Thèses : « European Union – Enlargement – Public opinion »

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Jeannet, Anne-Marie. « Immigration and public opinion in Europe : the case of the 2004 enlargement ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:acb77b39-d90d-427b-afa6-bfe6a406a8e3.

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After the enlargement of the European Union in 2004, large numbers of Central and Eastern Europeans moved to work in Western Europe. The aim of this thesis is to use the case of migration after the enlargement to further our understanding of the relationship between immigrant group size and natives’ attitudes. Recent scholarly debates raise questions about how immigration affects European societies and the political durability of European welfare states. This research puts forward two questions: Does an increase in Eastern European immigration after the enlargement explain differences in civic attitudes in Western Europe? And second, does this relationship (if any) depend on national contextual factors? The relationship between immigration and three categories of public attitudes are examined: attitudes towards immigration, attitudes towards welfare and attitudes of trust. This thesis draws on ethnic competition theory, which postulates that group competition over resources provokes the natives to perceive immigration as a threat to their own or their group’s interests. To test this theory, this study uses data from the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2010 to build multi-level pooled time series models. The results find only partial support for ethnic competition theory. When a greater proportion of E-8 migrants live in the country, individuals tend to have more positive views about immigration. The results also show that this positive relationship is weakened when national economic conditions are more precarious. Additionally, the results do not find that E8 migration is negatively related to Western European attitudes regarding trust or welfare. This implies that as more immigrants arrive, Europeans can potentially acknowledge immigration’s economic and cultural benefits. Moreover, these results challenge pessimistic scholarly predictions that immigration erodes trust and support for welfare in Europe. This thesis offers two academic contributions. First, it considers the case of E8 migration, which has been ignored by existing comparative attitudinal studies about immigration. Second, focusing on post-enlargement migration helps this thesis to overcome common empirical obstacles such as cross-country differences in immigrant composition and admission criteria.

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Bilgi, Seniz. « A Comparative Study Of The European Union ». Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608588/index.pdf.

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This thesis mainly analyses the change in the enlargement strategy of the European Union (EU) especially in the case of Turkey. Although the Union has always sought ways to enlarge, it has been rather reluctant as far as accepting Turkey as a full member into the EU is concerned. In 2004, the EU enlarged so as to include the Central and East European countries (CEECs), but Romania and Bulgaria were left behind since they did not fulfill the membership criteria at the time. However, these two countries became members on January 1, 2007 and Turkey is still waiting in the line to become a member. Therefore, the writer has chosen Turkey and Bulgaria in order to analyze the change in the enlargement strategy of the Union. The medium to arrive at conclusions as regards the strategy is mainly the environmental aid as the two countries display noticeable differences. Furthermore, the enlargement strategy papers prepared by the European Commission have also been analyzed in order to see the changing attitude of the EU especially by re-introducing the concept of absorption capacity. Even though the Union states it keeps its open door to new members, the new enlargement strategy proves that it will be rather difficult for the candidate states and especially Turkey to enter into the EU.

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FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.

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Defence date: 21 November 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.

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Dan, Oana. « Public Opinion, National Party Positions, and the European Commission : Contours of the Public Sphere in the European Union ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10373.

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As the realm of social life where public opinion forms, the public sphere has been the focus of much theoretical debate and empirical operationalization in political sociology. However, by conceptualizing the public sphere as a nationally circumscribed and normatively defined space that excludes governance institutions, much existing research provides a limited set of tools to define and assess the structure of a supranational public sphere. A deeply integrated supranational polity, the European Union (EU) provides a revealing terrain for tracing the structure of a public sphere emerging between national politics and supranational institutions. In this dissertation, I delineate the contours of the supranational public sphere in the EU by exploring the subjective meanings, national political influences, and institutional interpretation of public opinion about political integration in the EU. I answer the following questions: (1) How salient is EU political integration among Europeans, and what does this concept mean to them? (2) How does Europeans' awareness about EU political integration vary across policies, time and social strata? (3) How is public opinion on EU political integration shaped by national political discourse, as reflected in the positions of national parties? (4) How do officials at the European Commission (EC) measure and interpret public opinion data, and to what extent are these data used to construct an image of the European public and an EU public sphere? Based on quantitative survey data and on interviews with French and Romanian citizens, I show that political integration in the EU remains a distant and abstract concept to which citizens attribute personalized or nationalized meanings. Longitudinal panel models show that public opinion on EU policy often relies on cues from national party discourse. Moreover, interviews with EC staff revealed that, because of logistical and institutional constraints that stifle civil servants' analytical aspirations, public opinion data collected by the EC fail to define a European public and to construct a supranational communicative space for this public. The EU public sphere is a product of supranational polity, but its public is absent and its structure remains nationally embedded.
Sociology

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Williams, Christopher J. « Does Euroscepticism Matter ? the Effect of Public Opinion on Integration ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc177264/.

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This dissertation seeks to test the proposition that public opinion is a driving force in integration, and thus examines the effect of euroscepticism on EU integration. Utilizing an understanding of integration as the process of European states achieving similar legal, social, cultural, political and economic policy outcomes while ceding greater policy power to European institutions, the relationship between aggregate level euroscepticism in EU member states (the United Kingdom, Germany, Ireland, Greece, Spain, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Austria, and Sweden) and speed of compliance with EU policies is examined. More specifically, this dissertation examines the relationship between aggregate level euroscepticism in an EU member state, and the speed at which that state transposes EU directives. In testing this relationship a number of contextual conditions are examined, including the role of issue salience, domestic party systems, and electoral conditions. The findings of this dissertation suggest that the widely held belief that public opinion is driving European integration may be false.

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Sener, Hasan Engin. « Public Administration Reform In The Context Of The European Union Enlargement Process : The Hungarian And Turkish Cases ». Phd thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609836/index.pdf.

