. « The Commission's role in ensuring Member State compliance with community law ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7017.

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Defence date: 6 July 2007
Examination Board: Prof. Grainne de Burca, (Fordham Law School); Prof. Christian Joerges, (European University Institute); Prof. Deirdre Curtin (Utrecht University); Prof. Joanne Scott (University College London)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available

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Moloney, Peter. « From Common Market to European Union : Creating a New Model State ? » Thesis, Boston College, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3797.

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Thesis advisor: James Cronin
In 1957, the Treaty of Rome was signed by six West European states to create the European Economic Community (EEC). Designed to foster a common internal market for a limited amount of industrial goods and to define a customs union within the Six, it did not at the time particularly stand out among contemporary international organizations. However, by 1992, within the space of a single generation, this initially limited trade zone had been dramatically expanded into the world's largest trade bloc and had pooled substantial sovereignty among its member states on a range of core state responsibilities. Most remarkably, this transformation resulted from a thoroughly novel political experiment that combined traditional interstate cooperation among its growing membership with an unprecedented transfer of sovereignty to centralized institutions. Though still lacking the traditional institutions and legitimacy of a fully-fledged state, in many policy areas, the European Union (EU) that emerged in 1992 was nonetheless collectively a global force. My dissertation argues that the organization's unprecedented transfer of national sovereignty challenged the very definition of the modern European state and its function. In structure and ambition, it represented far more than just a regional trade bloc among independent states: it became a unique political entity that effectively remodelled the fundamental blueprint of the conventional European state structure familiar to scholars for generations. How did such a dramatic transformation happen so quickly? I argue that three forces in particular were at play: the external pressures of globalization, the search for a new Western European and German identity within the Cold War world and the often unintended consequences of the interaction between member state governments and the Community's supranational institutions. In particular, I examine the history of the EEC's monetary union, common foreign policy, common social policy and the single market to explain the impact of the above forces of change on the EEC's rapid transformation
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History

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Abdelkhaliq, Nur. « European Commission, migration and the external dimension : a study of organisation ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7768.

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The thesis examines how the European Commission incorporated and implemented migration policy as part of the European Union’s external relations, also known as the external dimension of migration. The focus of the thesis is on the period between the coming into force of the Amsterdam Treaty in 1999, when migration largely came to fall under the Commission’s remit, and the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009. The study compares how the Commission’s Directorates-General (DGs) involved in the external dimension of migration during this period—Justice, Liberty and Security, External Relations and Development—made sense of the changes introduced to their responsibilities. The thesis proposes that the concept of organisational culture, drawn from organisational sociology, can explain how actors interact with and collectively make sense of their organisational environment. The main argument of the thesis is that each of the DGs possesses an organisational culture based on its members’ shared readings of priorities and the function of their unit. The thesis examines these divergent organisational cultures to gauge how policies are internalised and translated into output. The analysis contributes to the external governance literature, which has theorised the external dimension of migration as a continuation of European integration processes without accounting for internal organisational dynamics. It also leads to reflections on organisational sociology theorising, and the implications of the findings on studies of organisational change and implementation. This thesis is divided into five chapters. The first provides a background for how the Commission came to be involved in migration policy. The second provides a theoretical framework for the study, building on organisational sociology. The remaining chapters empirically analyse the three elements of organisational culture: DG members’ sources of organisational identity, their perceptions and prioritisations of the external dimension of migration, and their reading of the Commission’s implementation practices, focusing on relations with Morocco as a tool for illustrating the latter.

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Batzella, Francesca. « Faithful agent or independent actor ? : the European Commission in the external dimension of EU Energy Policy ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/21033.

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Energy policy in the European Union (EU) is a patchwork of diverging interests and preferences. While the European Commission pushes for a common energy policy, Member States are responsible for their own separate energy policies. These divergences in interests and preferences might create a conflict situation between the Commission and Member States. This thesis explores the Commission’s behaviour vis-à-vis the Member States, investigating the conditions under which the Commission is likely to try to deviate from Member States’ preferences in the external dimension of the EU internal energy market. Adopting a Principal-Agent Model (PAM), this thesis conceptualizes the Member States as principals and the Commission as their agent. A qualitative case study approach and process-tracing method are applied to appreciate the variety of preferences of the actors involved, and provide a means to study the various shades of post-delegation agent’s behaviour. This thesis looks at four in-depth case studies: 1) Decision 994/2012 on establishing an information exchange mechanism with regard to intergovernmental agreements between Member States and third countries in the field of energy; 2) Directive 2009/73/EC on common rules for the internal market in gas; 3) Energy Community Treaty; and 4) Energy Charter Treaty. These were selected based on their relevance to the research question. Findings suggest that two factors are likely to affect the Commission’s deviation from Member States’ preferences: a) the preference alignment among the principals and b) the preference alignment between the principals and the agent. This thesis suggests that when the preferences between the agent and the principals are heterogeneous, the agent is more likely to deviate from the preferences of the principals. This thesis also suggests that the preference alignment among the principals only has a secondary effect on the agent’s deviation. Finally, this research contributes to the further development of the PAM offering a possible categorisation of post-delegation agent’s behaviour going beyond the dichotomy of deviation and non-deviation.

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Gustafsson, Hall Joel. « Discrepancies in European Union Pre-accession Evaluations : An Assessment of the European Commission’s Progress Reports ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-424288.

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This study investigated whether EU Progress Reports measured the Copenhagen political criteria in a biased manner compared to independent indices. At stake is the credibility of the EU accession process and whether countries in the Western Balkans will seek partnerships with the EU or state-actors beyond the European peninsula. This is a case study of how well Albania and North Macedonia fared regarding the political criteria during 2014 and 2017. Each country was ranked against one another in order to find potential discrepancies between measurements from Progress Reports and independent indices. This paper did find evidence that suggests the European Commission disfavored North Macedonia and favored Albania. However, other results were inconclusive. The finding supported accession literature that has called into question the objectivity of the EU accession process.

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Uzuncakmak, Ozge Sule. « European Civil Society:an Emerging Agenda ». Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1217876/index.pdf.

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The European Union as a sui generis political system has become an attractive subject of inquiry especially within the last decade. By expanding into ever new areas of integration and by widening its competences, the Union has become a complex structure. As a result, the Union has started to be perceived as an entity remote from its citizens. Therefore the debate on the future of Europe has intensified and the legitimacy of the Union has started to be questioned. With this questioning process, the emphasis has begun to be put on creating new channels to reach the Union&
#8217
s citizens. Within this context, the literature has focused on the importance of a European civil society. The desire to establish a deeper European political integration by constructing a European public space has made the European civil society a popular concept. On the other hand, the community institutions have also started to introduce policies to increase the role of civil society in order to close the gap between the Union and its citizens. In this respect, it can be argued that this process has been intensified after the publication of White Paper on European Governance. In the White Paper, the Commission has underlined the significance of a European civil society to strengthen the ties between the citizens and the EU. Then, a further step was taken by the Convention on the Future of the European Union. With the Convention, for the first time citizens and their representatives participated in the decision-making concerning the future shape of the Union. This is an important departure from the past and an essential step in the direction of a public debate on the prospective characteristics of European governance and democracy. This debate has raised interesting questions about the relationship between democracy, subsidiarity, efficiency and governance. Within this context, the purpose of this thesis is to analyze whether the development of an organized European civil society, which gains prominence by forms of governance developed by the EU, is perceived as a part of the solution to get the Union closer to its citizens. In this respect, the question of to what extent the European civil society is perceived as an arena, where EU citizens can exercise their rights beyond the nation-state will be discussed. In addition, different attitudes of the community institutions concerning European civil society will be also examined.

