Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : European Union – Denmark.
Articles de revues sur le sujet « European Union – Denmark »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « European Union – Denmark ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
LUND, JOACHIM. « Denmark and the ‘European New Order’, 1940–1942 ». Contemporary European History 13, no 3 (août 2004) : 305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001742.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article explores the meaning and impact of the Nazi concept of a ‘New Order’ for Europe on German-occupied Denmark. The first German civil authority in power in Denmark was the Foreign Ministry, which struggled to conclude an economic union with Denmark in summer 1940. Then Goering's Four-Year Plan and the Reich Economics Ministry took command and economic union was abandoned by Berlin, since a pragmatic, day-to-day approach now prevailed. Other initiatives were taken in order to facilitate Denmark's incorporation in the European New Order, such as the setting up of a ministerial Eastern Committee with the purpose of re-establishing Danish industry in the occupied USSR. The article shows how, in Denmark, German short-term politics actually coincided with long-term plans. Germany's ideas of becoming the economic centre of a self-sufficient continental Europe were closely connected to the idea of securing foodstuffs from its neighbours, and this idea, too, was implemented in spring and early summer 1940, when, after the swift occupation of Denmark and the subsequent severance of its trade with Britain, agricultural exports were diverted to the German market.
2
PETERSEN, NIKOLAJ. « Denmark and the European Union 1985-96 ». Cooperation and Conflict 31, no 2 (juin 1996) : 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836796031002003.
Texte intégral
3
Butler, Graham. « The European Defence Union and Denmark’s Defence Opt-out : A Legal Appraisal ». European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 1 (1 mars 2020) : 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When Denmark failed to ratify the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992, the heads of state and government meeting within the European Council concluded the Edinburgh Decision that established a number of opt-outs for Denmark, so it could subsequently ratify the treaty. One of these opt-outs was in regard to EU defence matters. Nearly three decades on, the Union is now seeing concrete steps being made across the treaties to deliver on a true European Defence Union. Given these developments, the Danish defence opt-out is coming under increased scrutiny. This article analyses the law, policy, and practice of the Danish defence opt-out contained in Article 5 of Protocol (No 22) on the position of Denmark annexed to the EU treaties, in light of the litany of initiatives that now make up the contemporary European Defence Union. Notably, these developments underscore and rationalize the basis of the EU’s internal market for deeper European integration. Moreover, with only one Member State possessing such opt-out, it is arguably detrimental to overall EU defence interests. This article contends that the time has come for Denmark to forgo its defence opt-out – a legacy of the past – and participate in the complete range of initiatives contributing to these new endeavours that form the contemporary European Defence Union. Denmark, Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDP, Opt-out, EU law, Union law, Protocols, Security Law, European Defence Union.
4
Leśniewski, Leszek. « Integracja gospodarcza Danii, Finlandii i Szwecji z Unią Europejską ». Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no 1 (5 décembre 2015) : 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2015.1.10.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper explores economic integration of the Scandinavian states (Denmark, Finland and Sweden) with the European Union during the global crisis. The aim of this paper is to present comparative study of different choices made by these countries with regard to the European integration: EMU opt – out clause in Denmark, membership of Finland in the European Monetary Union and derogation for Sweden – and as result different reaction to the financial and economic crises
5
Belukhin, Nikita Evgen'evich. « “Rebellious Parliament” : period of the “policy of reservations” in Denmark-NATO Relations (1982-1988) ». Genesis : исторические исследования, no 4 (avril 2021) : 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.4.35530.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The object of this research is the foreign policy of Denmark in the 1980s. The subject of this research on the one hand is the ideological foundations of Denmark's foreign policy during this period, which were strongly affected by the ideas of European social democracy, and on the other hand – the influence of the Danish Parliament (Folketing) upon the formation of Denmark’s official position on the issues of European security discussed within the framework of NATO. Denmark’s refutation of neutrality after the World War II and its entry into NATO in many ways determined the foreign policy position of Denmark throughout the Cold War as a small European state that perceived the Soviet Union as a threat to national security. At the same time, the desire of Denmark of maintain maximum flexibility and avoid making far-reaching commitments within the framework of NATO, led to the fact that Denmark was often perceived as an unreliable and inconvenient ally. The period from 1982 to 1988 indicates the Atlantic dissidence of Denmark and simultaneous improvement of relations with the Soviet Union), when Denmark’s representatives in the NATO sessions, being obliged to take into account the position of the parliamentary majority in the Folketing, were forced to make reservations to the final documents of the sessions, expressing disagreement or criticism of implemented measures. Among the Russian scholars dealing with the history of Denmark, this period has not yet received wide coverage. This article is an attempt to describe and explain the causes and consequences of the period of the “policy of reservations” for Denmark’s foreign policy in the context of the end of Cold War and in the conditions of transition towards the post-bipolar system of international relations.