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In this study, administrative reform in the EU accession process was analysed with reference to the cases of Hungary and Turkey. The main goal of this study is to show that both objective (economy) and subjective (politics) factors are important and acceding countries to have room to manoeuvre in the context of the social-liberal framework of the EU. To this end, necessary causality between neoliberal administrative reform and EU accession, and determinism in the enlargement process, which leaves no room to manoeuvre for candidate countries, are denied. In conclusion, it is seen that since there is no public administration model, candidate countries are free to determine the content of the administrative reforms within the framework of general principles set by the EU. Moreover, it is found that the EU accession process is closely related to modernisation of the public administration system in the candidate countries and administrative reform has been overlapped and equalized to EU accession. Finally, it is understood that administrative reform with its extensive content, caused centralisation.

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Corbillon-Gulin, Ramon. « A study of how European Union IPRA practitioners viewed ethical issues : values, standards, social responsibility, and control ». Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1014808.

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The lack of studies relating to the ethical needs and values of public relations professionals in the European Union indicated the need for a research study to ascertain: 1. the experience of European Union public relations professionals in confronting and resolving ethical issues, 2. what the needs are in charting an ethical course for individual professional conduct, 3.what the needs are to guide organizations in the ethical performance of public relations, and 4. the social responsibility of public relations.Nearly all of the quantitative studies have been devoted to an examination of the views of members of American public relations associations. Numerous authors have pointed out the value of ethical standards and of a means of enforcement of the standards for professions. In spite of an ongoing professional dialogue as to the need, little progress has been made in defining sanctions against those who violate ethical principles while defining themselves as public relations counselors.This study was based on a mail survey created and distributed by Sharpe in the Fall of 1993. Three questions from the 1972 Newsom's research study were added. Threehundred and fifty-five public relations practitioner members of the International Public Relations Association within the European Union in 1995 were identified as the population for this study. A 35.2% response rate was attained after two mailings.The typical respondent was male, had been in the profession from 10 to 30 years, held an accreditation, was a specialist and identified himself as a counselor. He related that he confronted ethical issues with frequency particularly in relation to relationships with clients, the news media, and customers. The majority of the ethical issues, which would have or had transgressed the organizational policies and personal/religious principles, consisted of: misleading information, promising more than could and was delivered, supporting a program with which he disagreed in principle, withholding information, and failure to accept responsibilities. He said that he resolved the last ethical issue encountered, which involved their organization's management performance, by pointing out the ethical issue and influencing an ethical action. He placed some value on both IPRA Codes. He saw all ethical issues as ethically wrong, especially those relating to sexual harassment, the sale of unsafe products and services, discrimination, establishing different pay scales for men and women doing the same work, withholding information for gain at expense of others, and promotion and sale of products in other countries that are unacceptable in the EU that place people at risk. He viewed the public relations profession as having a leading role in improving relationships between peoples of different races within a country and between countries. He saw public opinion as an effective control over public relations performance. Finally, he would recommend the establishment and communication of the organization's ethics code and performance policies so organizational management would be recognized for public relations performance. The employment of public relations officials with professional memberships obligating them to uphold a code of ethical conduct was viewed as a criteria that organizations should establish as evidence of the organization's commitment to ethical public relations.
Department of Journalism

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Zottarelli, Lisa K. « Coming in From the Cold : Integration into the European Union and Public Opinion on Democracy and the Market Economy in Central and Eastern Europe ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3099/.

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The political economy transformations of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have received a great deal of attention over the past decade. The focus of much research has been to examine the internal national reorientations of the countries with regard to the changes in political and economic conditions. The importance of the international reorientation of these countries toward Western Europe in general and the European Union in particular has been generally overlooked. This dissertation examines public opinion on the political and economic transformations within the framework of the direction of the international reorientations of the countries. The countries were divided into three categories, those that can be expected to be invited to join the European Union in the next enlargement, those that can be expected to join the European Union in a subsequent enlargement, and the countries not seeking European Union membership. Public opinion on democracy and the market economy and attitudinal factors that influence these opinions are compared in 16 countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The data are from the Central and East European Barometers 3-7 (1992 - 1996). The findings suggest that general opinions regarding satisfaction with democracy are not related to the status of the country seeking membership in the European Union while support from the market economy does differ. When examining attitudinal factors that are related to satisfaction with democracy and support for the market economy, differences emerged between the three categories of countries. These findings suggest that public opinion is in part shaped by the international orientations of the country and that changes in public opinion are important in understanding the political and economic transformation processes.

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Svensson, Jenny. « The Regulation of Rule-Following : Imitation and Soft Regulation in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : School of Business, Stockholm University, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-26821.

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Riester, Jessica Leigh Marks Gary. « Russian public opinion and its role in the security policy between Russia, the European Union, and NATO ». Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,660.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.

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Granstrand, Jenny. « The European Enlargement : To the East and Beyond ? » Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-11953.

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The two Eastern enlargements in 2004 and 2007 marked a new chapter in the EU’s history, since it was the first time that the Union turned to enlarge eastwards. This thesis examines the borderline problem that arose with Article 49 of the Maastricht Treaty on the European Union, which gave the right to any European country that respects the principles of: liberty, democracy, human and fundamental rights, and the rule of law, to apply for membership in the EU.

This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem by taking on three case studies consisting of Hungary, Lithuania, and Ukraine, for the purpose of analyzing the Eastern enlargement and Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU. The reason for doing so is to compare Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member in the EU with two Eastern states that, like Ukraine, have been involved with the Soviet Union, and that despite their degree of involvement, have been successfully integrated in the EU.

As the EU has turned to enlarge eastwards, it gradually pushes its borderline with every enlargement, closer to Russian territory. Hence, it is necessary to investigate how potential integration of a country like Ukraine can affect the EU’s relations with Russia. The crucial aspect of the current relations between the EU and Russia is the interdependence of energy, where Ukraine is as a strategically important country, since it currently serves as a corridor between East (Russia) and West (EU). This thesis therefore shows that the problematic of potential integration of Ukraine goes much deeper than that of a geographical matter, and therefore touches other problem areas related to domestic political instability in Ukraine, and Russian political influence through its gas supplies.

This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem from a foreign political perspective by investigating Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU and suggesting, by the assistance of Westberg’s theoretical framework of integration theories, a third generation of integration theories to be needed in order to meet the problematic of the enlargement towards East. The thesis further gives recommendations to how the EU could deal with its borderline problem by answering three research questions related to the enlargement problematic.