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Lilja, Ericsson Therese. « Den svävande identiteten : En kvalitativ studie av identitetskonstruktionen i samband med debatten om det polska och turkiska medlemskapet i Europeiska unionen ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31621.

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This thesis aims to analyze the similarities and differences in how identity is constructed by the European Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament regarding the Polish membership and the potential Turkish membership of the European Union. The construction of identity is analyzed through a social constructivist perspective where identity is constructed by distinguishing ”us” from ”them”. The research metod used is a qualitative text analysis. The arguments of identity are taken from the Commission’s and the Council’s documents, as well as from the debates of the European Parliament. The arguments of identity refer to the official accession criterias of the European Union, as well as to inofficial criterias formulated by the members of the European Parliament. Arguments used are for example that Polish and Turkish standards are not the same as the European standard, that the European norms need to be integrated into the Polish and Turkish constitutions and that Poland and Turkey are too poor to become members of the European Union. The result also shows that the construction of a European identity built on a common culture has had the greatest impact in the European Parliament and the European Commission.

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Loshaj, Donjeta. « Institutional change in the European Union : The Role Of Four Decision-Making Bodies Pre-And-Post Financial Debt Crisis ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-65720.

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The main objective with the thesis was to analyze institutional change in the European Union pre-and-post financial debt crisis, with particular focus on the roles of the Parliament, the Commission, the Council as well as the Court of Justice. To attain the objective, the thesis intended to answer the subsequent queries; (i) what notable institutional changes were brought in the European Union pre-and-post financial debt crisis; (ii) what role did the Parliament, the Commission, the Council and the Court of Justice play pre-and-post financial debt crisis; were their roles enhanced by the financial debt crisis? In order to attain the objective, the thesis utilized an institutional analysis and development framework. This theoretical framework relied on a qualitative content analysis. The results of the thesis exhibit that the European Union’s progression route was not free from crises. With the Union’s expansion, more decisions ought to be taken by the four institutional bodies. The role of the European institutional bodies resulted in various institutional changes with the establishment of the Treaty of Lisbon; from having a normative power to encompass an executive one. The Treaty of Lisbon also changed the decisionmaking procedure to an ordinary legislative procedure. Apropos decision-making, the Treaty of Lisbon also enhanced the Council and the Parliament’s role pre-financial debt crisis by making the Parliament and Council equal in the new co-decision procedure. The role of the Council has been dynamic since its formation, while the role of the three other institutions could somewhat vary throughout the pre-financial debt crisis. With regards to institutional change after the financial debt crisis, the results reveal that institutional changes occurred mainly in economic and fiscal policies, for instance strengthening the EMU with the intergovernmental Treaty on Stability and Coordination and Governance. Whilst the Treaty of Lisbon brought more supranationalism in the European Union, the period after the financial debt crisis rather celebrated intergovernmentalism in the Union. The role of the Council was dynamic even post-financial debt crisis, decreasing the role of the Commission in the agenda setting. However, with the introduction of the Six-Pack and the Banking Union, the Commission and the Parliament’s role became evidently enhanced, whilst the Court of Justice, did not play a key role in the financial debt crisis.

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Kalbhenn, Anna. « Market response to European Commission's merger decisions ». [S.l. : s.n.], 2006. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:352-opus-22004.

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Ghikas, Panayiotis. « The phenomenon of the European Union, the energy policy objectives of the European Commission and the national preferences of the Member States : a defensive realist analysis ». Thesis, University of Dundee, 2014. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/a2499834-f8e6-4f81-a37c-ead9549fa3a6.

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The Thesis provides an examination of the multidimensional phenomenon of the European Union and then makes an inquiry on the development of the Community’s energy policy focusing on the European Commission’s objectives and the national preferences of the Member States. With the utilization of conceptual tools found in the theoretical toolbox of the paradigm of Defensive Realism this study attempts to answer the research question, “To what extent can a common EU energy policy be developed?” The purpose is to explain the phenomenon of the EU through a defensive realist prism, to analyze and discuss the constraints and the prospects concerning the creation of a common energy policy, the behavior of the member states in general and of the EU3 particular, namely of the United Kingdom, of France and of Germany. The main conclusion is that all member states, both the powerful and the weaker ones, are confronted with some common challenges. Although they do have different energy mixes that lead them to make distinctive and separate energy policy choices, while often have national preferences and interests that are conflicting with each other, simultaneously they do share similar energy supply and national security concerns such as their increasing import dependence, their exposure to high and volatile oil prices and the international competition for resources. Since they behave as defensive realist states and as energy security seekers it is an imperative for their survival and well-being, apart from their individual policies and bi-lateral agreements, to allow on the one hand the development of an internal energy market and on the other the external dimension of an EU energy policy. Therefore they benefit from the size of an EU-wide energy market and from the regulatory frameworks, the dialogues, the partnerships and the other initiatives that their institutional creation promotes. In conditions of growing multi-polarity within the international system, which thankfully at present has a balanced form, acting together can be a strategic option for survival and security. Consequently the main conclusion is that although the member states will continue to operate as independent actors within the anarchical global arena the cost of not utilizing the scale that the EU offers will probably be unbearable.

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Mäkelä, Kyösti. « The European Environment Agency in International Relations - From a Passive Respondent to an Active Participant and Influencer in International Relations ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22291.

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Unlike environmental non-governmental organisations and other knowledge producers, the European Environment Agency (EEA) seems to attract seemingly little academic interests among scholars of international relations. With this in mind, this thesis seeks to discuss how knowledge institutions such as the EEA may be seen as active participants in IR, while simultaneously seeking to extend academic discussion considering the EEA itself. More explicitly, and in order to narrow down its focus, this thesis is driven by a research question: what is the role of the EEA in policymaking and monitoring done by the European Commission? This thesis adopts social constructivism as its theoretical framework while building on data obtained through both a quantitative content analysis and semi-structured interviews. Both of these methods are used to identify as what kind of a knowledge producer the EEA is institutionalised as a part of the policymaking-complex of the Commission. This thesis finds that the EEA is best understood as an autonomous actor in IR which’s role is to legitimise and support environmental policymaking of the Commission rather than function as an active policymaker itself.

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Heisserer, Barbara. « Management reforms in international organizations a comparative analysis of influencing factors on organizational change of the European Commission / ». [S.l. : s.n.], 2008. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:352-opus-72524.

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Soeltenfuss, Jan. « Policy perspectives and an analysis of evaluation methods for selected EC-financed projects ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8224_1255694435.

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This research proposed to look at quality standards of evaluations in economic and financial respect undertaken on behalf of the European Commission in order to assess the performance of its development assistancein a policy-driven context. the research found that evaluation on the basis of an individual project is often flawed and lacks quality in terms of the applied evaluation method.

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Briglauer, Wolfgang, et Klaus Gugler. « A critical appraisal of the European Commission´s policy towards regulating next generation communications networks ». Forschungsinstitut für Regulierungsökonomie, WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2012. http://epub.wu.ac.at/3642/1/briglauer_gugler_a_critical_appraisal.pdf.