6
Schunter-Kleemann, Susanne. « Geschlechterdifferenz in der politischen Debatte zur europäischen Union ? » PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 23, no 92 (1 septembre 1993) : 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v23i92.1030.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Recent referenda and surveys in Denmark, Sweden, Switzerland and Austria show that women are the most determined opponents against the project of an Europoean Political Union. This article deals with the political debate among women in some European countries and identifies the main topics which stand in the center of women's reservations against the Maastricht Treaty. The new EC Information Policy (Le Clercq Report 1993) is presented, which claims to win back the confidence of the European Citizens. This new communication strategy adresses to women in a special way,
7
Babynina, Lyudmila. « Danish opt-out in the European Defense : New Challenges ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no 18 (1 décembre 2020) : 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620203944.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the features of Denmark’s participation in the European Union. The country has a number of opt-outs from the general rules for the functioning of the EU, including under the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). The intensive development of this area in the last decade, including the established Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), and the emergence of new security challenges make the question of the format of Denmark’s participation in these projects highly relevant. The author concludes that clearly limiting this opt-out allows Denmark to take benefit from participation in defense-related projects that are formally outside the CSDP framework, but fall within the joint competence of the Union and the Member States. At the same time, the rejection of the «Danish reservations» does not seem likely in the near future for domestic political reasons.
8
Jensen, Carsten Strøby. « Political attitudes and trade union membership in the Nordic countries ». European Journal of Industrial Relations 23, no 4 (25 mai 2017) : 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680117708372.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Do political attitudes influence the likelihood of employees being members of a trade union, and to what extent is this the case in the Nordic countries with their high aggregate levels of membership? In this article, I address these questions using European Social Survey data from 2012. The results show that left-wing political attitudes have the most impact on the likelihood of trade union membership in Sweden and to a lesser extent in Denmark. In Norway and Finland, there is no statistically significant impact. I argue that the impact of left-wing political attitudes on unionization in Sweden and Denmark reflects a conception among employees that trade unions are normative organizations.
9
Pain, Nigel, Paul Ashworth, Véronique Genre, Dawn Holland et Florence Hubert. « Section III. Prospects for the European Union ». National Institute Economic Review 170 (octobre 1999) : 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795019917000108.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Economic growth in the EU slowed in the first half of 1999, with net trade in many countries having been adversely affected by the slowdown in global demand. Output was just 1.6 per cent above that in the same period in 1998, following growth of 2.7 per cent for 1998 as a whole. Growth was especially subdued in Germany, Italy, Belgium and Denmark. In contrast, growth in Sweden actually accelerated into 1999. A looser fiscal stance, with reductions in direct taxes, will help to keep Swedish domestic demand strong this year and next.
