Articles de revues : « European Union – Enlargement – Public opinion »

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Timuş, Natalia. « The role of public opinion in European Union policy making : The case of European Union enlargement ». Perspectives on European Politics and Society 7, n^o 3 (septembre 2006) : 336–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705850601056470.

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dE VREESE, CLAES H., et HAJO G. BOOMGAARDEN. « Media Effects on Public Opinion about the Enlargement of the European Union* ». JCMS : Journal of Common Market Studies 44, n^o 2 (juin 2006) : 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00629.x.

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Tománková, Veronika. « Differentiated Support of the EU Enlargement in the Public Opinion : A Multivariate LISREL Analysis ». Geografie 112, n^o 1 (2007) : 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2007112010001.

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This paper provides an analysis of the public opinion in the EU countries concerning further enlargement. Public opinion plays an important role in the current integration processes and is an integral part of the research concerning the European Union. The differentiation in the support for the EU enlargement across 25 countries can be explained by the multivariate LISREL (linear structural equations) analysis that makes possible to identify a causal system through the explanatory model. The model includes structural and public opinion variables in the set of the twenty-five EU member states. Multivariate statistical analysis shows a low public opinion support for the EU enlargement in rich states and, on the other hand, a clear support in a group of post-communist member states.

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Dursun-Ozkanca, Oya. « European Union Enlargement and British Public Opinion : The Agenda-Setting Power of the Press ». Perspectives on European Politics and Society 12, n^o 2 (1 juin 2011) : 139–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2011.572642.

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Herța, Laura-M., et Delia Pop-Flanja. « Public Perception on the Western Balkan States’ Accession to the EU. Social-Constructivist Interpretations ». Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 66, n^o 2 (décembre 2021) : 135–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2021.2.07.

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"The purpose of the article is to analyse, form a social constructivist perspective, public perception on the accession of Western Balkan States to the European Union. Public opinion is an important indicator of the current situation in the region, as well as of the level of preparedness, engagement, and availability of the society to the European project and to internalize European values. For a more comprehensive understanding of the evolution and dynamics of public opinion, and whether we can discuss enlargement or accession fatigue, we have made a comparative analysis of polls conducted in 2010 and 2020. Moreover, since general polls are sensitive barometers and cannot be properly understood without placing them in a wider context, we have extended our research to the factors that influence public perception and the exposure to disinformation. Keywords: Western Balkans, EU accession, public perception, social constructivism "

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Dudášová, Marianna. « Globalisation Scepticism in the Visegrad Countries ». Ekonomické rozhľady – Economic Review 50, n^o 4 (15 décembre 2021) : 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/er.2644-7185.2021.4.429-451.

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Recent developments in the European Union revealed significant differences between the Visegrad countries and the remaining members of the EU. The enlargement euphoria of the first decade of the 21st century was replaced by certain enlargement fatigue, manifesting itself not only in concrete governmental policies but also in the public opinion towards the EU. As European integration and globalisation are parallel processes, declining support for European integration must not necessarily be the result of disagreement with specific policies and should be examined in the broader context of globalisation fears and anxieties. The article describes variations in globalisation scepticism between the group of Visegrad countries and the remaining countries of the EU as well as variations within the Visegrad group itself, focusing on the main drivers of economic globalisation – international trade, foreign direct investment, and immigration. The development of public opinion since the financial and economic crisis in 2009 indicates that Visegrad countries should not be treated as a uniform bloc of globalisation sceptics as there are significant differences in opinion between the more pessimistic Czechs and Slovaks and the more optimistic Poles and Hungarians. Their globalisation scepticism also varies across different dimensions of globalisation and is fuelled by different motivations.

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Todorovic-Lazic, Jelena. « Challenges of the enlargement policy in the light of European Union transformation : Is the rise of Euroscepticism in Serbia inevitable ? » Medjunarodni problemi 71, n^o 1 (2019) : 80–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1901080t.

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The EU Summit in Thessaloniki in 2003 is often referred to as a milestone in the relations between the Western Balkans and the European Union because the region was given strong promises of a prospective European perspective through the Stabilization and Association Process. However, the initial enthusiasm that followed has melted over the coming years because the expectations of most countries in the region have not been met (with the exception of Croatia that became an EU member in 2013). Even though we get assurances from the Brussels that they will not give up on enlargement, it is obvious that this issue is not on the list of priorities of the EU at the moment. Not only that its decisiveness to encompass with enlargement the Western Balkans is on shaky grounds due to the numerous challenges that the EU is facing at the moment, but such decline in interest leads to a decline in interest in the countries of the mentioned region that are currently in the accession process. This further leads to the rise in Euroscepticism for which the Western Balkans is a breeding ground. The reasons for Euroscepticism existed even before the enlargement has been brushed aside from the Union agenda (those were mostly reasons related to pre-accession strategy for candidate countries/potential candidates and were present even in the case of countries of Eastern and Central Europe, even though there were also reasons specific for each of these countries.). However, it seems they have become stronger with the new developments in the Union. Incertitude of membership affects the rise of negative attitudes towards the Union in the public opinion of these countries which becomes manifest if we look at numerous public opinion polls. The focus of this paper will be the interpretation of the results of the research that the Institute for Political Studies conducted on an annual basis from 2015 to 2018.