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Fiber-deployment of telecommunications networks is currently a great challenge for sector-specific regulators, national governments, as well as for investing operators. One of the most controversial regulatory issues in Europe (and elsewhere) is whether the emerging next generation access (NGA) infrastructure should be subjected to cost-based access regulation or whether at least a temporary removal of ex ante obligations ("regulatory holidays") should be granted. In answering this question we examine the current and foreseeable EU regulatory framework and show that it does not provide positive incentives for NGA deployment and increasing penetration rates. On the basis of an international comparison with the most recent data on NGA deployment and penetration, it appears, in turn, that deregulatory and/or state aid driven approaches targeted at the demand (subscribers) and supply side (coverage) are more promising. (author's abstract)
Series: Working Papers / Research Institute for Regulatory Economics

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Kulas, Megan. « Policy responses to reduce the opportunity for horsemeat adulteration fraud : the case of the European Union ». Thesis, Kansas State University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/18243.

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Master of Science
Department of Diagnostic Medicine/Pathobiology
Justin Kastner
Food production is changing in response to an expanding global population. The ability to distribute and process ingredients amongst many individuals and countries has brought economic benefits while also creating new problems. By increasing the complexity of the supply chain, the food industry has birthed new dynamics, thus creating new opportunities for contamination, fraud, and other threats. One threat dynamic is the varying levels of food safety and quality control at different nodes along a supply chain. Contaminations pinpoint weaknesses of a supply chain, and such weaknesses could be exploited for harm. One way foods are intentionally contaminated is through food fraud. Food fraud involves substitution, mislabeling, dilution, and other means of criminal deception. Routine testing by an independent science-based group led to the discovery of one the largest scales of substitution and mislabeling in history—the 2013 adulteration of beef products with horsemeat. Commonly referred to as the horsemeat scandal of 2013, this important event in the history of the global food system affected several regions, hundreds of products, and thousands of retailers and consumers. To date, this scandal was one of the largest incidents of food fraud. Mostly based in the European Union, the horsemeat scandal prompted the European Commission to take regulatory action. The European Union’s policy response included the creation of a five-point plan that addresses the different facets associated with the scandal. The five-point plan sought to strengthen food fraud prevention; testing programs; horse passports; official control, implementation, penalties; and origin labelling. The five-point plan is intended to decrease the fraud opportunity for the adulteration of beef with horsemeat. According to the crime triangle, a concept frequently cited in the field of criminology, fraud opportunity has three main elements: the victims, the fraudsters, and the guardian and hurdle gaps. When any of these elements change, the opportunity for a fraudster to commit a crime also changes. The research question of this thesis explores the policy responses of the European Commission. The Commission’s five-point plan targets the three elements of fraud opportunity; therefore, future fraud opportunity for the adulteration of beef products with horsemeat will theoretically decrease.

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Dupuy, Arnold C. « Patterns of Regionalism and Security : Energy as a Transformational Influence in the Black Sea Region ». Diss., Virginia Tech, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/71637.

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One of the more significant regional groupings to have emerged since the collapse of the Soviet Union is the wider Black Sea. Located at the jagged confluence of the Western, Orthodox and Muslim worlds, the region was quite frequently a violent meeting place, and thus instead of a bridge between civilizations, it has been a barrier. Even more compelling is how the presence of oil and gas has thrust the Black Sea into the world's view and contributed to the rush of external interest, and how this has helped develop a unique regional entity. Today, in an interconnected global economy, the region's position as a producer and conduit for fossil fuels makes it impossible to consider in isolation. More importantly, to succinctly define this dissertation's research question, it can be asked how does energy act as a transformational agent in the emergence of a Black Sea region?
Ph. D.

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Waldeck, Benjamin. « “Let me be absolutely clear : this cannot be business as usual.” - A Case Study of the Securitisation of SARS-CoV-2 in the European Union ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-44446.

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As a global phenomenon, the outbreak of SARS-CoV-2 has impacted the socio-economic and political life like no other event of the recent past. With over 600,000 fatalities in its member-states, an unprecedented economic recession and damage to the Single Market, the European Union has been hit unexpectedly hard by COVID-19. Through the lens of Securitisation, and more precisely, Collective Securitisation, this thesis has the purpose to examine how the EU and its institutions have responded to the threat that is the spread of SARS-CoV-2, asking ‘Has SARS-CoV-2 been successfully securitised in the European Union?’. By applying a qualitative content analysis to speeches of the European Commission published between January and May 2020 as well as to a European Parliament Plenary debate following the speech of Commission President von der Leyen on April 16th, 2020, the thesis establishes that securitising moves have taken place in the examined timeframe and that they have been accepted by the European Parliament. In accordance with the Copenhagen School framework of Securitisation and Sperling and Webber’s Collective Securitisation model, the thesis concludes that COVID-19 was therefore successfully securitised.

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Hannes, Miguel Diogo Benito Garcia. « O recurso da Comissão Europeia a comunidades epistémicas para legitimar iniciativas relativas à política comum de segurança e defesa ». Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14264.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
A crescente instabilidade nas fronteiras externas da União Europeia tem reacendido o debate sobre a segurança e defesa europeia, numa altura em que ocorre uma reorientação geopolítica à escala global. A Política Comum de Segurança e Defesa (PCSD), capturada pelo método intergovernamental tem sido uma afirmação simbólica da vontade dos estados-membros em ver reconhecido o papel global que a União Europeia pode vir a desempenhar. Contudo, e apesar dos avanços institucionais ocorridos com o Tratado de Lisboa, os estados-membros continuam a prosseguir uma política de segurança e defesa quase exclusivamente por via nacional baseada num mercado de defesa fragmentado e pouco eficiente. A falta de harmonização e de coordenação nesta matéria torna a materialização da PESC uma realidade distante. A Comissão Europeia, garante do método supranacional, tem sido a instituição que mais esforços dirigiu na última década para atingir uma PESC funcional. Dado que pela letar-gia e relutância dos estados-membros, o modelo intergovernamental para a segurança e defesa europeia não concretizou os objetivos desejados, a Comissão Europeia tomou o papel de policy-entrepreneur. Nesta dissertação explora-se como a Comissão Europeia procura munir-se de legitimidade, através da criação de uma comunidade epistémica governamental para propor novos mecanismos de financiamento para a segurança e defesa europeia baseados no método comunitário, o que poderá permitir o financiamento de projetos de defesa com fundos comunitários.
The European Commission use of epistemic communities to legitimize initiatives regarding the Common Security and Defence Policy The increasing instability on the European Union’s external borders has reignited the debate about European security and defence, when big geopolitical shifts are happening around the globe. The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), captured by the intergovernmental method, has only been a symbolic statement of the will of member-states to affirm a global role for the European Union. Despite the institutional advances with the Lisbon Treaty, mem-ber-states still rely on an almost exclusively national security and defence policy based on a fragmented and inefficient defence market. The lack of harmonization and coordination hin-ders the materialization of the CSDP. The European Commission, guardian of the suprana-tional method, has been the institution which has undertaken more efforts for a functional CSDP. Given that the intergovernmental method hasn´t produced the desired objectives by the lethargy and reluctance of member-states, the European Commission has taken the role of policy-entrepreneur. This thesis explores how the European Commission gains legitimacy trough the creation of a governmental epistemic community to propose new financial mecha-nisms for European security and defence based on the community method. This can pave the way for EU funding of defence projects.
N/A

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Marazopoulos, Christos. « Constructing the Western Balkans : understanding the European Commission's regional approach from a constructivist perspective ». Thesis, University of Bath, 2013. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607143.