De två östutvidgningarna 2004 och 2007 utgjorde ett nytt kapitel i EU:s historia då det var första gången som Unionen påbörjade utvidgningen mot Öst. Denna uppsats undersöker gränsproblematiken som uppkom i samband med Artikel 49 i Maastricht Fördraget om Europeiska Unionen, vilken gav rätten till varje Europeiskt land som respekterar principerna om: frihet, demokrati, mänskliga och fundamentala rättigheter, samt rättsstat, att ansöka om medlemskap i EU.

Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem genom att ta sig an tre fallstudier bestående av Ungern, Litauen, och Ukraina, i syfte att analysera östutvidgningen och Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU ur ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv. Anledningen till detta är att jämföra Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU med två öststater som, i likhet med Ukraina, har varit involverade i Sovjet Unionen, men som oberoende graden av involvering med Ryssland, framgångsrikt blivit integrerade i EU.

Eftersom EU påbörjat utvidgningen mot Öst så förskjuts EU:s gräns gradvis, med varje östutvidgning, nära ryskt territorium. Därmed är det nödvändigt att utreda hur potentiell integrering av ett land som Ukraina kan påverka EU:s relationer med Ryssland. Den avgörande aspekten när det gäller relationerna mellan EU och Ryssland, är det ömsesidiga beroendet kring energi, där Ukraina utgör ett strategiskt viktigt land, eftersom det för närvarande verkar som en korridor mellan Öst (Ryssland) och Väst (EU). Denna uppsats visar att problematiken kring potentiell integrering av Ukraina rör problemområden bortom geografisk natur, så som inhemskt politisk instabilitet i Ukraina, samt Rysslands politiska inflytande genom energiförsörjning till Europa.

Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem från ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv genom att utreda Ukrainas potentiella medlemskap i EU. Den föreslår, med hjälp av Westbergs integrationsteoretiska ramverk, att en tredje generation av integrationsteorier är nödvändig för att analysera problematiken kring utvidgningen mot Öst. Uppsatsen ger rekommendationer till hur EU kan hantera sitt gränsproblem genom att svara på tre frågeställningar gällande utvidgningsproblematiken.

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Aldrich, Andrea Stephanie. « "Ignorant and Confused?" Knowledge and Awareness as Determinants of Euroskepticism ». unrestricted, 2009. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04152009-143419/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009.
Title from file title page. William Downs, committee chair ; Jelena Subotic, Charles Hankla, committee members. Description based on contents viewed Sep. 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 54-56).

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Sindic, Denis. « Scots' attitudes to Britain and to the European Union : the psychology of national segregation and supra-national integration ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14196.

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This thesis is concerned with attitudes towards supra-national bodies, and more specifically with Scots' attitudes towards union in Britain and Europe. Firstly, it is suggested that support for, or opposition, to integration in a supra-national body depends on the extent to which this body is believed to enhance or undermine the ability to express national identity {identity enhancement vs. identity undermining). Identity undermining, in turn, depends upon a combined sense of incompatibility with outgroup identities/interests and of ingroup powerlessness within the supranational body. Secondly, it is suggested that these features of the social context and of identity meanings can be actively constructed in order to fulfil strategic purposes, such as persuading audiences in favour of separatism or integration. Five studies are reported which investigated these hypotheses. In study 1, we looked at the discourses of Scottish politicians and at the way their accounts of group identities and social reality could be understood in strategic terms, i.e. in relation to their political projects regarding Scotland's status in Britain and in Europe. In the second study, a survey design was used in order to provide quantitative evidence of the relationship between identity undermining, incompatibility, powerlessness and separatism. The third (experimental) study sought to clarify the causal relationship between these variables and showed that manipulating identity undermining lead to increased support for separatism. Finally, the fourth and the fifth (experimental) studies suggested that identity constructions, in the form of judgements of group prototypicality, can vary as a function of the strategic claim made by participants. In conclusion, the merits are stressed of an approach to identity processes and attitudes towards supra-national bodies that is sensitive to both context and content. It is also stressed that context and contents should not be taken as perceptual givens but as actively constructed by social actors.

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Kucukural, Onder. « Dynamics Of Youth Euroscepticism ». Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606878/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT Dynamics of Youth Euroscepticism Kü
ç
ü
kural, Ö
nder M.Sc., Department of Sociology Supervisor: Dr. Mustafa Sen December 2005, 138 pages The aim of this thesis is to describe the dominant features of Euroscepticism in Turkish context and to understand its main dynamics with special reference to a particular group, the youth in Turkey. A field research was conducted in order to understand youth&rsquo
s EU support. The field research involved a combination of qualitative and quantitative techniques in order to attain multi-layered perspectives on Euroscepticism. The research is representative at a country-scale and the participants were 4542 senior students of high schools in twelve cities of Turkey. One of the striking findings of the research was the high percentage of Euro-optimists when the survey was applied and the dominance of Eurosceptic discourse during one to one and group interviews. According to the research results two strands appear to be dominant in youth&rsquo
s Euroscepticism. The first is moral degeneration discourse that is articulated by a threat perception to Turkey&rsquo
s culture and lifestyle. The second one is nationalist discourse that is expressed by threat perception to the unity and integrity of the nation and the state. Considering the main motivation of the youth in their appropriation of these two discourses I argued that the identity theories provide plausible explanations for the understanding of this phenomenon. The identity is formed around the &ldquo
we&rdquo
concepts that are mainly derived from Turkish nationalism and culture. Besides, the Turkish state&rsquo
s founding principles and the atmosphere created during the 80&rsquo
s and onwards seems to contribute to this construction.

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Vargas-Gonzalez, Briana. « Supranational Organizations and Legitimacy : How the 2008 Global Economic Crisis has affected Public Opinion on Membership in the EU ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6381.