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Földesi, Gyöngyi. « Can We Talk about European Public Policy in the Field of Sport ? » Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 47, n^o 1 (1 décembre 2009) : 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10141-009-0029-6.

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Can We Talk about European Public Policy in the Field of Sport?Despite the continuous deepening, development and enlargement, the members of the European Union still diverge in their policies and have to find a way to diminish this divergence. The social, economical and cultural significance of sport is well known in the whole of Europe. Accordingly, in the recent past, the various institutions of the European Union have come to pay more attention to sport issues. An important milestone of this was the European Commission issuing a White Paper on sport, and the inclusion of sport in the Lisbon Treaty. However the question is raised: Is there a European public policy of sport? The author's objective was to investigate this question. This paper aims to highlight the European sport policy and tries to find the answer to the following question: can we talk about European public policy in the field of sport? The research examines through the analysis of documents whether sport can be regarded as an element of public policy. We can talk about common public policy of a certain area if it corresponds to the following five criteria: content, social competence, coercive factor, normative orientation and programme. In the first part, the content and the social competence are analyzed, and then some critical issues of the definition, namely of the public policy will be discussed. In the opinion of the author, the most problematic criterion is the programme, which presumes at least a mid-term European sport conception. It is especially important that sport could fulfil its community building, identity-forming role to which it is suited in the continuously enlarging Europe. Finally the author draws the conclusion that the European sport policy corresponds partly to the above-mentioned criteria; however, the realization of the Pierre de Coubertin Action Plan included in the White Paper, and the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty can create opportunities for sport to become a public policy of the European Union.

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Neunreither, Karlheinz. « The European Union in Nice : A Minimalist Approach to a Historic Challenge ». Government and Opposition 36, n^o 2 (avril 2001) : 184–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00061.

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In Early December 2000 The Political Leaders Of The European Union (EU) met in Nice in order to decide on the treaty adaptations needed before the enlargement envisaged for the next decade. The overall goal was to render the EU more efficient and its decision making more transparent. The outcome of this important event was widely considered as disappointing. Some observers even came to the conclusion that there were no leaders of the EU as such, but only rather narrow-minded, egotistical national leaders who did not – with minor exceptions – care about the ‘common good’ at all. Never had it become so evident, in the opinion of some, that the European perspective had been fading away for many years, and that it was being replaced by national considerations which are often short-sighted and limited to the horizon of the next national elections. One of the classical theories on European integration, neo-functionalism, measures the progress of integration in terms of the Europeanization of its political elites. From this perspective, the top decision-makers seem to be on a downward trend. Is it then a case for the opposite theory, that of intergovernmentalism, which claims that national interests continue to be in the centre of EU decision-making and that tough bargaining is of its very nature?

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MKRTCHYAN, LIKA. « The Border-making Policy of the Europe-an Union : Eastern Enlargement ». Journal of Education Culture and Society 3, n^o 2 (12 janvier 2020) : 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20122.7.18.

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Having no internal borders, what is a border for the European Union (EU)? Which cri-teria does this powerful organization pursue in its decision-making on further expansion: geographical, political, cultural, economic or all of these? What is the profi t of the Union in advancing its external borders to the east? And why to the east and not the south or west across the Atlantic? Does it still mean that there is the reason for enlarging eastward based on the geographical belonging to Europe?1.This paper discusses the expansion of the European Union to the east with the main focus on its political and economic aspects of integration. The fi rst part includes intro-duction to the concept of Europe, historic background about the formation of the united Europe in terms of geography, culture, politics and economy, juxtaposing opinions and viewpoints of different experts and political scientists on “what is Europe?” and what are the core issues of its enlargement. The second and third parts are dedicated to the advan-tages and disadvantages of European Integration for both parties concerned – the EU and the candidate/member state, in the case of the former having its own “demarcation policy” towards certain regions of the continent when it comes to unifi cation. And the fourth part is about the communication and miscommunication of the informative bodies of the Euro-pean Union that are responsible for public awareness on any process that goes on within the European family. The lack of information results in the ignorance of citizens of Euro-pean and partner countries, which, of course, refl ects on the further processes of expansion on the political level and cultural perception and mentality on the social level.The conclusion sums up the research, and the bibliography lists the books, articles, monographs and Internet sources used in the course of the study.

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Martynov, Andrii. « VALUE DIFFERENTIATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION : HISTORICAL PREREQUISITES AND TRENDS ». European Historical Studies, n^o 19 (2021) : 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.2.