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The thesis traces the construction of the Western Balkans since the end of the armed conflict in 1995. The term Western Balkans has become a commonplace in international politics that refers to a recognisable region on the European map – ignoring that it does not constitute a historical formation of European and Balkan politics. Most contemporary analysis focuses on functional aspects of economic cohesiveness and security interdependence. However, this thesis argues that the concept of Western Balkans is better understood as a social construction, externally-driven. The argument is that the Western Balkans is what the European Union makes of it. By taking a macro-historical perspective, we look at the long and special ties that the EU has had from the time of Yugoslavia to the Western Balkans until the mid-2000s. What we uncover is a special and consistent involvement of the European Commission into the regional affairs. The Western Balkans starts as a small organisational department within the institutional structure of the external relations' portfolio to become a regional identity question for the local populations. Also, the thesis points to the Commission’s actions as not just the outcome of micro-calculations but part of a social context of competing world-views; and, finally, this is the reason that the end-product of the Western Balkans resembles more a messy amalgam rather than a rational design.

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Deerness-Plesner, Gina Eleanor Mary. « The Final Frontier ? New Zealand engagement with the European Union in the field of research, science and technology ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2697.

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This dissertation endeavours to address an identified gap in literature concerning the relationship between New Zealand and the European Union (EU) in the field of research, science and technology (RS&T). Examination of the partnership begins with the creation of the Science and Technological Cooperation (STC) Arrangement in 1991 and comes to a close in 2008, following the Arrangement’s ‘upgrade’ to an STC Agreement on 16 July. During this time, the intensification of the EU’s activities in RS&T is evident. The Seventh Framework Programme (FP7) currently constitutes the most internationalised Programme to date. Identifying the complementary nature of New Zealand and EU research priorities thus suggests that now, more than ever, the New Zealand research community stands to gain from participation within such an inclusive venture. Aiming to assess the current status of New Zealand-EU research collaboration, the research identifies a number of recurring themes, both positive and negative, that influence the nature of the RS&T relationship. These themes focus on problems concerning visibility within the EU, geographical isolation from this important market, an absence of targeted domestic funding for New Zealand-EU RS&T collaboration and the unwieldy bureaucratic process of the Framework Programme. The research also determines the importance of both ‘official’ and ‘informal’ mechanisms’ in combating the outlined collaborative bottlenecks. Taking these themes into account, the thesis ultimately looks to provide recommendations concerning the future of New Zealand-EU engagement in this field.

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Paparouni, Evgenia. « La rhétorique des institutions européennes : le débat sur les perspectives financières 2007-2013 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209385.

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Abstract (version française suit)

Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.

In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.

From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.

The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.

DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.

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Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.

La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.

En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.

Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.

Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.

DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne.

Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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MAURI, FRANCESCA. « The Contribution of the Venice Commission to the Strengthening of the Rule of Law in Europe ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/325858.

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Il significato esatto del principio dello stato di diritto è stato soggetto a influenze politiche, storiche, filosofiche e legali sin dall'antichità. In effetti, identificarne chiaramente il contenuto è molto difficile. La sua natura complessa, elusiva, vaga e multidimensionale rende qualsiasi discussione sullo Stato di diritto alquanto impegnativa. La tesi è incentrata sul ruolo della Commissione di Venezia nell'individuare una nuova nozione di stato di diritto da applicare nella pratica all'interno dei suoi Stati membri. La tesi inizia con una ricostruzione dell'affermazione storica del principio in Europa da un punto di vista nazionale attraverso un'analisi delle esperienze anglo-americana, tedesca e francese. Quindi, proiettando la nozione nello scenario europeo, la tesi si concentra sulla concezione sovranazionale del principio dello stato di diritto. Lo analizza sia nello scenario del Consiglio d'Europa che in quello dell'Unione Europea, cominciando dalla sua previsione formale nei documenti costitutivi delle Organizzazioni per poi concentrarsi sulla sua attuazione pratica. Questa seconda parte pone particolare attenzione sul lavoro interpretativo e creativo condotto sul principio dalla Corte europea dei diritti dell'uomo e dalla Corte di giustizia dell'Unione europea. Al fine di identificare gli standard comuni europei sullo Stato di diritto, viene analizzata la giurisprudenza più rilevante relativa allo Stato di diritto. Dopo una breve introduzione sulla composizione e le credenziali della Commissione di Venezia, il lavoro espone il suo contributo alla creazione di un quadro comune europeo sullo stato di diritto. Nello specifico, vengono presentati gli aspetti innovativi dell'approccio della Commissione di Venezia al principio dello stato di diritto, evidenziando tre sfaccettature originali del suo metodo di lavoro, definito come inclusivo, operativo e sistemico. Una volta descritto il metodo di lavoro della Commissione e gli aspetti innovativi del suo approccio allo Stato di diritto, il lavoro si concentra sulla sua concezione del principio. In primo luogo, la tesi discute il quadro in cui è stata sviluppata la nozione di stato di diritto. Dopo aver identificato le fonti, il lavoro si concentra sul contenuto del principio. Vengono identificati e discussi gli elementi selezionati dalla Commissione di Venezia come "valori fondamentali" del principio sulla base della giurisprudenza della Corte EDU e della CGUE e sul loro contributo all'identificazione di standard comuni sullo stato di diritto, nonché sull'interpretazione di tali standard da parte del VC. Una volta individuati gli standard ed i benchmark sullo stato di diritto selezionati dalla Commissione di Venezia, il terzo capitolo, adottando un approccio casistico, ne analizza l'attuazione pratica. L'analisi converge su alcuni pareri recenti adottati dopo la creazione della Rule of Law Checklist, in cui la Commissione ha valutato la conformità del quadro giuridico nazionale con gli standard dello stato di diritto in Europa. Questo approccio pratico consiste nello studio dell'applicazione da parte della Commissione, all'interno dei suoi Stati membri, degli standard che ha identificato e sviluppato sulla base del patrimonio costituzionale europeo. La finalità della ricerca è dimostrare il successo del metodo di lavoro della Commissione di Venezia nell'applicazione dello stato di diritto all'interno dei suoi Stati membri e i potenziali punti di forza dell'adozione di una definizione comune europea del principio. Come vedremo, infatti, un approccio comune sul contenuto del principio in Europa porterà sicuramente risultati importanti nella risoluzione della crisi dello stato di diritto e darà nuovo impulso alla promozione dei valori fondamentali europei.
The exact significance of the Rule of Law principle has been subject to political, historical, philosophical, and legal influences ever since antiquity. Indeed, identifying its meaning is still – and will probably remain – the elephant in the room. Its widely complicated, elusive, vague, and multidimensional nature makes any Rule of Law discussion quite challenging. In the research, while relying upon the traditional significance of the Rule of Law in Europe, we will analyze a new European approach to the principle, shifting from a theoretical to a practical and operational notion. The thesis focuses on the Venice Commission's role in identifying a new notion of Rule of Law and its practical implementation within its Member States. The thesis starts with a reconstruction of the principle’s historical affirmation in Europe from a national point of view through an analysis of the Anglo-American, German and French experiences. Then, projecting the notion in the European scenario, the thesis will focus on the supranational conception of the Rule of Law principle. It will analyze it both in the Council of Europe and European Union scenarios, starting with its formal provision in the Organizations’ founding documents and then concentrating on its practical implementation. This second part will pay specific attention to the interpretative and creative work conducted on the principle by the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union. With the aim to identify the European common standards on the Rule of Law, it will analyze the most relevant Rule of Law-related case-law. After a brief introduction to the Venice Commission’s composition and credentials, the work exposes its contribution to creating a common European framework on the Rule of Law. Specifically, it presents the innovative aspect of the Venice Commission’s approach to the Rule of Law principle, highlighting three original facets of its working method, defined as inclusive, operational and systemic. Once described the VC’s working method and the innovative aspects of its approach to the Rule of Law, the work focuses on its understanding of the principle. First, the thesis discusses the framework in which the VC’s notion has been developed. After having identified the sources, the work focuses on the principle’s content. We will identify and discuss the elements selected by the Venice Commission as ‘core values’ of the Rule of Law principle. This part of the work will rely on the ECtHR’s and CJEU’s case law and their contribution to identifying common standards on the Rule of Law and on the VC’s interpretation of such standards. Once detected the standards and the benchmarks on the Rule of Law selected by the Venice Commission, the third chapter, adopting a case-study approach, analyzes their practical implementation through the VC’s working method. The analysis converges on some recent and relevant opinions, adopted after the creation of the Rule of Law Checklist, in which the VC has issued its assessment concerning the conformity of the state’s legal framework with the identified Rule of Law’s standards in Europe. This practical approach consists of the study of the Commission’s application within its Member Stats of the standards it has identified and developed based on the common European heritage. The rationale of the research will be to demonstrate the success of the VC’s working method in the Rule of Law’s enforcement within its Member States and the potential strengths of adopting a Common European definition of the principle. As we will see, indeed, a consensual approach on the content of the Rule of Law principle among European organizations and States will surely bring important results in the fight against illiberalism and give new impetus to the promotion of the European founding values.