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This thesis examines public opinion towards membership in the EU, before and after the 2008 global economic crisis, in the newest member states to join the institution in 2004 (the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia) and 2007 (Bulgaria and Romania). Prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1989, socialist economies and communism maintained a citizenry that never experienced unemployment and that did not have a political voice. Because free-market economic policies and democratic values are new to these countries, public opinion regarding membership in a supranational organization that promotes and fosters these ideals is important to study. Data from the Eurobarometer Public Opinion Survey spring waves 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, and 2010, the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the World Bank, and Eurostat are used to measure multiple indicators of support for membership in the EU. Ordered logistic regression and means comparison analyses are employed to measure the effect of national-level economic prospects, economic winner/loser status, political party power, age, national identity, gender, and individual-level political ideology on public opinion toward membership. The results demonstrate that multiple indicators affect attitudes toward membership and that a negative shift in public opinion is apparent following the 2008 global economic crisis. At the individual-level of analysis, economic winner/loser status and national identity are significant in the predicted direction in all five models. Age is a significant indicator of support only in 2008, 2009, and 2010. At the aggregate-level, means comparison analyses and t-test statistics indicate that GDP annual growth rates have a positive effect on attitudes toward membership in the EU. As GDP annual growth increases, approval of membership in the EU increases. Eurozone membership and unemployment rates indicate varied support for membership in the EU, and the results of means comparison analyses of political party power at the national-level are inconclusive and exploratory in nature. With all findings considered, future studies can further examine the implications and long-term effects of global financial crises on public opinion towards membership in various international economic organizations.
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; American & Comparative Politics Track

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Hawkins, Benjamin Robert. « Constructing Britain and the EU : a discourse theoretical account of the EU treaty reform process 2003-2007 ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4102.

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This study aims to address the longstanding questions surrounding the consistently low levels of support articulated towards the European Union (EU)by British citizens. Existing studies highlight that political identities are closely related to the levels of support citizens across the EU express for the process of European integration. Citizens who define their identity in exclusively national terms tend also to oppose the process of European integration and their country’s participation in this process. Present studies, however, fail to provide an adequate account of the emergence of exclusively national identities and their prevalence in member-states such as the UK. The citizens of the UK have expressed consistently low levels of support for the process of European integration and for British membership of what is now the EU, since Britain’s accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) over 30 years ago. Similarly, the UK has one of the highest proportions of citizens who define their identity in exclusively national terms of any EU memberstate. The argument presented in this thesis is that the low levels of support for the EU and the prevalence of exclusively national identity constructions amongst UK citizens must be understood in the context of British discourses about the EU. I employ the conception of subjectivity developed by post-structuralist discourse theory in order to examine the emergence of an exclusively national form of British identity within media debates on the EU treaty reform process. Discourse theory offers a set of concepts and logics through which it is possible to investigate the structure of eurosceptic discourses. Furthermore, drawing on the insights from Lacanian psychoanalysis, it is able to account also for the strength and longevity of these constructions of national identity. This thesis identifies a eurosceptic discourse of British national identity characterised by an underlying logic of nationalism, according to which nations are seen as natural political communities and the nation-state the most logical unit of political organisation. This is evident not only in debates about the powers of the EU, but also in the relationship constructed between the UK and other member-states in the EU. In addition, the EU is itself constructed as a quasi-state and functions in these discourses as the ‘other’ against which Britain is defined. The former is seen as a hostile, foreign power bent on assuming ever greater control over the UK. These constructions of Britain and the EU feed into fantasmatic constructions of subjugation and oppression, which help account for the strength and resilience of eurosceptic discourses. The final part of the thesis examines the pro-European voices in the British media. However, it is not possible to discern a coherent pro-European discourse in the same way in which it is possible to identify the eurosceptic discourse. I outline the extent to which these pro-European voices challenge the predominant eurosceptic discourse, and offer alternative constructions of Britain’s relationship with the EU which may form the basis of more inclusive identity constructions.

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Nilsson, Åkö Matilda. « European Union's path towards a sustainable future : The Swedish media’s portrayal of the plastic ban ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-99800.

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This study examines the media coverage on the European Union (EU) plastic ban directive in Sweden and investigates the role of the Swedish media in the EU decision-making process. As society and social movements are the driving force for pushing policies forward and affecting policy change, it is important to understand the media’s role in the development. Since media is one core driving force of opinion-building in this decision-making process, this thesis, analyses the media coverage on the topic of plastic to understand the media output that is directed towards the Swedish people. Therefore, the main focus has been to gather and analyze the news coverage on the topic of plastic in two of Sweden’s largest daily newspapers, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet during the adoption of European Union’s Directive 2019/904 on the reduction of the impact of certain plastic products on the environment. By analyzing the media coverage and the international regulations that have been formed by the United Nations and European Union through discourse analysis with the application of the concepts Framing and Europeanization, differences between the media and actors of decision-making have been discovered.

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Marcellini, Margherita. « Representation Of Turkey In The Italian Media : Between Islam And Europe ». Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613433/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to examine the representation of Turkey by the Italian newspapers in order to determine: a) if it is a stereotyped and ill-informed representation of Turkey, in parallel to the low level knowledge of the Italian public on Turkey
b) if there is a convergence among political agenda on Turkey and the media on Turkey
c) whether Islam is being inserted to the construction of Turkish perception by the Italian media. According to the Transatlantic Trends Surveys of the past years, it appears that the Italians have a confused image and limited knowledge of Turkey and its membership to the EU. On the political level, the government official position is supportive of Turkish membership into the EU. At the political party level, the opinions on this matter are diverse, principally depending on the political positions of the parties. This thesis argues that Turkey being Muslim-majority country, the perception of Islam plays an important role in shaping Turkish image in the Italians

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Fahrholz, Christian H. « New political economy of exchange rate policies and the enlargement of the Eurozone : with 9 tables / ». Heidelberg : Physica-Verl, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2839037&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Khoury, Iosif-Alexandros. « The precautionary principle & ; the regulation of genetically modified food & ; feed in the European Union : thinking about the role of public opinion in risk regulation ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612020.

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Klingensmith, James Meade Jr. « Reinventing Britain : British National Identity and the European Economic Community, 1967-1975 ». Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1337116642.

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Heine, Sophie. « Les résistances à l'intégration européenne en France et en Allemagne : une analyse des idéologies sous-tendant les critiques de gauche contre le Traité constitutionnel européen ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210553.