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The article shows the dynamics of changes in the dominant social values in the European Union and the impact of this trend on the peculiarities of political processes. The pandemic has accelerated the process of crystallization of liberal-democratic and authoritarian models of modern global capitalism. Social changes provoke a conflict of values. Socialist, liberal and conservative parties are losing credibility. The situation is being used by populists. The historical period of uncertainty disorients public opinion. The crisis of traditional liberal-democratic values creates an ideological vacuum. The manifestation of this trend is a change under the influence of changing social stratification of socio-political identities of individuals and societies. The post-industrial European information society is creating a shortage of traditional ideas about work and Christian morality. This process destroys trade union and social democratic political practices. The dominant information socio-political sphere is characterized by the blurring of the criteria of truthfulness and falsity of information. Gone is the idea of a rational, well-informed voter capable of making a conscious political choice in favor of one’s own and the public’s interests. The article shows the correlation between the change of values and the political culture of Western, Eastern, Southern and Northern Europe. The choice in favor of a “green economy” stimulates a change in social values and everyday practices of human behavior. The pandemic created a crisis of power legitimacy. Quarantine “shutdowns” of the economy creates a crisis of administrative rationality. The consequence of these trends is a crisis of motivation of government and society due to stressful overload of competing values. The conclusions prove that value differentiation in the European Union is a consequence of the peculiarities of the development of national history. These trends are evident during the intergovernmental conference on the future of the European Union. Uncertainty about the European Union’s development strategy freezes the EU’s enlargement process. The realization of the tendency to harmonize different values is hypothetical.

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Rieznikov, Valerii. « Formation and implementation of the State Policy in the sphere of European integration of Ukraine : problems and contradictions ». Public administration and local government, n^o 4(43) (25 décembre 2019) : 90–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/101912.

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The purpose of the article is to identify the problems and contradictions of the state policy in the sphere of European integration of Ukraine and to justify the ways of overcoming them in the current conditions. The main internal problem that hinders the European integration course of Ukraine, experts consider, first of all, inefficiency of the public administration system – insufficient level of competence of civil servants, excessive bureaucracy, unreformed and corrupt public administration system. The top five major internal problems also include: the situation in the Donbas (including both armed conflict and public sentiment), high levels of corruption in Ukrainian society, ineffective policy of informing the population about European integration, lack of consensus in the political and social issues. The opinion that aggression, pressure and all-out hindrance from Russia will be a major external challenge for Ukraine’s European course, is shared by all experts interviewed. Among the major external obstacles, experts also cite internal problems of the EU itself, opposition or waiting position on the part of some EU members who do not want to break their ties with Russia, as well as the lack of a unified position in the European Union regarding the European perspective of Ukraine and the EU enlargement in general. Experts consider that the most effective factor contributing to the increase of the support of European integration in Ukrainian society is the successful implementation of internal reforms and the positive effect of ordinary citizens on them. In today’s context, Ukraine’s accession to the EU remains a goal for which it is active in political, legal, economic and other spheres. Conclusions from this research and perspectives of future development in current area. At the present stage of social development the process of forming and implementing effective and effective state policy in the field of European integration is of particular importance. Ukraine’s accession to the EU is a long-term issue, which depends on both the effectiveness of internal reforms and the transformation processes in the EU. However, Ukraine already needs to insist on giving it a formal EU membership perspective.

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Stawowy-Kawka, Irena. « Macedonia – nowe wyzwania i trudne kompromisy (2016−2019) ». Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021) : 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.015.13808.

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Macedonia – New Challenges and Difficult Compromises (2016−2019) After the SDSM (Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija – Social Democratic Union of Macedonia) took over the government in 2017, the party proposed reforms which, although fundamental for the future of the country, were difficult to accept by the majority of Macedonian society. Nevertheless, SDSM’s policy, approved and monitored by the European Union and the US, was to lead to Macedonia joining NATO and EU structures in the near future. It should also be noted that both the US and the EU are strategic partners of the Republic, which actively support the processes taking place there. Having signed the agreement with Greece, on 17 June 2018 the Republic of Macedonia changed its official name. After the entry into force of the amendments to the Constitution and ratification of the Greek-Macedonian bilateral agreement by both parties, the country adopted the name of the Republic of North Macedonia (mac. Република Серверна Македонија). In February 2019, just after the parliaments of North Macedonia and Greece ratified the Prespa Agreement, the accession process of North Macedonia to NATO began. The condition for accession was the consent of the parliaments of all members of the Alliance for enlargement. Immediately after such approval, on 27 March 2020, the decision on membership was announced in Brussels by its chairman, Jens Stoltenberg. Macedonia’s relations with Bulgaria and Serbia have also changed, and the Albanians have been granted further privileges and rights in this country – in the opinion of the Macedonians it is very difficult to accept and implement. The escalation of nationalist sentiment in the country’s internal relations is important, caused not only by foreign policy but also by concessions to the Albanians. The Law on the Use of Languages, also known as the ‘language law’, criticized not only by the Macedonian scientific elite, but also by the Venice Commission, which sees certain threats to Macedonia in granting such extensive rights to the Albanian population, strengthens the opposition. On 26 March 2020, the EU gave its consent to start accession negotiations with Albania and the Republic of North Macedonia. Negotiations with Bulgaria are ongoing and it will be difficult to find a compromise. The biggest challenge for the government will be to convince the public that it is in the interest of its citizens to make compromises with both Greeks and Albanians and in the future with Bulgarians. In this case, the EU position will be very important, both in relation to the Albanian and Bulgarian demands.

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Lahav, Gallya. « Public Opinion Toward Immigration in the European Union ». Comparative Political Studies 37, n^o 10 (décembre 2004) : 1151–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004269826.