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Kašpar, Michal. « Dopad evropských strukturálních fondů a evropské politiky na malé a střední podniky ». Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta podnikatelská, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-223976.

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Diplomová práca popisuje malé a stredné podniky, ich rozvoj a podporu poskytovanú európskou politikou a štrukturálnymi fondami. Použitie relevantnej literatúry a prípradových štúdií umožnuje poskytnúť kritický pohľad na danú problematiku. Na konci práce sú navhrnuté odporúčania na zlepšenie a záver.

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Smith, Edwin Keith. « Flying friendlier skies : the effect of the 2002 ECJ "open skies" ruling on EU-US air transportation negotiations - a study in policy convergence ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/4549.

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The international air transportation industry has historically been a paradox. While the industry enables globalization, historically, the international air transportation regulatory regime has been largely mired in protectionism. This restrictive regime was developed by national actors, who either owned or heavily subsidized their domestic carriers, and guarded their interests very closely, thus insulating the industry from large levels of foreign competition. This paradox of international air transportation continued until the development of convergence in regulatory policy through the 2007 ‘open skies-plus’ air transportation agreement between the United States (US) and the European Union (EU). This thesis examines the developmental process of this agreement as an examination of policy convergence theory, in order identify the explanatory powers leading to the formation of the ‘open skies-plus’ agreement. To identify the explanatory powers, a comparative analysis is established, using two historical reference points, t(0) and t(1), as case studies. This thesis uses two mechanisms for the development of policy convergence, international harmonization and regulatory competition, to identify why the convergence took place at this specific time and why it was set at this specific level of regulation. Using these mechanisms, the 2002 European Court of Justice (ECJ) ‘open skies’ ruling is identified as the explanatory power for the convergence of policy in this field, and the precedent set by the previous bilateral agreement between the US and the Netherlands is identified as establishing the standards of regulation in the 2007 ‘open skies-plus’ agreement. The thesis concludes with an examination of the prospects for further liberalization of transatlantic air transportation, as well as recommendations for the continued development of the field.

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Elabidi, Abdalla. « L'évaluation de l'Union africaine par rapport à l'Union européenne (comme un modèle de régulation juridique internationale d'excellence) : étude comparative ». Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015CLF10477/document.

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L’évaluation de l’expérience de l’Unité africaine par rapport à l’Unité européenne dépasse l’aspect conceptuel car orientée vers une philosophie d’intérêt commun. Ainsi, il faut reconnaitre que l’idée d’Union en elle-même, est née d’un ensemble de circonstances historiques, politiques et socio-économiques. Cette évidence met en relief l’originalité de l’Union européenne qui, contrairement à l’Union africaine, a suscité une longue prise de conscience des pays fondateurs, lesquels se sont retrouvés à l’issue de la Seconde Guerre mondiale face à la nécessité de reconstruire leurs pays à tous les plans. A contrario, il semble que peu de nouveautés aient été apportées par l’Union africaine à l’Organisation de l’Unité africaine préexistante. Force est de constater, en outre, que l’Union africaine n’a fait que reconduire de façon formelle la structure institutionnelle de l’Union européenne sans prendre en compte la particularité socio culturelle et politico économique du continent africain
The evaluation of African Unity’s experience in relation to the European Unity exceeds the conceptual aspect as oriented toward a philosophy of mutual interest. Thus, we must recognize that the idea of Union itself was born of a set of historical, political and socioeconomic. This evidence highlights the originality of the European Union who, unlike the African Union, sparked a long awareness of the founding countries, which met at the end of World War II faced with the need to rebuild their country at all levels. Conversely, it seems that little new has been made by the African Union to the Organization of African Unity preexisting. It is clear, moreover, that the African Union has only formally renew the institutional structure of the European Union without taking into account the socio-cultural and politico economic peculiarity of the African continent

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Wiesenfeld, Sophie. « Les groupes d'intérêt au sein de l'union Européenne : nouveaux vecteurs de démocratisation ? » Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01D090.

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L’objet de cette th.se est de montrer le rôle qu’ont les groupes d’intérêt dans le processus décisionnel de l’Union européenne. Dans un contexte de déficit démocratique, les « lobbies » cristallisent souvent les critiques à l’égard de la légitimité des institutions européennes. Cependant, ce travail montre comment les lobbies peuvent également constituer un renfort de légitimité pour lesdites institutions à condition d’être régulés. En effet, les groupes d’intérêt se sont imposés depuis l’origine de l’Union européenne comme un acteur vital de son fonctionnement. Ils ont développé une expertise technique indispensable à la prise de décision européenne. Ils ont ainsi pris le pas sur les sociétés des États européens qui n’ont pas su donner de demos à l’Union. Cependant, les groupes d’intérêt permettent aussi de promouvoir la société civile. La présente thèse montre précisément comment l’Union européenne a inscrit le rôle de la société civile au cœur de traités fondamentaux et dans quelle mesure cela a reconnu les groupes d’intérêt. Pour promouvoir la société civile, les institutions européennes s’efforcent à des degrés différents de développer la transparence et l’ouverture nécessaire à une prise de décision légitime. Pour contextualiser cette approche ce travail a mis en avant les modèles États-Uniens, anglais et français. Dans l’Union européenne, des codes de conduite et des registres ont été mis en place. Mais cette règlementation se fait progressivement et tend à différer selon les institutions. Ce sont le Parlement européen et la Commission européenne qui ont pris les devants des politiques de transparence, tandis que le Conseil reste largement en retrait de ces mesures. Ce travail montre le rôle changeant des groupes d’int.r.t, pris entre crise de légitimité européenne et recours technique indispensable
The present dissertation analyses the role of interest groups in the European Union. In a context of democratic deficit, “lobbies” often crystalize the criticisms made towards European institutions. However, this work shows how lobbies, when regulated, can also reinforce the legitimacy of the said institutions. Indeed, since their origin, interest groups have imposed themselves as a crucial actor in the functioning of the European Union. For instance, they have developed a technical expertise which is necessary to European decision-making. They have largely supplanted European societies which were unable to constitute a demos for the EU. However, despite this, interest groups also allow to promote civil society. The EU has precisely increasingly included the European civil society in its fundamental treaties through the integration of interest groups. European institutions have been trying to develop transparency and openness in order to promote civil society. To give some context to that approach, this work has put forward foreign models of regulation, i.e. that of the United States, of the United Kingdom and of France. In the EU, codes of conducts and registers have been implemented. However, this regulation remains progressive and differs from an institution to another. The Parliament and the European Commission have both taken the lead in these transparency policies – whereas the European Council has shied somewhat from those policies. This thesis presents the changing role of interest groups, tangled-up between European legitimacy crisis and technically vital role