10
Parzonko, Andrzej, et Piotr Bórawski. « Competitiveness of Polish dairy farms in the European Union ». Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 66, No. 4 (29 avril 2020) : 168–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/254/2019-agricecon.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article analyses the competitiveness of dairy farms in Poland in relation to selected EU countries. The competitive advantage of dairy farms was evaluated and compared based on remuneration for family labour. Two variants of the above indicator were calculated: (1) Remuneration for family labour (FL1) as the relationship between farm net income and the farmer’s unpaid labour input, and (2) Remuneration for family labour (FL2) as the relationship between farm net income minus the opportunity costs of own land and capital to the farmer’s unpaid labour input. The calculations were performed based on EU FADN (European Union Farm Accountancy Data Network) data for an average dairy farm in 2005, 2010 and 2016. The study revealed the highest average remuneration for family labour (FL1) in Irish and German dairy farms. The value of the second indicator (FL2) was also highest in Germany, followed by France. The analysis produced interesting results regarding dairy farms in Denmark and the Netherlands which were characterised by the highest scale of production in the evaluated period (high net value added), but very low farm incomes and remuneration for family labour. The study revealed that Polish dairy farms were characterised by average competitiveness relative.
11
Nowak, A., T. Kijek et K. Domańska. « Technical efficiency and its determinants in the European Union ». Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 61, No. 6 (6 juin 2016) : 275–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/200/2014-agricecon.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The study concerns the measurement of the technical efficiency of agriculture in the 27 European Union (EU) countries in 2010. The studies were conducted based on the result-oriented DEA method assuming variable advantages of scale. Moreover, in the study, the factors affecting technical efficiency were identified, and the econometric modelling of their impact was performed with the use of the Tobit model. The studies indicate that across the 27 EU Member States, the level of the technical efficiency of agriculture is diverse, and the difference between the states with the highest and the lowest efficiencies is 40%. Cyprus, Denmark, Greece, France, Spain, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Italy and Malta were identified as the countries with the thoroughly technically efficient agriculture. In turn, the least technically efficient agriculture is observed for the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Hungary, Ireland, Latvia and Slovakia. Taking into account the factors determining the technical agriculture efficiency, it should be noted that the stimulants have proven to be such factors as: the soil quality, the age of the head of the household and the surcharges for investments. In turn, the size of the farm appeared to be irrelevant from the viewpoint of the technical efficiency of the agricultural sector.
12
JHR. « An Introduction to the Series ». European Constitutional Law Review 7, no 2 (juin 2011) : 267–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019611200063.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Seven of the member states of the European Union are monarchies. They are, in alphabetical order, Belgium, Denmark, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. It is to these European monarchies that the European Constitutional Law Review dedicates a series of articles. Its aim is to find answers to questions regarding their current organization and legitimation, the (remaining) monarchical competences or powers and the republican ‘opposition’. The overriding aim is to see what the Union means for them and how monarchies can survive constitutionally in the European Union (if at all).
13
Thorpe, Suzanne. « Online Legal Information in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden ». International Journal of Legal Information 29, no 1 (2001) : 25–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500000846.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Denmark, Norway, and Sweden are among the most technologically advanced countries in the world. It is not surprising, therefore, to find sophisticated online systems offering extensive access to legal information in each country. This article briefly traces the development of online legal information in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. In addition, it provides a country by country overview of the legal databases and online guides to electronic legal resources that are currently available. Most of the databases discussed can be accessed, wholly or in part, without charge via the Internet. A few are restricted to paid subscribers or are available only on CD-ROM. It should be noted that, while Denmark and Sweden are members of the European Union, this article does not cover the databases in either country specifically devoted to European Union law.