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The literature on immigration has been divided with regard to the constraints, particularly of public opinion, on EU policy cooperation. Analysts have suggested that there is a disjuncture between public opinion and policy developments and that liberal immigration policies have emerged because negative public opinion is not factored into elite decision making or institutional developments. Comparing public opinion data derived from Eurobarometer surveys with demographic trends and EU initiatives, this article questions the “disjuncture” premises by evaluating the nature of mass attitudes and its impact on policy harmonization in the EU. In bridging the attitudinal-policy gap, the article assesses (a) the extent to which publics are ignorant or informed and (b) the distinct effects of personal versus general societal conditions as they motivate immigration attitudes and policy preferences. The conclusions have implications for immigration cooperation in the European Union, with policy outcomes that are more compatible with public attitudes.

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Segell, Glen. « THE WIN-WIN OF EUROPEAN UNION ENLARGEMENT ». International Journal Organization Theory and Behavior 5, n^o 1-2 (22 mai 2002) : 103–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1081/otb-120004240.

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Müller, Martin. « Public Opinion Toward the European Union in Georgia ». Post-Soviet Affairs 27, n^o 1 (janvier 2011) : 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/1060-586x.27.1.64.

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Creech, Richard L. « Court of Justice of the European Communities ». European Constitutional Law Review 2, n^o 1 (février 2006) : 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019606001477.

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As a result of the 2004 enlargement there are now twenty languages that are accorded official, and theoretically equal, status in the institutions of the European Union. With the expansion of the Union’s linguistic landscape some Union bodies, while allowing the use of more and more languages, have paradoxically limited the circumstances under which most of them may be used. To put it mildly, these efforts, as Advocate-General Poiares Maduro said in his opinion in Case C-160/03, Kingdom of Spain v. Eurojust, 2005 ECR I-2077, have been ‘a matter of some controversy’.

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Czarny, Elżbieta, et Jerzy Menkes. « European Union and European Germany ». Oeconomia Copernicana 6, n^o 4 (31 décembre 2015) : 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2015.026.

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We analyze the correlation between the European integration and incorporating Germany into the process of European cooperation. We point out that the European integration after WWII was determined by the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community in the year 1951. This Community made it possible to control the steel industry of the Member States (among them Germany) within the framework of the common market. It was aimed at stable and harmonized development, as well as at preventing an uncontrolled growth of military-industrial complex, increasing the production for the army and decreasing the probability of the outbreak of the next war. Then - after the deepening of cooperation (taking her new areas) – the European Communities (EC) were created. They are still institutional foundations of the EU. One of the main reasons of the EC creation was the willingness to ensure lasting peace in Europe and to create „security community” through a.o. incorporation of Germany into the group of cooperating states. In this paper, we analyze the security system components created (e.g.) by the EC/EU, as well as the origin and changes of their characteristics. We compare the process of German unification (and more general: of defining the German unity, and broader: unity of the German speaking territory) after WWI and WWII. The analysis of similarities and differences leads us to the present stage of the European integration, when the unification of two German states was accomplished for the price of German acceptance of deepening of the integration and the creation of the European monetary union. We analyze various consequences of unification of Germany and the creation of the euro zone. In our opinion, they go far beyond the economic or political ones, and are connected with the EU Eastern enlargement.

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Taylor, Andrew J. « The European Union and State Building in the Western Balkans ». Politics and Governance 1, n^o 2 (7 novembre 2013) : 183–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v1i2.99.

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This paper examines the feasibility of network governance in the context of the EU's expansion in the Western Balkans. The EU is formally committed to promoting network governance but the realities of enlargement require the creation of effective states, in other words of the primacy of hierarchy over network. Networks are created in enlargement and reflect the complexities of public policy but these networks do not represent, as yet, a significant shift of power away from the state. Despite a normative preference for network governance, the political reality of enlargement is that the EU seeks the creation of effective hierarchy.

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Jozwiak, Andreas. « Immigration, Integration, and Public Opinion in the European Union ». Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union 2012, n^o 1 (2012) : 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5642/urceu.201201.11.

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Mossialos, E. « European Union enlargement : Will mental health be forgotten again ? » European Journal of Public Health 13, n^o 1 (1 mars 2003) : 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/13.1.2.

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Dursun-Ozkanca, Oya. « French public opinion on the European Union’s Eastern enlargement and public-elite relations ». French Politics 11, n^o 3 (septembre 2013) : 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fp.2013.12.

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Dixon, Jeffrey C., et Andrew S. Fullerton. « Opposition to Enlargement among “New” and “Old” Europeans : The Cases of Post-Communist EU Members and Candidates ». Comparative Sociology 13, n^o 2 (8 mai 2014) : 135–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341296.

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Abstract As the European Union (eu) continues to expands “eastward,” we know relatively little about enlargement opinion in post-Communist member states and toward post-Communist candidates’ entries. This article develops comparative explanations of enlargement opinion and examines attitudes toward the entries of post-Communist candidates (as of 2006: Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia, and Macedonia). Descriptive and multinomial logit analyses of Eurobarometer data reveal that opposition is less pronounced in post-Communist versus other eu member states and somewhat less pronounced in post-Communist countries that began eu accession negotiations earlier. Anti-immigrant sentiment is a consistently weaker predictor of oppositional attitudes in post-Communist versus other eu member states. These and other differences warrant theoretical and empirical attention in eu research.