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Mouhib, Leila. « Les politiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie : une analyse des rôles du Parlement et de la Commission dans les cas tunisien et marocain, 2006-2012 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209503.

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Partant du constat de la constitution de la promotion de la démocratie comme enjeu des relations internationales et de politique étrangère, la présente recherche s’interroge sur les politiques menées en la matière par l’Union européenne dans le cadre des relations avec ses voisins méditerranéens, particulièrement le Maroc et la Tunisie. L’analyse se concentre sur l’Instrument européen pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme, sur la période 2007-2012.

L’objectif est de comprendre et d’expliquer les pratiques des différents groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans ces politiques, au sein de la Commission (DG Relex/SEAE, DG Devco, délégations) et du Parlement (sous-commission DROI).

La position défendue est la suivante :les pratiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie au Maroc et en Tunisie sont fonction de l’identité des groupes institutionnels qui les mettent en œuvre. Pour chaque groupe institutionnel, peuvent être mis en évidence des normes, intérêts et ressources qui contribuent à défendre et renforcer l’identité institutionnelle. Dès lors, des pratiques qui peuvent paraître incohérentes au premier abord (pourquoi agir au Maroc et pas en Tunisie ?pourquoi créer l’IEDDH et, parallèlement, évincer l’objectif de promotion de la démocratie de la coopération bilatérale avec la Tunisie ?) prennent tout leur sens lorsqu’on parvient à restituer la fonction sociale qu’elles assurent.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Pineda-Pinzon, Fernando. « L'action de la Commission européenne en Colombie, 1990-2010 : coopération pour le développement et construction des citoyennetés ». Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100026/document.

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Au-delà des grands discours, les relations internationales se concrétisent dans des actions de coopération entre les États. Au cours des deux décennies après 1990, dans un contexte d’apparent consensus idéologique international sur la démocratie et le développement, notre travail a étudié la traduction des grands discours dans des actions sur le terrain. Nous avons étudié l’action de l’Union Européenne, un acteur des relations internationales en construction pendant cette période qui se présente comme un champion de la démocratie. Comme terrain de mise en œuvre, nous avons choisi la Colombie, un pays fortement divisé au niveau idéologique, qui a été traditionnellement sous l’influence des États-Unis, mais où l’Union Européenne augmente son investissement après 1990. Nous avons analysé les stratégies de coopération de l’Europe dans des domaines comme la construction de la démocratie, la gestion de fonds et l’éducation. Nous avons aussi étudié des documents concernant 13 projets sur le terrain entre 1990 et 2010. Il s’agit de documents de formulation, de communication externe et de suivi de projets ainsi que d’entretiens avec des personnes ayant participé de leur mise en œuvre. Nous avons pu apprécier la polysémie et les contradictions, les résistances et les interprétations qui ont lieu à l’heure de traduire les idées politiques dans des projets sociaux ou éducatifs. Notre travail a permis d’identifier les caractéristiques du modèle particulier de citoyenneté démocratique qui s’est construit dans les pratiques de coopération de la Commission Européenne en Colombie, mettant ainsi en relief les projets politiques et la nature historique de ces pratiques qui sont le plus souvent analysées d’un point de vue purement technique.Nous avons tiré aussi des conclusions sur les spécificités des pratiques européennes de relations internationales dans la construction de la démocratie par rapport notamment aux pratiques des États-Unis. Enfin, les conclusions de notre travail portent sur le processus de construction de la paix et de la démocratie en Colombie et le rôle de l’action internationale dans le pays par rapport aux dynamiques internes
More than just great speeches and treaties, international relations take form in actions of cooperation between states. During the two decades following 1990, in a context of an apparent international ideological consensus around democracy and development, our work has studied the translation of discourses into actions on the ground.We have studied the action of the European Union, an actor of international relations in consolidation during this period who presents itself as a champion of democracy. As a field of implementation, we chose Colombia, a strongly ideologically divided country that has been traditionally influenced by the United States, but where the European Union increases its investment after 1990.We analyzed Europe's aid strategies in areas such as democracy building, fund management and education. We also studied documents relating to 13 projects in the field between 1990 and 2010. These are formulation, external communication and projects’ follow-up documents as well as interviews with people who have participated in their implementation.Thanks to this, we were able to appreciate the polysemy and the contradictions, resistances and interpretations that take place at the time of translating political ideas into social or educational projects.Our work allowed us to identify the characteristics of the particular model of democratic citizenship built in the European Commission's cooperation practices in Colombia, highlighting the political projects and the historical nature of these practices that are, most often, analyzed from a purely technical point of view.We also drew conclusions on the specificities of European practices of international relations in the construction of democracy in relation, in particular, to the practices of the United States. Finally, our conclusions concern the process of building peace and democracy in Colombia during the two decades and the role of international action in the country in relation to internal dynamics

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Richard, Alexandre. « Procédure en manquement d’Etat et protection des droits fondamentaux dans l’Union européenne ». Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020015.

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Depuis l’entrée en vigueur du traité de Lisbonne, la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l’Union européenne a acquis valeur de droit primaire. Ses dispositions constituent dès lors « des obligations qui incombent [aux États membres] en vertu des traités », selon les termes de l’article 258 du traité FUE, relatives à la procédure en manquement d’État. Or, si cette procédure a pour but de faire cesser les manquements des États membres aux obligations qui leur incombent, les différents acteurs de cette voie de droit ne semblent pas particulièrement enclins à faire constater les violations des droits fondamentaux. Plusieurs considérations, tenant à la procédure en manquement d’État et aux droits fondamentaux, peuvent effectivement faire obstacle à l’engagement de poursuites contre un État membre lorsque sont en cause les dispositions de la Charte. De surcroît, la Cour de justice doit tenir compte des droits fondamentaux lorsque ceux-ci sont avancés par les autorités étatiques en tant que moyens de défense dans le cadre d’une procédure en constatation de manquement. Pourtant, des difficultés liées au contentieux du manquement et aux droits fondamentaux privent les Etats membres de se prévaloir pleinement des droits et libertés pour faire échec à la constatation d’un manquement. Ces considérations questionnent en définitive l’adéquation de la procédure en manquement d’État pour garantir le respect des droits fondamentaux
Since the Lisbon Treaty has come into force, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union has acquired binding force. As primary law, its provisions are considered as “an obligation under the Treaties”, as it is stated in the article 258 of Treaty of the Functioning of the European Union. Nevertheless, while the infringement proceedings aims at ceasing breaches of EU law by Member States, the main actors of this procedure seem reluctant to bring a case before the Court of Justice when a Member State fails to fulfil its obligations under the Charter. Different characteristics of the infringement proceedings and the fundamental rights may deter Member States and European Commission from bringing such a case before the Courte of Justice. Moreover, the Court of Justice has to take into consideration fundamental rights when they are invoked by Member States as defences in an infringement proceedings. But procedural considerations and fundamental rights’ attributes may prevent the judge from examining human rights’ defences. In each case, this is about assessing adequacy of infringement proceedings to guarantee the enforcement of fundamental rights

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Bernasconi, Christophe. « European Union merger law, quo vadis ? The Commission's assessment of oligopolistic dominance under the merger control regulation ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ37322.pdf.