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Cette thèse constitue une analyse de contenu des critiques contre l'Union européenne exprimées par plusieurs acteurs politiques et sociaux de gauche en France et en Allemagne, au cours des débats sur le projet de Constitution européenne. Elle s'intéresse plus particulièrement aux idéologies sous-jacentes à ces critiques. Pour comprendre le sens de ces arguments, les comparer entre eux et les classer, certains idéaux-types ont été élaborés sur quatre dimensions (politique, socio-économique, identitaire et stratégique). Cette recherche a permis de combler une lacune importante dans l'analyse des acteurs dits "eurosceptiques", à savoir, l'étude des idéologies animant ces courants. L'essentiel de la littérature se concentre en effet surtout sur l'explication de l'euroscepticisme et, lorsqu'elle aborde leur idéologie, c'est pour construire des taxinomies excessivement globales. La thèse explore aussi en conclusion certaines pistes d'explications de ces résistances à l'UE en essayant d'aller au-delà des visions stratégiques, culturalistes et institutionnalistes, dominantes dans ce domaine, et en insistant davantage sur les dimensions idéelles et structurelles.

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This doctoral dissertation analyses the content of the critiques made by some left-wing social and political actors in France and Germany against the current EU. The study focuses on the debates that surrounded the project of European Constitution and more specifically on the more general ideologies underlying these arguments. In order to understand, compare and classify these critiques, idealtypes have been elaborated on four dimensions (socio-economic, political, identity-related and strategic). This research fills a gap in the literature analysing so-called "eurosceptic" actors by concentrating on the ideas conveyed by these currents. Indeed, most of this literature mostly tries to explain this phenomenon. And when it addresses the issue of ideology, it is only to build too far-reaching categories. The conclusion also aims at exploring possible explanations of theses resistances to the EU beyond the traditional theories, based on strategic agency, culturalism and institutionalism, and insisting more on the role of ideas and material structures.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Möttönen, Julia. « A Tool to Turn the Trends ? : A study of popular Euroscepticism in relation to structural aid from the EU ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90846.

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This thesis examines the impact structural aid from the EU has on popular Euroscepticism – a set of critical public opinions that has been on the rise during the last decades. The study is done by operationalising both instrumental and political Euroscepticism. Through a statistical method with regression analyses, structural aid is tested as an independent variable explaining Euroscepticism using data from the European Social Survey. Other factors on individual level, values/culture and socioeconomic conditions are added to the analyses together with contextual factors on country level. The results show that structural aid in less developed regions manage to mitigate Euroscepticism, especially in Western Europe. This suggests that the EU has a tool to shape the public opinions while it addresses regional disparities, and that popular Euroscepticism is shaped both by economic mechanisms and individual values/cultural factors.

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Marques, Christopher Alexandre. « Valores, crenças e atitudes em relação à União Europeia e a evolução das economias dos Estados-membros ». Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/10701.

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Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus
A crise que assolou a União Europeia, em especial a partir de 2010, motivou uma forte queda da opinião favorável em relação às instituições europeias. Os dados do Eurobarómetro revelam que a confiança dos europeus para com a UE alcançou mesmo os níveis mais baixos de sempre. Esta dissertação avalia a influência da evolução das economias nas atitudes, valores e opiniões dos cidadãos para com a UE no período 1986-2014, em especial a partir de 2009. Através da análise de tendências, de correlações e da aplicação de regressões lineares, esta investigação sugere que o aumento das exportações nacionais para a UE e o crescimento económico contribuem para um aumento do apoio à integração europeia. Durante a crise, o aumento do desemprego contribuiu para a redução da opinião favorável à integração. Os resultados apontam ainda que, a partir do início do século XXI, o apoio à UE volta a ser fortemente influenciado pelos fatores económicos. Aponta-se assim para uma revalorização da perspetiva utilitarista na definição do apoio à UE, em vez das perspetivas culturais e de identidade.
The crisis that hit the European Union, particularly since 2010, led to an important fall in favourable opinion about European institutions. Eurobarometer data shows that citizens? trust toward the EU reached an all-time low during this crisis. This paper evaluates the influence of economic circumstances in attitudes, values and opinions toward the EU between 1986 and 2014, while paying special attention to the crisis years. This dissertation uses trend and correlation analysis and linear regressions to conclude that the increase in national exports to the EU and economic growth contribute to a more positive attitude towards the EU. During the crisis, the increase of unemployment affected negatively public support. The results also suggest that, from the beginning of the 21st century, support for the EU became more influenced by economic circumstances. This suggests a revaluation of a utilitarian perspective to explain public support for European integration, instead of cultural or identity approaches.

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Champlin, Daniel. « The Lisbon Treaty and Parliaments : Status, Democracy, and Opinions ». Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-41383.

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Karlsson, Mikaela. « EU, Serbien och det första Köpenhamnskriteriet : En kvalitativ fallstudie om implementerandet av det första Köpenhamnskriteriet i Serbien ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80184.

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Serbia is said to enter the European Union (EU) in 2025 and a criteria for inclusion in the EU are the Copenhagen criteria’s. The purpose of this thesis is to examine how the EU as an external and international actor acts to further the implementation of the first Copenhagen criteria concerning democratic institutions, the rule of law, human rights and protection of minorities. Through a qualitative theory consuming study this thesis investigates the EUs aims and actions in Serbia, a country outside the boards of the EU by applying a theoretical framework based on Lawrence Whiteheads theory on international dimensions of democratization. As a result the thesis finds that the European Union has an interest in democracy promotion in Serbia as defined in the Copenhagen criteria. The EU uses several different methods such as economic aid, learning resources, diplomacy and normative contagion to attain its purpose. But the true reason behind the EUs interest is Serbia is discussed among scholars as well as the effective ways of implementing EUs strategies and the development of sanctions against states that do not comply with the democratic values of the Copenhagen criteria.

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VAN, DE STEEG Marianne. « The public sphere in the European Union : a media analysis of public discourse on EU enlargement and on the Haider case ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5392.

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Defence date: 7 January 2005
Examining board: Peter Wagner, EUI (Supervisor) ; Jaap Dronkers, EUI ; Gerard Delanty, University of Liverpool ; Bernhard Peters, University of Bremen
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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« Press coverage of the enlargement of the European Union and public opinion in the United Kingdom and France : a cross-national comparative study of the first- and second-level agenda-setting and priming effects ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3033.