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Pinder, John. « The Future of the European Community : A Strategy for Enlargement ». Government and Opposition 27, n^o 4 (1 octobre 1992) : 414–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1992.tb00421.x.

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THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN WIDENING AND DEEPENING HAS been a recurrent theme since the foundation of the Community, when Britain refused to join in taking what the Schuman declaration, which launched the European Coal and Steel Community in May 1950, called ‘a first step in the federation of Europe’. When Britain sought membership in 1961, Jean Monnet, who had drafted the Schuman declaration, got his Action Committee for the United States of Europe to affirm that the British would be joining, not just the Community as it then stood, but ‘the economic and political union which is in the process of formation’; and the Committee called -for the establishment of a European Reserve Union as ‘the first step’ towards the goal of a European currency. Both the widening to include Britain and the deepening in the direction of a union were vetoed by President de Gaulle. But both projects outlasted him; and, when British membership was once again considered after his departure in 1969, the French government devised the formulation that widening must be accompanied by ‘completion’ and ‘deepening’.

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Dostál, Petr. « EU enlargement and the public opinion on the Czech Republic : an explanatory analysis ». Geografie 107, n^o 2 (2002) : 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2002107020121.

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The article provides an analysis of the public opinion in EU countries on the anticipated Czech membership. Public opinion and mass interest articulations are central to studies on European integration. Macro-geographical structure of the EU and its enlarged periphery of associated countries is examined in order to derive basic explanatory assumptions. The differentiation in the support for the Czech membership is explained with the help of structural variables and public opinion variables. Statistical analysis (LISREL model) shows the importance of post-materialist value orientation of the EU populations for their support given to the enlargement with the Czech Republic. The public in rich and large countries and in French-speaking parts of the EU tends to give less support for the Czech accession indicating that a strong integrative sense of a larger European community still has to emerge.

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Dixon, Jeffrey C., et Andrew S. Fullerton. « For and against European Union expansion : Examining mixed opinion on enlargement and specific countries’ entries ». International Journal of Comparative Sociology 55, n^o 5 (octobre 2014) : 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715214557844.

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Börzel, Tanja A., Antoaneta Dimitrova et Frank Schimmelfennig. « European Union enlargement and integration capacity : concepts, findings, and policy implications ». Journal of European Public Policy 24, n^o 2 (4 février 2017) : 157–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2016.1265576.

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Schlipphak, Bernd. « Action and attitudes matter : International public opinion towards the European Union ». European Union Politics 14, n^o 4 (16 avril 2013) : 590–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116513482527.

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Hagemann, Sara, Sara B. Hobolt et Christopher Wratil. « Government Responsiveness in the European Union : Evidence From Council Voting ». Comparative Political Studies 50, n^o 6 (12 janvier 2016) : 850–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414015621077.

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Are governments responsive to public preferences when legislating in international organizations? This article demonstrates that governments respond to domestic public opinion even when acting at the international level. Specifically, we examine conflict in the European Union’s primary legislative body, the Council of the European Union (EU). We argue that domestic electoral incentives compel governments to react to public opinion. Analyzing a unique data set on all legislative decisions adopted in the Council since 1999, we show that governments are more likely to oppose legislative proposals that extend the level and scope of EU authority when their domestic electorates are skeptical about the EU. We also find that governments are more responsive when the issue of European integration is salient in domestic party politics. Our findings demonstrate that governments can use the international stage to signal their responsiveness to public concerns and that such signals resonate in the domestic political debate.

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ANDERSON, CHRISTOPHER J. « When in Doubt, Use Proxies ». Comparative Political Studies 31, n^o 5 (octobre 1998) : 569–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031005002.

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This article argues that citizens employ proxies rooted in attitudes about domestic politics when responding to survey questions about the European integration process. It develops a model of public opinion toward European integration based on attitudes toward the political system, the incumbent government, and establishment parties. With the help of data from Eurobarometer 34.0, the study tests political and economic models of public support for membership in the European Union in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, and Portugal. The analyses show that system and establishment party support are the most powerful determinants of support for membership in the European Union. The results also suggest that the relationship between economic factors and support previously reported in research on public opinion toward European integration is likely to be mediated by domestic political attitudes.

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Seguiti, Maria Laura. « The Role of the European Union Budget in View of EU Enlargement ». Public Budgeting Finance 23, n^o 2 (juin 2003) : 96–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-5850.2302007.

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Khokhlov, I. « Supranational Developments in the European Union : Changeable Balance of the Public Opinion ». World Economy and International Relations, n^o 3 (2014) : 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-3-60-73.

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The article is devoted to the consideration of socio-cultural state of the European community during the period of crisis and mass manifestations of protest. In spite of the current instability in the world the EC continues to maintain its “acquis” (the composition of the membership, single currency etc.). This article contains a periodization that reflects tendencies in the trends of public opinion under the influence of internal and external factors. Countries are ranked according to the level of their social and economic development, which allowed to analyze the dependence of public opinion in support of the EC upon the state of the economy. For instance, in the Mediterranean countries that use to be “euroenthusiasts” the level of support became lower than the average for the EC.