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Pierson, Matthieu. « Aides d'Etat et politiques de l'Union européenne : contrôle communautaire des interventions étatiques ou interventionnisme communautaire ». Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40041/document.

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L’appréhension des aides d’Etat par le droit de l’UE se singularise par sa triple dimension économique, politique et juridique. Leur volume, qui demeure important, la multiplicité de leurs formes, et surtout les lourds enjeux engageant la souveraineté nationale font des aides d’Etat une matière sensible nécessitant un cadre juridique spécifique qui doit s’adapter au fur et à mesure que les politiques de l’UE deviennent de plus en plus intégrées. La Commission européenne, qui dispose en la matière d’un pouvoir discrétionnaire, détermine au cas par cas, ou dans des lignes directrices, orientations, communications, et règlement général d’exemption catégorielle, les conditions de compatibilité des aides au Traité, et au-delà impose aux Etats comme aux entreprises des obligations de faire, ou de ne pas faire.Le droit des aides d’Etat est remarquable par son ampleur (il vise tous les secteurs d’activité économique et même au-delà), sa richesse, son renouvellement. Il n’est pas seulement un cadre réglementaire destiné à clarifier les exigences de l’UE vis-à-vis des Etats membres et des entreprises, même si quantitativement, c’est son rôle majeur. Il est aussi et surtout un moteur, un outil d’intégration privilégié, dont la teneur n’est pas étrangère aux interrogations sur la nature de l’UE. Il contribue de façon notable à la construction et au renforcement des politiques de l’UE, qui une fois développées, lui impose certains impératifs. Cet enrichissement réciproque est destiné à rester pour toujours d’actualité
The apprehension of State aids by EU Law singularises by its economical, political and legal dimension. Their volume, which remains important, the multiplicity of their forms, and especially the high issues engaging the national sovereignty brings to consider State aids as a sensitive subject requiring a specific legal framework which has to adapt itself as the EU Policies become more and more integrated. The European Commission, which has in this field a discretionary power, determines case by case, either in guidelines, orientations, communications, or general block exemption regulation, the conditions of State aids compatibility to the Treaty, and beyond imposes on States as on companies of obligations to do, or not to do.State Aids Law is remarkable by its scope (it aims at every sectors of economic activity and beyond), its wealth, its renewal. It is not only a regulatory framework intended to clarify the EU requirements towards Member States and companies, even if quantitatively, it is its major role. It is also and especially an engine, a privileged tool of integration, the content of which is not foreign to the questioning on the nature of the EU. It contributes in a considerable way to the construction and the intensification of EU policies, which once developed, imposes it certain imperatives. This mutual enrichment is intended to stay forever of current events

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Pohunková, Hana. « Proces institucionálních reforem EU vzhledem k jejímu rozšíření ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10114.

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The topic of this diploma thesis is the Process of institutional reforms of EU in light of its enlargement. The thesis is divided into two parts -- theoretical part and practical part. Theoretical part talks about European treaties that founded or reformed five main European institutions -- Parliament, Council, Commission, Court of Justice and Court of Auditors. In separate chapter the thesis talks about Lisbon Treaty and this chapter is followed by description of the main institutions. Practical part was based on original research in which almost two hundred respondents took part and which was focused on the knowledge of respondets of the administration of EU. The results of the research were analysed in form of commented graphs and tables. Based on the research, last chapter provides recommendations that should help increase the knowledge of Czechs of the EU administration.

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Deganis, Isabelle. « A dialogue across paradigms : the European Commission's autonomous power within the open method of coordination ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a7f66cca-a998-4981-8c9c-cb295c27dcd7.

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This research project seeks to gauge the autonomous power of the European Commission within the Open Method of Coordination (OMC), a new mode of governance coined at the Lisbon European Council in March 2000 and based on the principle of the voluntary cooperation of Member States. Two cases form the basis of this inquiry, namely, quality in work, a policy issue addressed under the banner of the European Employment Strategy, and child poverty and social exclusion, a key item on the agenda of the OMC for Social Inclusion. A primary impetus at the heart of this project is one of ontological pluralism. Rejecting a zero-sum interpretation of the rationalist/constructivist debate, this study constitutes a plea for a conversation across paradigms. The domain-of-application model employed here works by preserving the integrity of individual theories while specifying a particular scope condition under which constructivist and rationalist insights are likely to prevail. Selecting two cases on the basis of the critical scope condition of issue sensitivity, a central postulate informing this integrative research design is that high issue sensitivity (quality in work) invites strategic interaction among pre-constituted social actors driven by a behavioural logic of utility-maximization, while low issue sensitivity (child poverty and social exclusion) allows for a fundamentally norm-guided behaviour. Concretely, in effecting this theoretical dialogue, two sets of causal hypotheses are examined. On the one hand, rational choice institutionalism (principal-agent theory) offers a number of suppositions about the Commission’s institutional power, that is, its ability to transform the conditions of action of self-seeking national governments. On the other hand, sociological institutionalism conceptualizes the Commission’s productive power (i.e. its power to constitute the interests and identities of individual agents) through the lens of discourse analysis. Testing theoretical predictions against collected data makes plain the superior explanatory value of independent variables and causal mechanisms of rationalist lineage in capturing the essence of the Commission’s autonomous power in the case of quality in work and the congruity of sociological institutionalism’s original conjectures in the area of child poverty and social exclusion. Crucially, this strict correspondence corroborates the pertinence of the critical scope condition of issue sensitivity in delineating the explanatory ambit of both theories and attests to the co-existence of different forms of autonomous power wielded by the Commission within the framework of the OMC.

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Topan, Angelina. « Der Entscheidungsprozess in der Europäischen Kommission : am Beispiel der europäischen Regionalpolitik / ». Baden-Baden : Nomos-Verl.-Ges, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/bs/toc/517816644.pdf.

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Univ., Habil.-Schr. u.d.T.: Topan, Angelina: Der Entscheidungsprozess in der Europäischen Kommission aus der Perspektive der modernen Institutionenökonomik: am Fallbeispiel der europäischen Regionalpolitik--Hamburg, 2004.

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Gross, Vlad. « Official business : accounting for interest group influence in EU Commission policy-making ». Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0027.