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Dursun, Oya. « Press coverage of the enlargement of the European Union and public opinion in the United Kingdom and France : a cross-national comparative study of the first- and second-level agenda-setting and priming effects ». 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/13203.

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Fisher, Jeremiah J. Smith Dale L. « Ideology and social attitudes a review of European and British attitudes to European integration / ». Diss., 2005. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04092005-201047.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Florida State University, 2005.
Advisor: Dr. Dale L. Smith, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences, Dept. of International Affairs. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 8, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 70 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

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Çíftçí, Sabrí Smith Dale L. « Attitudes in time and space the role of context in explaining support for European integration / ». Diss., 2005. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07082005-180522.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2005.
Advisor: Dr. Dale L. Smith, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences, Dept. of Political Science. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Sept. 19, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 162 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

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Ilter, Ilker. « Determinants of public support for European Enlargement : a comparative analysis of public attitudes toward the accession of Turkey and Poland ». Thèse, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7466.

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DOMM, Rory. « Public support for European integration in eight member states : a battle for the hearts as well as the minds of Europe's citizens ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5252.

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Defence date: 22 November 2002
Examining Board: Prof. Richard Breen, FBA, MRIA (Supervisor); Prof. Anthony Heath, FBA; Prof. Michael Keating, European University Institute; Prof. Richard Sinnot, University College Dublin
First made available online on 16 April 2018
In this thesis the author aims to make a contribution to our understanding o f mass attitudes towards European integration. The initial theoretical backdrop is the field of regional integration, where mass attitudes are generally specified to play a minimal role in integrative developments. I criticise this viewpoint, and in particular the Permissive Consensus approach of Lindberg and Scheingold (1970), from an empirical and theoretical stance, arguing instead that public support for European integration is capable o f fulfilling an important legitimising function. Amongst other researchers that view public opinion as worthy of study, the consensus is that mass support for integration is largely a function o f utilitarian calculations. My starting points are the large, unexplained differences in support by country that remain in many utilitarian studies. I hypothesise that explanations o f mass support for integration are complemented by the inclusion o f variables that account for so-called ‘affective* attitudes. Specifically, I construct variables measuring national pride, European identity, nationalism and racism for European Union respondents surveyed in the International Social Survey Programme 1995 National Identity dataset. Here, as elsewhere in the thesis, I use commonly applied social sciences methodologies to test my hypotheses both at aggregate and country level. Essentially, I show that higher levels of pride and European identity are positively related to support, while nationalism and racism are negatively related. A second empirical section to the thesis addresses how the four affective concepts interrelate with one another in the data. Although I do not formulate specific hypotheses in this case, I am, however, informed by the socio-psychological literature concerning social identity. In a final empirical section, I use Eurobarometer data to attempt an explanation o f non-attitudes towards European integration, shown to be ubiquitous in both surveys. Here, the explanatory focus is on education, knowledge and interest in politics rather than affective variables.

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HANSEN, Janus. « Framing the public : three case studies in public participation in the governance of agricultural biotechnology ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5144.

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Defence date: 10 June 2005
Examining board: Prof. Andrew Webster (University of York) ; Prof. Donatella Della Porta (EUI) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, external co-supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (University of Warwick, former EUI, supervisor)
First made available online 31 August 2016
Ideas about public engagement with controversial technologies are growing in political prominence. This dissertation delivers a theoretically grounded, empirical analysis of why active public involvement is considered to be of growing importance for the legitimate use of new technologies. It examines the different social dynamics influencing actual attempts to engage the public and the difficulties encountered. Janus Hansen argues that while there are strong normative reasons to further public engagement with the regulation of controversial technologies, there are also strong sociological reasons to reflect carefully on what such engagement can realistically achieve. This dissertation delivers conceptual tools and empirical analyses to support such reflections based on in-depth case studies of important attempts to engage public concerns across Europe.

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Jansen, Lukas Ben. « What motivates eurosceptic voters in net-payer and net-receiver EU member states ? » Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/22288.

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This paper investigates what motivates four dimensions of Euroscepticism in 28 member states of the European Union. The sample is split between net-payer and receiver countries with respect to the EU budget. All dimensions of scepticism are found to be heavily concentrated among the political left in receiver countries, while both political extremes are more instrumentally eurosceptic and dissatisfied with the current EU in payer countries. There is, however, an increased probability that the political right in receiver countries will become more eurosceptic based on their opposition to immigration.

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Mohanty, Peter Cushner. « Ideology and interests : a hierarchical Bayesian approach to spatial party preferences ». 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/22529.

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This paper presents a spatial utility model of support for multiple political parties. The model includes a "valence" term, which I reparameterize to include both party competence and the voters' key sociodemographic concerns. The paper shows how this spatial utility model can be interpreted as a hierarchical model using data from the 2009 European Elections Study. I estimate this model via Bayesian Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) using a block Gibbs sampler and show that the model can capture broad European-wide trends while allowing for significant amounts of heterogeneity. This approach, however, which assumes a normal dependent variable, is only able to partially reproduce the data generating process. I show that the data generating process can be reproduced more accurately with an ordered probit model. Finally, I discuss trade-offs between parsimony and descriptive richness and other practical challenges that may be encountered when v building models of party support and make recommendations for capturing the best of both approaches.
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Kratinová, Dominika. « Měnící se názor veřejnosti ve Finsku na členství v NATO v kontextu Ukrajinské krize ». Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-295375.

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Finland is nowadays a prosperous Nordic country, a member of the European Union, supporter of the EU-Russian relations and is one of the most developed economies in the world. Finland still has a unique role in maintaining friendly relations with Russia and therefore we can assume that Finland does not pursue NATO membership, because it would most definitely be perceived as threatening by the Russians. The Ukrainian crisis changed views of many people on Russian foreign relations and made the public, politicians and entire countries question what is Russia capable of and whether it should be perceived as a threat. Because of the Ukrainian Crisis, opinions in Finland are changing and developing and the NATO membership is seen from a brand new perspective and the much treasured policy of nonalignment is being reconsidered as well. That is the issue that I am going to research and examine in this thesis. I will describe changes in public opinion on NATO membership and general safety of Finland, because this public opinion has varied over the last decade and the Ukrainian crisis was the reason for these changes. In order to find answers to these issues, I performed a complex analysis of information coming from several sources, as well as results of research of public opinion and interviews with Finnish...