14
Alekseev, Nikolai Nikolaevich, Alina Andreevna Volkomorova et Stanislav Nikolaevich Kurtyanik. « The origins of modern nationalism of Sweden and Denmark : legislative analysis and identity issues ». Международные отношения, no 2 (février 2021) : 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2021.2.35996.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The object of this research is the consequences of migration crisis in the European Union. The subject of this research is instruments for including nationalism in the sociopolitical agenda and legislation of Denmark, as well as the problem of interaction between the identities and Muslim ethnocentrism in the European Union. The article explores the theoretical aspects of the modern transformation of nationalism in Northern Europe, transition of nationalism from a marginal phenomenon towards a strong political force. Special attention is given to the analysis of legislative amendments of Denmark and Sweden in the conditions of migration crisis. The authors also discuss the problem of the conflict of identities in the European Union, interaction and transformations within the framework of the dialogue between immigrant communities and titular nations. The novelty of this research consists in carrying out a comparative analysis of the current development of nationalism in Sweden and Denmark, as well as their legislation on migration. The article covers the current processes pertinent to the problem of interaction of multiple civil-political and ethnocultural identifications, which is a pressing issue for the European Union. The authors’ special contribution lies in determination of the common and distinctive features in development of the modern Swedish and Danish nationalism, analysis of the foundation of the forming pan-European identity in the context of interculturalism and postnationalism. The conclusion is made on the crucial role of harmonization of the normative-value foundation of identity as a mediator of modern nationalization of the EU member-states.
15
Maksimović, Maja. « Politika doživotnog učenja u Evropi : EU, Škotska, Danska i Srbija ». Obrazovanje odraslih/Adult Education 11, no 1 2011 (2011) : 101–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.53617/issn2744-2047.2011.11.1.101.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The goal of this paper is to point out to similarities and differences between goals in lifelong learning and adult education strategies of Scotland, Denmark and Serbia im the European Union context. The new direction of comparative research is headed towards multilayer units of analysis that include global, international and micro level of comparison and thus place the accent to chronological analysis of European Union as a supranational creator of educational policies. Results of the analysis have shown that when we look at the policy as a discourse and not as a practice, goals in the strategies are quite aligned and compatible with EU documents related to lifelong learning. Significant differences between goals, besides socio-economic characteristic of the states and their relationship towards EU, are mainly derived from different models of creation and management of educational policies.
16
Oxman, Bernard H., Sten Harck et Henrik Palmer Olsen. « European Community—Maastricht Treaty—delegation of power to international organizations under Danish Constitution—right to democracy—power of Danish courts to review acts by Community organs ». American Journal of International Law 93, no 1 (janvier 1999) : 209–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2997964.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Decision Concerning the Maastricht Treaty. 1998 Ugeskrift for Retsvaesen, H 800.Supreme Court of Denmark, April 6, 1998.In this case the Danish Supreme Court decided that the ratification and the incorporation into Danish law of the Maastricht Treaty creating the European Union are consistent with the Danish Constitution of 1953. It also reserved the right for Danish courts to review Community decisions for consistency with the Act on Denmark's accession to the EC Treaty. This decision is of vital importance to Denmark's relationship to the European Community (EC) and to the claims of direct effect and priority of EC law over national constitutions.
17
Gräbner-Radkowitsch, Claudius, Dennis Tamesberger, Philipp Heimberger, Timo Kapelari et Jakob Kapeller. « Trade models in the European Union ». Ekonomski anali 67, no 235 (2022) : 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka2235007g.
Texte intégralRésumé :
By studying the factors underlying differences in trade performance across European economies, this paper derives six different ?trade models? for 22 EU countries and explores their developmental and distributional dynamics. We first introduce a typology of trade models by clustering countries on the basis of four key dimensions of trade performance: endowments, technological specialisation, labour market characteristics and regulatory requirements. The resulting clusters comprise countries that base their export success on similar trade models. Our results indicate the existence of six different trade models: the ?primary goods model? (Latvia, Estonia), the ?finance model? (Luxembourg), the ?flexible labour market model? (UK), the ?periphery model? (Greece, Portugal, Spain, Italy, France), the ?industrial workbench model? (Slovenia, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic), and the ?hightech model? (Sweden, Denmark, Netherlands, Belgium, Ireland, Finland, Germany and Austria). Subsequently, we provide a comparative analysis of the economic development and trends in inequality across these trade models. Inter alia, we observe a shrinking wage share and increasing personal income inequality in most of them, yet find that the ?high-tech model? is an exceptional case, being characterised by relatively stable economic development and an institutional setting that managed to counteract rising inequality.