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Cette thèse présente une contribution théorique et empirique à la recherche sur la représentation politique des groupes d’intérêt. Plus précisément, son objectif est de développer une analyse de la question la plus importante dans ce domaine, notamment celle de l’influence de groupes d’intérêt sur les politiques de la Commission Européenne. La nature multiforme de l’influence a été présentée dans le premier chapitre, avec un appui sur le rôle des fonctionnaires publics, le contexte politique et les caractéristiques des groupes d’intérêt. Le succès du lobbying a été comparé à travers de différents DGs de la Commission mais aussi à travers des différents contextes politiques avec des différents degrés de saillance et conflit. Les résultats de recherche confirment le rôle primordial des fonctionnaires publics dans les changements des politiques publiques au niveau de la Commission Européenne. Les recherches sur l’influence des groupes d’intérêt doivent prendre en compte le chevauchement de préférences exprimées par les décideurs politiques et les groupes d’intérêt pour mieux comprendre le succès de leur lobbying. En plus, les groups de business ont plus d’influence politique auprès des fonctionnaires qui travaillent dans les directions qui s’appuient sur les politiques économiques. Les résultats soulignent aussi l’importance des variables institutionnelles qui définissent le contexte dans lequel l’influence est exercée. Autrement dit, si certains groupes d’intérêt sont influents dépend du cadre institutionnel, et plus généralement du contexte politique dans lequel l’influence est utilisé
This study is an account of interest group representation and lobbying success in the European Union. The questions I address are when and why interest groups succeed (or fail) to obtain their preferred policy outcome in the European Commission decision-making process. Lobbying success cannot be exclusively perceived as a function of the political resource exchanges between interest group coalitions and EU institutions. Instead, I argue that policy influence is a complex process that is under the control of policymakers. While multiple actors can effectively influence policy, public officials have a central-veto player-role in the process. They can also accommodate or reject interest group demands for other reasons than information exchange, such as their own ideological preferences, institutional embeddedness or the policy context. I argue that lobbying success can be better explained by a convergence between policymaker preferences, interest group preferences, and the policy context in which their preferences emerge. Thus, I focus on the role of policymakers as the predominant actors with formal agency capacities to change policy. Interest group scholars rely on methodological diversity, combining process tracing and survey designs, to establish the policy preferences of relevant political actors. By using such an approach, the results presented here paint a more refined picture of lobbying success, which depends much more on policymaker preferences than previous studies have considered. This conclusion should encourage scholars in the field to pay more attention to strong and weak ties within policy elite networks in an effort to better understand lobbying success

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DARKO, PHIDELIA. « EU DEVELOPMENT POLICY FOR DEVELOPING COUNTRIES VS. THE NEW SECURITY AGENDA : A CASE STUDY ON GHANA ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23826.

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Development issues have been the centre of most international governmental organisations for quite a long time. Most developing countries tend to depend on Western foreign donors to assist them in their developmental ambitions. Ghana as a developing nation also depends on it foreign donors to finance most of it developmental projects. Even though the European Union is an international governmental organisation that is much known for assisting developing countries with their developmental projects it is anticipated that recent occurrence such as the global economic meltdown, climate change coupled with terrorist attacks on most developed nations will limit or perhaps even halt the flow of development aid to developing countries as they might be more concerned with securing their territory rather than thinking of other people somewhere else.This is because such occurrences have resulted in raising a new concern, thus the New Security Agenda or Human Security. The Human Security in respect to its economic sector is what this paper deals with. This paper takes a critical look on Ghana’s Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (GPRS), as pertaining to the aspect of these papers that received developmental aid from the European Development Fund (EDF). It is proved here that almost all aspect of Ghana’s developmental projects in one way or other received funding from the EDF. The New Security Agenda in terms of its economic sector was rather found out to be a positive influence for developing nations like Ghana as a result of the country’s stability. This is because it was found out that rather than limiting the flow of development aid to Ghana, it is during this time that the 10th EDF budget for Ghana received the highest funding. It was later found out that all these developmental projects conforms to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which is also an area of concern in the New Security Agenda. All this occurrences are much more explained along a theoretical framework (thus the notions of liberalism, critical theory and constructivism). However other academic works on the subject matter was also comprehensively acknowledged.

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Larsson, Linn. « Normative Gender Power Europe ? A critical examination of the European Commission’s construction of inequality and preferred foreign policy approach ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21489.

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Gender equality is one of the fundamental values of the European Union (EU). The EU possesses the ambition as well as the legal obligation to promote equal rights beyond its borders. Hence, it is of most importance that the EU construct gender equality policies that foster positive change, certainly due to the EU’s normative ability to influence other actors. This paper is concerned with how problems of gender inequality is constructed by the European Commission and moreover which foreign policy approach that is proposed to combat inequality. While focusing on contexts where gender is present, this study applies feminist theoretical approaches to critically examine statements given by the European Commission. The ‘What’s the problem represented to be?’ approach allows the study to identify problem representations, underlying assumptions and effects. It is determined that elements from both liberal and radical feminism is evident in the European Commission’s problem representations and that the male/female dichotomy which the problematisations are based on might prevent equality between men and women. Mostly due to its focus on the differences between genders. The findings also show that the European Commission suggest to combat inequality using a multidimensional problem-solving approach where actions are executed at individual, national, international and supranational levels simultaneously. Additionally, much emphasis is put on solving issues at grass-root levels.

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McArdle, Scarlett. « The international responsibility of the European Union : a critique of the International Law Commission's Articles on the Responsibility of International Organisations ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/7617/.

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Responsibility plays a core role in international law; it is the very measure of its effectiveness. Responsibility began as a law of state responsibility and this has continued to limit the law. As the international arena has expanded to encompass a broader range of actors, in particular the growth of international organisations and the European Union, there has been an increased need for the expansion of the law of responsibility to address the growing actions and competencies of these actors. The International Law Commission (ILC) has sought to address this through developing the Articles on the Responsibility of International Organisations (ARIO). This study concerns itself with limitations of the approach taken by the ILC towards the ARIO and critiques the ability of the ARIO to apply to the growing actions of the European Union. The original basis of responsibility in a system of international law based around state cooperation has limited the foundations of responsibility to an idea of international action as bilateral cooperation. This has shaped the basis of responsibility into a principle that seeks to address individual, unified actors and, consequently, struggles when faced with the European Union, an actor that finds interaction and interdependence at the core of its international identity. The thesis considers the nature of the EU as an international actor to understand the challenge posed by this unique actor. It then moves on to consider the work of the ILC and provides an analysis of two main areas: the principle of attribution, which was heavily derived from the principles on state responsibility and the attempt to address the strong dependence on this prior work on responsibility through the use of references to the rules of the organisation and the attempt to develop a lex specialis article. The thesis then seeks to propose an alternative framework of responsibility that would scale back the law in this area and enable it to develop more organically.

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Starostová, Andrea. « Kritická analýza politiky Evropské unie a jej dopad na firmu E.ON SE ». Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta podnikatelská, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-224256.

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Hlavným cieľom diplomovej práce je kriticky analyzovať politiku Európskej Únie a jej dopad na činnosť nadnárodnej spoločnosti E.ON. Keďže politika Európskej Únie má za cieľ zefektívniť spôsob podnikania vykonávaného v rámci Európskej Únie a okrem iného má predstavovať garanciu zodpovednosti jak spotrebiteľov, tak dodávateľov operujúcich na trhu, tak zámer práce bol definovaný na analýzu politického vplyvu rozhodnutí Európskej Únie a ich dopad na následné strategické rozhodnutia firmy. Analytická čas práce je preto zameraná na analýzu Európskej energetickej politiky s kladením dôrazu na profil spoločnosti E.ON, Európsku energetickú stratégiu, obnoviteľné zdroje, jadrovú energetiku, bezpečnosť energetickej dodávky a na Európsky systém obchodovania s emisiami.

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Thèses sur le sujet « European Union – European Commission »

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