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Houde, Anne-Marie. « Le vote eurosceptique parmi l'électorat europhile ». Thèse, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22753.

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Rocskárová, Martina. « Dynamika postojů vůči Evropské unii v České republice ». Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-336609.

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The aim of this work is to analyze the dynamics of attitudes towards the European Union in the Czech Republic on the basis of the data file from the project "Aktér", which has been realized by the Department of Sociology Faculty of Arts since 1999. In recent years, public euro-skepticism in attitudes of the population of all EU member countries has emerged. The same for the Czech Republic, as evidenced by periodic public opinion surveys (eg Eurobarometer and CVVM). The European Union is perceived negatively by the efforts to intervene in the affairs of nation states. On the other hand, EU brings many new possibilities and opportunities but they are accepted and used selectively. Specific socio-demographic, economic and political characteristics of people differentiate the perception of the European Union. This work reveals whether the skepticism towards the EU is universal phenomenon in the Czech Republic or whether there are population groups that are consistently positive towards a united Europe, and why. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

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Gomes, João Francisco Gonçalves. « A imprensa portuguesa e a integração europeia de Portugal : como evoluiu a relação entre o poder político e os jornalistas no âmbito dos assuntos europeus, desde a adesão à CEE aos anos da troika ? A perspetiva dos jornalistas portugueses ». Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/73896.

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É possível uma democracia sem imprensa livre? A história ensina-nos que os jornais têm tido um papel definidor em momentos críticos para os sistemas democráticos, chamando os atores políticos à responsabilidade perante os cidadãos que neles votam. Mas há perguntas sem respostas claras. Que papel concreto tem a imprensa num sistema democrático? Que lugar ocupou (e vai ocupando) na integração europeia de Portugal? Muitas questões, para as quais os estudos de comunicação e os estudos políticos vão procurando respostas, contribuíram para o lançamento da presente dissertação, que se propõe tentar entender como evoluiu a relação entre o poder político e os jornalistas portugueses no âmbito dos assuntos europeus, desde que o país se juntou à CEE até aos dias de hoje, marcados pela euro-crise. O argumento aqui apresentado e desenvolvido é que esta relação evoluiu num sentido positivo. Por um lado, os jornalistas estão hoje mais bem preparados do que quando Portugal entrou na CEE para cobrir os assuntos europeus e para estabelecerem relações com os atores políticos que lhes permitam fazer um escrutínio mais eficaz. Por outro lado, também a esfera política melhorou as suas políticas de transparência, abrindose mais ao escrutínio mediático. A proposta é sustentada num modelo de análise da relação entre os media e a esfera política que vai buscar inspirações a trabalhos recentes dos estudos políticos e dos estudos dos media. Analisam-se a especialização, profissionalização e recursos dos media; as práticas democráticas e de transparência da esfera política, e a opinião pública portuguesa face à União Europeia, para concluir que a vi evolução do estado das coisas nestes três fatores conduziu a uma evolução muito concreta da relação entre as duas esferas. O original deste trabalho assenta, essencialmente, na recolha dos testemunhos, na sua maioria inéditos, de vários dos protagonistas da cobertura mediática da integração europeia de Portugal. São jornalistas ou profissionais da comunicação social que, em várias fases da história contemporânea de Portugal (para o trabalho foram escolhidos três momentos: o processo de adesão à CEE, a negociação da moeda única e os anos da troika), se dedicaram ou dedicam a acompanhar nos meios de comunicação social a dimensão comunitária de Portugal. Por registar histórias e memórias de várias gerações de jornalistas ligados aos assuntos europeus, a dissertação apresenta-se também como um contributo para a historiografia contemporânea de Portugal, podendo os testemunhos apresentados nas próximas páginas estimular o estudo de outras dimensões da história comunitária do país.
Is democracy possible without free press? History teaches us that newspapers have played a defining role at critical moments for democratic systems, holding political actors accountable before the citizens who voted for them. But there are questions without clear answers. What is the concrete role of the press in a democratic system? What was (and is) its place in the process of the European integration of Portugal? Many questions, to which media and political studies are seeking answers, have contributed to launch this dissertation, which proposes to try to understand how the relation between political power and Portuguese journalists has developed regarding European affairs, since the country has joined the EEC to this day, marked by the Euro-crisis. The argument presented and developed in this dissertation is that this relationship has evolved in a positive direction. One the one hand, journalists today are better prepared to cover European affairs and to establish relations with political actors that enables them to conduct more effective scrutiny than they were when Portugal joined the EEC. On the other hand, the political sphere has also improved its transparency policies, becoming more opened to media scrutiny. The proposal is based on a model of analysis of the mediapolitical sphere relationship which draws inspiration from recent works both in the political studies and in the media studies. We analyze the specialization, professionalism and resources of the media; the democratic practices and transparency policies of the political sphere, and the Portuguese public opinion towards the EU, to conclude that the viii evolution of the state of affairs in these three factors led to a very concrete evolution of the relationship between the two spheres. The original part of this work is based essentially on the collection of testimonies, mostly unpublished, of several people that had a central role in the coverage done by Portuguese media of the European integration of the country. They are journalists or media professionals who, at various stages in the contemporary history of Portugal (for the work, three moments were chosen: joining the EEC, negotiating the single currency and the troika years), dedicated, or dedicate, themselves to the media coverage of the European face of Portugal. Because it is an archive of stories and memoirs of different generations of Portuguese journalists linked to European affairs, this dissertation is also a contribution to the contemporary historiography of Portugal, and the testimonies presented in the next pages can stimulate the study of other dimensions of the European history of the country.

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Garlicki, Marek. « Lobbing polskich organizacji pozarządowych związanych z energetyką odnawialną w UE ». Doctoral thesis, 2019. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/3424.