18
Arnholtz, Jens, Guglielmo Meardi et Johannes Oldervoll. « Collective wage bargaining under strain in northern European construction : Resisting institutional drift ? » European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, no 4 (3 août 2018) : 341–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118790816.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Internationalization, trade union decline, enforcement problems and rising self-employment all strain the effectiveness of collective wage bargaining arrangements in northern European construction. We examine Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway and the UK, and show that these strains have pushed trade unions to seek assistance from the state to stabilize wage regulation, but with results that vary according to employer strategies and the power balances between the actors. While Denmark and the UK have barely introduced any state support, Norway has followed the Netherlands and Germany in introducing legal mechanisms for extension of collectively agreed minimum wage terms. The country studies suggest that state assistance alleviates some of the strain, but does not reverse the trends, and the comparison indicates that both institutional innovation and reorganization may be required if wage bargaining is not to drift into different functions.
19
Laursen, Anders Nørgaard. « The Nordea Bank Denmark Case (C-48/13) ». Nordic Tax Journal 2014, no 2 (1 novembre 2014) : 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ntaxj-2014-0028.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This paper reports on an investigation of a recent decision by the European Court of Justice (ECJ) in case C-48/13, Nordea Bank Denmark, concerning the Danish rules for reincorporation of losses from permanent establishments situated in European Union/ European Economic Area (EU/EEA) member states other than Denmark. The article includes comments on various EU tax law aspects of the case - namely the restriction test applied by the ECJ, the justifications brought forward by the intervening governments and the question of proportionality - and examines the consequences of the Danish tax law going forward.
20
Tomala, Magdalena. « The European Union’s Relations with Greenland ». International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 20, no 1 (30 décembre 2017) : 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2017-0015.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Greenland has a special relationship with the European Union due to its link with the Kingdom of Denmark – Greenland’s mother country. As a result, Greenland shares some parts of the EU’s internal market via association agreements. Greenland, has become a meeting place of American, European and Asian interests in the Arctic. It is therefore essential that the EU doesn’t lose the North and keeps strengthening its relationship with Greenland. After having focused its attention on the East and the South, it is high time that the European Union looks further North, notably through a more ambitious Arctic Window in its Northern sphere of influence.
21
Campbell, Kenneth. « Access to European Community Official Information ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 46, no 1 (janvier 1997) : 174–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300060164.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Amid rather less fanfare than one might perhaps have expected, the press, and, by extension, the public, of the European Union scored a modest victory for freer access to official information following the judgment of the Court of First Instance in the case of John Carvel & Guardian Newspapers Ltd (Denmark, The Netherlands and the European Parliament intervening) v. EU Council.' This case is the latest stage in an evolving policy of access to official information generally, a policy which has gained impetus with official concern about the so–called “democratic deficit” and a heightened awareness of the perceived remoteness of the European institutions from the daily lives of the citizens of the Union.
22
Ardielli, Eva. « eHealth in the European Union – Comparative Study ». ACC Journal 26, no 2 (septembre 2020) : 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/004/2020-2-001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
eHealth is one of the global modern trends in IT, medicine and politics. It is a broad term that refers to electronization of healthcare and health services and mainly describes the use of information and communication technologies in healthcare. In practice, the evaluation of eHealth is an important matter because it leads to selection of appropriate measures for further progress in the field of electronic healthcare. What is more, it proposes recommendations for the development of eHealth in the EU countries. The article is focused on the comparison of eHealth implementation in the European Union member states. The analysis is performed by means of ELECTRE III method. The results of the empirical research further evaluate the state of eHealth implementation in all European Union member states by selected criteria and enable the comparison of the eHealth implementation in the international context. The results are verified by application of MAPPAC method. It has been acknowledged that the best ranking countries in this area has been obtained by Denmark, Finland, Estonia and Sweden.