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Nassehi, Sussan. « Technology policy, European Union enlargement, and economic, social and political sustainability ». Science and Public Policy 31, n^o 6 (1 décembre 2004) : 475–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3152/147154304781779723.

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Mcevoy, Caroline. « The Role of Political Efficacy on Public Opinion in the European Union ». JCMS : Journal of Common Market Studies 54, n^o 5 (17 février 2016) : 1159–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12357.

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Toshkov, Dimiter. « Public opinion and policy output in the European Union : A lost relationship ». European Union Politics 12, n^o 2 (4 avril 2011) : 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116510395043.

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Żukowski, Arkadiusz, et Marcin Chelminiak. « European Union Enlargement and the new Peripheral Regions : Political, Economic and Social Aspects and Related Issues – A Case of Warmia and Mazury Region ». Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 8, n^o 4 (6 octobre 2010) : 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/8.4.353-367(2010).

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This paper analyses the problems of the new peripheral regions after the European Union enlargement. The last EU enlargements in 2004 and 2007 were the logical consequences of political, social and economic changes associated with the break-up of the Soviet Union and the disintegration of the Communist Bloc. These two enlargements led to substantial geopolitical consequences. The European Union’s demographic and territorial potential increased by around one-third. At the same time, the European Union structures moved east and southwards. In 2004, one of the Polish regions, the Warmia and Mazury region, faced some new challenges associated with the Polish accession to the EU. The years of Poland’s membership in the European Union have been a period of gaining experience in submitting EU projects for the region, and in allocating financial resources properly. The total effect of this period is rather positive. However, we must not forget that many negative economic and social phenomena still occur (e.g., a high unemployment rate, emigration of young educated people, etc.). Politically, a new challenge for the Warmia and Mazury region is going to be a continuation and development of the cross-border cooperation with the Kaliningrad region. Poland’s accession to the EU has had no positive impact on improving the Polish-Russian relations at the central decision-making level. KEYWORDS: • European Union • regional development • new peripheral regions • Warmia and Mazury region

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Wratil, Christopher. « Modes of government responsiveness in the European Union : Evidence from Council negotiation positions ». European Union Politics 19, n^o 1 (15 octobre 2017) : 52–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116517735599.

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Are national governments responsive to citizens’ opinions when negotiating policies in the Council of the European Union? Conceiving of the Council’s policy-making space as encompassing left-right and pro-anti integration issues, I argue that governments apply different ‘modes of responsiveness’ on these issues. As left-right issues are more reliably and intensely salient in domestic elections than pro-anti integration issues, governments’ responsiveness to left-right public opinion should be more systematic than to pro-anti integration opinion. Statistical analyses of 3700 policy positions of governments in the Council demonstrate that governments highly structure their responsiveness on left-right issues according to electoral cycles and systems (‘systematic mode’). However, they only sporadically respond to public opinion on pro-anti integration issues, when parties and events trigger the public salience of integration (‘sporadic mode’).

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Mahmutefendic, Tahir. « The Eu Enlargement. How to be Like the Irish and not the Greek ? » ECONOMICS 7, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2019) : 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eoik-2019-0021.

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Abstract Apart from the former EFTA members (Iceland, Lichtenstein, Norway and Switzerland) and a few former republics of the Soviet Union (Bjelorussia, Moldova and Ukraina) the countries of the Western Balkans are the only European states outside of the European Union. They are very keen to join the Union. The Balkans have always been the poorest part of Europe. The appeal of the wealthy European Union is apparent. Access to the largest market in the world, investment, modern technologies and generous regional funds give a hope that by joining the EU the Western Balkans countries will join the rich club. At the moment performance of the Western Balkan countries does not guarantee that they will become rich by joining the European Union. Their current production and trade structure makes it likely that the Western Balkan countries will be locked in inter-industry trade in which they will export products of low and medium technological and developmental level and import products of high technological and developmental level. This might lead to divergence rather than convergence between them and the European Union. In other to overcome this problem the Western Balkan countries need to conduct radical reforms in the public sector, fiscal policy, industrial trade and investment policy. They also need to tackle corruption, simplify administrative procedure, strenghten property rights and the lawful state. All this with the aim to change economic structure and shift from achievements of the second and third to fourth technological revolution. Only if these reforms are successfuly implemented the Western Balkan countries can hope to avoid the Greek scenario and possibly experience the Irish scenario.

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Belous, Yulia. « Spanish public image of the EU regional policy ». Latinskaia Amerika, n^o 3 (2022) : 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0018835-7.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the perception of European integration and the regional policy of the European Union (EU) among the citizens of modern Spain. Particular attention is paid to the comparison of periods before the COVID-19 pandemic (2019) and after it (October 2021). The purpose of this paper is to identify the opinion of Spanish society on the EU regional policy. The first part of the article presents the analytical framework of the study. The second part describes its methodology. The third part analyzes the opinion polls in Spain, conducted by Eurobarometer. According to the Eurobarometer database, on the one hand, the author notes despite the pandemic, citizens positively assess the impact of the European Union bodies on their everyday life. On the other hand, the pandemic has shown that the states are key actors in the EU decision-making process. The initiative to shape the development of the EU's regional policy still belongs to the Member States, but not to the regions and/or supranational bodies. The scientific significance of the article is that the results of Eurobarometer public opinion polls are generalized. This is the first time when this approach has been used in the study of this topic.