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Przedmiotem rozprawy doktorskiej jest działalność lobbingowa prowadzona w Unii Europejskiej przez polskie organizacje pozarządowe związane z odnawialnymi źródłami energii (OZE). Należy jednak zastrzec, że przedmiot analizy został ograniczony do działalności sformalizowanej, ponieważ wszelkie działania lobbingowe o charakterze nieformalnym i poufnym są bardzo trudne do zbadania ze względu na bardzo ograniczoną możliwość dotarcia do danych empirycznych. Warto zwrócić też uwagę na fakt, że praca ma charakter wieloaspektowy, gdyż porusza kwestie lobbingu w Unii Europejskiej, zagadnienie polityki energetyczno-klimatycznej UE, czy też działalności organizacji pozarządowych. Celem pracy jest analiza wspomnianej działalności lobbingowej podejmowanej przez polskie organizacje pozarządowe związane z OZE w dwóch wymiarach. Pierwszy wymiar odnosi się do wpływu lobbingu wspomnianych organizacji na prawodawstwo w unijnej polityce energetyczno-klimatycznej. Natomiast drugim wymiarem jest wpływ na postrzeganie OZE przez społeczeństwo polskie. Główna hipoteza badawcza zakłada, że działania lobbingowe polskich organizacji pozarządowych związanych z OZE są skuteczne, ponieważ silnie oddziałują na wyznaczanie kierunków w unijnej polityce energetyczno-klimatycznej, a wśród obywateli polskich przeważają pozytywne postawy wobec energii ze źródeł odnawialnych. Struktura rozprawy obejmuje wstęp, pięć rozdziałów i zakończenie. Każdy z rozdziałów odpowiada na postawione pytania badawcze mające przybliżyć do weryfikacji hipotezy. Pierwszy rozdział definiuje odnawialne źródła energii oraz przybliża politykę energetyczno-klimatyczną UE i opisuje proces jej kształtowania. Rozdział drugi koncentruje się na zdefiniowaniu polskich organizacji pozarządowych związanych z energetyką odnawialną i ich roli jako podmiotu lobbingu w UE. W trzecim rozdziale przedstawione zostały strategie lobbingowe oraz metody i instrumenty stosowane w kontekście dwóch badanych obszarów wpływu, czyli prawodawstwa unijnego i polskiej opinii publicznej. W celu weryfikacji zmiennej niezależnej odnoszącej się do postaw społeczeństwa polskiego, przeprowadzono ilościowe badanie empiryczne na reprezentatywnej próbie dorosłych Polaków. Analiza danych pozyskanych w toku badania została przedstawiona w rozdziale czwartym. Z kolei rozdział piąty został podzielony na dwie części odpowiadające weryfikacji dwóch zmiennych niezależnych. W pierwszej części, przy wykorzystaniu analizy sieci, odtwarzane są kanały wpływu polskich organizacji pozarządowych związanych z OZE na instytucje unijne. W drugiej autor interpretuje wyniki badania empirycznego w celu zbadania poziomu skuteczności wpływu z tej perspektywy. W toku analiz hipoteza badawcza została zweryfikowana pozytywnie. W przypadku pierwszej zmiennej niezależnej, na podstawie odtworzonych kanałów wpływu i zmian zachodzących w prawodawstwie unijnym wyciągnięto wniosek, że lobbing polskich organizacji pozarządowych związanych z OZE jest skuteczne. Niemniej jednak zauważono pewne różnice pomiędzy badanymi organizacjami. Z analizy sieci wynika, iż większą skuteczność mają organizacje ekologiczne i ich koalicje niż organizacje reprezentujące firmy z branży OZE. Druga zmienna niezależna również została zweryfikowana pozytywnie, ponieważ empiryczne badanie ilościowe wyraźnie wykazało, że w społeczeństwie polskim dominują: silne poparcie energetyki odnawialnej i pozytywne przekonania na jej temat.
The subject of the doctoral dissertation focuses on lobbying activities in the European Union conducted by Polish non-governmental organizations related to renewable energy sources (RES). However, it should be stipulated that the subject of the analysis has been limited to formal activities because all informal and confidential lobbying activities are very difficult to investigate due to the very limited possibility of acquiring empirical data. It is also worth noting that the dissertation has multi-faceted character, as it raises different issues: the issue of lobbying in the European Union, the issue of EU energy and climate policy, or the issue of activities of non-governmental organizations. The aim of the dissertation is to analyze lobbying activities undertaken by Polish NGOs related to RES in two following dimensions. The first one refers to the impact of lobbying of these NGOs on legislation in the area of energy and climate policy in the EU. The second one refers to the influence on Polish society’s perception of RES. The research hypothesis assumes that lobbying activities of Polish NGOs related to RES are effective because they strongly influence the directions of EU energy and climate policy, and positive attitudes towards energy from renewable sources prevail among Polish citizens. The structure of the dissertation includes an introduction, five chapters and summary. Each chapter aims to bring to the verification of the hypothesis. The first chapter defines renewable energy sources and describes the EU energy and climate policy and the process of its shaping. The second chapter focuses on defining Polish NGOs related to renewable energy and their role as a lobbying entity in the EU. The third chapter presents lobbying strategies as well as methods and instruments used in the context of two areas of influence – namely EU legislation and Polish public opinion. In order to verify the independent variable regarding the attitudes of Polish society, a quantitative empirical study (survey) was conducted on a representative sample of adult Polish citizens. The analysis of data obtained during the survey is presented in the fourth chapter. Finally, the fifth chapter has been divided into two parts corresponding to the verification of two independent variables. In the first part, by means of the network analysis, the author recreated the channels of influence of Polish NGOs related to RES on the EU institutions. In the second part, the results of a conducted survey are interpreted in order to measure the level of effectiveness of impact from this perspective. In the course of analysis, the research hypothesis has been verified positively. In case of the first independent variable, the author, by means of recreated channels of influence, came to the conclusions that lobbying activities of Polish NGOs related to RES is effective. Nevertheless, some differences were noted between the analyzed organizations. The network analysis shows that environmental NGOs and their coalitions have bigger impact than NGOs representing companies from RES industry. The second independent variable has also been verified positively. It is concluded by the fact that the survey clearly showed that strong support of RES and positive beliefs about it are prevailing in Polish society.

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Thèses sur le sujet « European Union – Enlargement – Public opinion »

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