23
Szymańska, Elżbieta. « THE PORK MARKET IN POLAND AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XXI, no 4 (29 octobre 2019) : 504–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5487.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the study was to evaluate the live pig market in Poland against the background of the EU. The analysis included the production volume, foreign trade turnover of pork, consumption level, pork purchase prices and cost production. The study used CSO storage and Eurostat data. A valuable source of information was the literature of the subject. Comparative and correlation analysis were used in the study. The analysis show that Poland is one of the most important producers of pork in the European Union. In terms of pork production Poland takes 4th place in the EU after Germany, Spain and France. In Poland, pork also has a dominant position in the structure of meat consumption. In 2017, the average consumption of this type of meat was about 40 kg per person, and was higher than the EU average. The sector of live pig production in Poland is very fragmented. In such countries as Germany or Denmark the production of live pig has greater concentration. The price of live pig in Poland is based on EU prices. They are lower than in Germany, but higher than in Denmark. National pork production is compensated by import. Since mid-2007, Poland is a net importer of pork in terms of meat. In addition, the import of live animals, especially from Germany, the Netherlands and Denmark is increasing. The economic situation on the live pig market from 2014 year was hindered by African swine fever. In order to increase competitiveness, it is necessary to concentrate production and improve its efficiency.
24
Nowak, Anna, et Monika Różańska-Boczula. « Differentiation in the production potential and efficiency of farms in the member states of the European Union ». Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 65, No. 9 (25 septembre 2019) : 395–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/378/2018-agricecon.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper contains an evaluation of the differentiation of the production potential and efficiency of farms in the member states of the European Union in 2013–2016. To this end, a taxonomic method – Hellwig’s development measure – was used. The study was based on data from the European Union Farm Accountancy Data Network (FADN). The study results indicate that member states such as the Netherlands, Denmark, Luxembourg, Belgium, the United Kingdom and Slovakia were characterised by the best agricultural production potential. The first four member states also showed the highest efficiency with regard to the utilisation of production factors. On the other hand, low and average potential and efficiency were characteristic of farms in most of the new member states.
25
Leine, Marie, Henrik Hvenegaard Mikkelsen et Atreyee Sen. « ‘Danish women put up with less’ : Gender equality and the politics of denial in Denmark ». European Journal of Women's Studies 27, no 2 (12 novembre 2019) : 181–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506819887402.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 2014, the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights ranked Denmark as the European Union country with the highest occurrence of male physical violence and sexual assault against women. This report was described as ‘grotesque’, ‘misguided’ and ‘untrustworthy’ in the Danish mainstream media, which cited a number of prominent political commentators and expert researchers who debunked these findings. Using this case of overt public rejection of violent and white masculinity as a central analytical thread, this article explores how the invisiblization of Danish male violence, as well as the projection of sexual aggression onto minority communities, produces a peculiar politics of denial and denialism in Denmark. The authors argue that the nationalist myth of gender equality branded within the Danish mainstream media and society is a variety of gender exceptionalism; which in turn generates racist, reactionary and suppressive ideologies on violence, racial discrimination and social inequality.
26
Terin, Mustafa, et Fahri Yavuz. « Türkiye Peynir Sektörünün Uluslararası Rekabetçiliğinin Avrupa Birliği Ülkeleriyle Karşılaştırılmalı Analizi ». Turkish Journal of Agriculture - Food Science and Technology 6, no 9 (15 septembre 2018) : 1243. http://dx.doi.org/10.24925/turjaf.v6i9.1243-1250.2023.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cheese, in addition to being a rich foodstuff regarding protein and calcium, has an important place in international trade. Cheese export consists 40.3% of the world’s dairy products exports. European Union countries such as Germany, Netherland, France, Italy and Denmark, in addition to the USA, New Zealand and Australia have an important market share in international cheese trade. Germany, Netherland, France, Italy and Denmark export 54.8% of the world and 71.8% of European Union total cheese export in 2016. Turkey is in 25th place in the world ranking with exports value of $150 million in 2016. About 45.0% of Turkey's dairy products are exported in the form of cheese exports. Turkey and EU are also net exporters in international cheese trade. The objective of this study is to analyze the competitiveness of Turkey's cheese sector and compare with EU-28 and selected European Union Countries like Germany, Netherland, France, Italy and Denmark. The data for this study were provided by the International Trade Centre database for the period 2001-2016. Balassa and Vollrath’s Indexes were used for measuring the international competitiveness level of Turkey in the cheese sector. In addition to these indexes, Trade Balance Index was also used for comparison. The results revealed that the average RXA, RTA, RC and TBI scores for Turkey were 0.44, 0.34, 1.51 and 0.49, and for EU-28 were 2.21, 0.34, 0.17 and 0,10 respectively. Although Turkey has a comparative advantages in the international cheese trade, the EU is more comparative advantageous than Turkey.