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Rye Olsen, Gorm. « European public opinion and aid to Africa : is there a link ? » Journal of Modern African Studies 39, n^o 4 (décembre 2001) : 645–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003731.

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The current international debate on aid to Africa seems to assume that public opinion matters, i.e. it presupposes the existence of a ‘bottom-up’ relationship between public opinion and aid policy. This paper shows that it is rather the other way round. It is only possible to understand the relationship between decision-making on aid and public opinion as a ‘top-down’ relationship. The conclusion is supported by case studies of five European aid donors: France, the UK, Germany, Denmark and the European Union. The ‘missing link’ between opinion and policy-making is mainly to be explained by the high degree of centralisation of decision-making and the weak link between government and society in this particular policy field. On the other hand, opinion surveys show that there are strong popular sentiments in Europe in favour of ‘helping the poor’. Also, surveys indicate that European public opinion believes that emergency assistance basically is the rationale for development aid. The humanitarian attitudes in favour of ‘helping the poor’ find an outlet in the growing amount of emergency assistance going to Africa, thus leaving decision-making on development aid to the elite in a typical top-down way.

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Samardžić, Slobodan, et Bojan Kovačević. « The fog of enlargement and the agony of accession : the European Union and Serbia in the light of a reform document. » Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (9 février 2022) : 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17432.1.

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The 2009 public debt crisis onset triggered a fundamental constitutional transformation of the European Union (EU). What is the link between this transformation and the enlargement policy? The authors of the article seek an answer to this question. The main thesis is that the method of impersonal authoritarianism in dealing with the Eurozone crisis spilled over into the EU enlargement policy. On the one hand, we consider the systemic reasons for turning the enlargement policy into an instrument of geopolitical control of the states on the outer periphery. On the other hand, the problem is considered from the point of view of Serbia’s interest as an EU membership candidate country. The authors conclude that opening space for innovation and flexibility in relations would be in the mutual interest of the EU and candidate countries. The analysis of the new enlargement policy reform proposal examines the readiness of European leaders to open the door for a new type of relations with the candidate countries that would correspond to today’s European reality of the historical interregnum.

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Pridham, Geoffrey. « European Union Accession Dynamics and Democratization in Central and Eastern Europe : Past and Future Perspectives ». Government and Opposition 41, n^o 3 (2006) : 373–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00184.x.

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AbstractEU influence in encouraging and promoting democratic consolidation in Central and Eastern Europe has been extensive, though in a wide rather than deep sense. But, as shown by the enlargement process up to 2004, accession dynamics are the crucial force driving governments in the region to meet the EU's political conditionality. Despite the latter's deficiencies, it has by and large contributed towards democratic consolidation in the new member states notwithstanding some negative aspects of accession. The clear lesson for further enlargement in post-Communist Europe is that EU pressure and promise over integration will be decisive in new candidate states, even though their capacity to achieve the political conditions is more problematic. It follows too that any lessening of EU commitment is likely to undermine democratization efforts there.

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Kolodko, G. W., et M. Postula. « Determinants and implications of the Eurozone enlargement ». Voprosy Ekonomiki, n^o 7 (28 juillet 2018) : 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2018-7-45-64.

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Aside from the United Kingdom, which is withdrawing from the European Union, only Denmark has the option of staying outside the single European currency area. All other member states which have not adopted euro as their currency have the right and obligations to do so under the Treaty of Accession. The condition to join the Eurozone is to meet all five nominal Maastricht convergence criteria and to ensure compliance of national legislation with acquis communautaire, or the EU legal order. What poses special difficulties to candidate countries is the fiscal criterion relating to the maximum allowed budget deficit. If it’s not met, the European Commission launches the Excessive Deficit Procedure, EDP. Currently, this procedure is in place for France, Spain and the United Kingdom. In 2015, EDP for Poland was lifted, but there is no certainty it won’t be imposed again at the end of the decade due to the risk of exceeding once more the threshold of public sector deficit, which stands at 3 percent GDP. It is to be expected that in the 2020s the European Monetary Union will be joined by all the countries that are still using their national currencies, including Denmark, and that the EU will be extended to include new member states, enlarging the euro area, too. Although the issue is not absolutely certain, it needs to be assumed that euro will overcome the present difficulties and come out stronger, though the economically unjustified euroskepticism of some countries, especially Poland, is not helping.

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Marušič, Andrej. « Mental health in the enlarged European Union : Need for relevant public mental health action ». British Journal of Psychiatry 184, n^o 5 (mai 2004) : 450–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.184.5.450.

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On 1 May 2004 ten new countries will join the European Union (EU), which as a result will comprise 25 culturally quite different countries. Each enlargement of the EU so far has been a difficult experience for both the existing member states and the new entrants, since each membership change has altered the structure and the sharing of costs and benefits of membership. Furthermore, each new member brings its own traditions, preferences, strengths and weaknesses, including the mental health of its population and its psychiatric services. Are we ready for the changes to come?

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Warleigh, Alex. « Enlargement and normative reform in the European Union : the example of flexibility ». International Journal of Organization Theory & ; Behavior 8, n^o 1 (mars 2005) : 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijotb-08-01-2005-b004.

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Krawczyk, Dariusz. « The Poles’ Perception of the European Integration before the Accession Referendum ». Virtual Economics 3, n^o 1 (27 janvier 2020) : 74–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.34021/ve.2020.03.01(4).

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The announcements of Poland leaving the European Union structures were met with disapproval by the majority of the society. Why is the possible “Polexit” perceived negatively by nearly 90% of the Poles? Previously unpublished results of a public opinion survey carried out one month before the referendum, in which the Polish people supported accession to the European Union, are presented in the paper. The research focused on studying the reasons for positive and negative views regarding the possibility of including Poland in the European Union structures. The project’s objective was to obtain the data on the respondents’ attitude to the European integration in order to reveal the causes of their disapproval or enthusiasm. The results obtained in 2003 reflect the respondents’ expectations and fears regarding the upcoming change, at the same time revealing the level of their knowledge on the course and nature of integration processes. They are also a source of information about the social perception of opportunities and threats associated with accession, making it possible to compare them with the results of opinion surveys about the European Union carried out 15 years after the presented research project. Comparison with opinion polls on the European Union carried out fifteen years after the described research study shows that in 2018 positive feelings in Poland towards integration are equally well established.

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Banai, Ayelet, Fabio Votta et Rosa Seitz. « The Polls—Trends ». Public Opinion Quarterly 86, n^o 1 (1 mars 2022) : 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac001.

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Abstract This article presents trends in public opinion toward immigration in the European Union (EU), between 2002 and 2018. Immigration is a salient and contentious issue in contemporary politics across Europe and is used by Eurosceptic parties in both government and opposition to mobilize support. Public opinion data—drawn from the European Social Survey and the Eurobarometer—reveals the following noteworthy trends over the past two decades. First, positive public attitudes toward immigration have increased across member states, with a temporary setback in 2015–16. Second, immigration is a divisive issue throughout the EU. While public opinion in some regions generally favors immigration, opinion is divided everywhere. Third, despite regional variations between northern, western, and southern Europe, EU-wide trends suggest the emergence of a collective public opinion, crossing national borders. Fourth, despite vocal political opposition to immigration, solid majorities of the public view immigration favorably over time and across regions. To the numerous studies of European public opinion on immigration, this article contributes a useful overview of the long-term trends, with regional and EU-wide presentation and data visualization.

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Саломатин, Алексей, Alexey Salomatin, Алексей Меликов et Aleksey Melikov. « INFLUENCE OF GERMAN FEDERATION UPON EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ». Comparative Research In Law and Politics 1, n^o 1 (1 septembre 2013) : 58–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1007.

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Germany as the most economically developed member of European Union is also a key factor in European integration. Its experience as federal state, traditionally taking into account the interest of its lands is very instructive to European bureaucrats who artificially speed up integration. German politics in European Union is realistic – it provides for consultation with organs of EU but it doesn’t yield state sovereignty. German public opinion is very positive toward European political institutions and democracy in the country.

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Zhao, Xuejiao, Chaoying Shi et Yangjie Li. « Can European Union (EU) Enlargement Boost Regional Economic Common Growth ? Multi-Period Difference-in-Difference (DID) Method ». Journal of Environmental and Public Health 2022 (30 août 2022) : 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/4502628.

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Under the dual background of Britain’s blatant “Brexit” and the steady “expansion” of the European Union (EU) audit list, the economic effect of the development of regional alliances, in the end, is a question worthy of in-depth discussion. Using data from a sample of 27 EU member states from 2000 to 2018, this study examines and compares the impact of EU enlargement on economic growth for countries as a whole, developed and developing countries, and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries using a multi-period difference-in-difference (DID) method and explores the mechanisms underlying that. The results show that EU enlargement contributes to the expected regional economic growth, and the effect is more evident in developed countries and CEE countries; the robustness of the results is tested by the dynamic effect test and counterfactual method; EU enlargement improves the spatial allocation of factor markets through regional integration, increases productivity, and positively promotes the overall national economic growth. As a typical quasi-natural experiment of the development of regional integration, the research results of this study on the enlargement of the EU provide a useful reference for the promotion of the development of cross-administrative integration around the world.

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MacLennan, Jacquelyn F. « Facing the Digital Future : Public Service Broadcasters and State Aid Law in the European Union ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 2 (1999) : 159–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802815842.

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The European Union is faced with many challenges as the new millennium dawns. These range from highly political issues, such as the challenge of enlargement, to highly technical questions arising in areas such as regulation of anti-competitive behaviour. This article will examine one narrow, but topical, issue falling within the ambit of competition policy—how the rules of the EC Treaty on State aid should be applied in the area of broadcasting as it enters the new “Digital Age”.

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