27
Elisabeth Koch, Ida. « Twelve Years of Poverty in Denmark – A Human Rights Perspective ». Nordic Journal of International Law 81, no 2 (2012) : 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181012x638089.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article concerns the situation of refugees and immigrants from countries outside the European Union /European Economic Area with regard to social cash benefits in Denmark. At present these immigrants are treated different than inhabitants of Danish origin since their social cash benefits are reduced to a considerable extent. The conditions of these immigrants are discussed from an international human rights perspective and the article applies two approaches: a poverty threshold approach and a non-discrimination approach. The author concludes that the reduced social cash benefits are in violation of Denmark’s human rights obligation under socio-economic as well as civil-political treaties. In this way the article confirms that human rights are indivisible, interrelated and interdependent. The circumstances in Denmark during the last 12–14 years with regard to immigrants’ rights to social cash benefits has made it natural and even necessary to consider the situation from a legal as well as a political perspective. Thus it seems that the problems in Denmark for immigrants with regard to social cash benefits will be solved by politicians in Parliament in a foreseeable future whereas the human rights machinery because of its sluggishness has only to a limited extent been able to demonstrate its effectiveness.
28
Novak, Ivan. « Comparative analysis of innovation performance of European Union countries ». Notitia 6, no 1 (30 décembre 2020) : 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.32676/n.6.1.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper aims to examine the innovation performance of 28 European Union countries. Hypothesis of the paper states there is a significant difference of innovation performance between the old and the new EU members. Furthermore, the role of SMEs regarding innovation capacity may not be the same across EU. Using K-means clustering results indicated Germany, Ireland, France, Luxemburg and Austria as the most innovative countries and Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia as the least innovative countries. Czech Republic, Croatia, Cyprus, Denmark, Finland, Greece, Italy, Lithuania, Malta, Netherlands, Portugal, Slovenia, Sweden, United Kingdom and Spain were found to have a medium level of innovation performance. Furthermore, United Kingdom surpassed the average innovation level of the cluster for the small sized enterprises. Croatia was below the average level of the cluster regardless of the size of the enterprise. Romania was the outlier with the least innovation. In order to facilitate more innovation these findings may be valuable in creating more country specific recommendations for entrepreneurial policy.
29
Burinskienė, Aurelija. « INTERNATIONAL TRADE IN PRACTICE OF ENTERPRISES ACTIVITY ». Business, Management and Education 8, no 1 (20 décembre 2010) : 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/bme.2010.03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nowadays importance of international trade is rising; new perspectives for enterprises to sell products at international markets are more significant.In the article theoretical and practical aspects of international trade development are analysed; European Union manufacturing and trade enterprises are compared; practice of manufacturing and trade enterprises activity for development of international trade are presented. The study results show that European Union manufacturing enterprises are more active in international trade than trade enterprises. Also research shows that within manufacturing enterprises Denmark and Luxembourg enterprises are the most active in selling products abroad and in using traditional and online international trade development methods.
30
Marselis, Randi. « Exhibiting Refugee Routes : Contemporary Collecting as Memory Politics ». Museum and Society 19, no 3 (1 novembre 2021) : 301–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/mas.v19i3.3155.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In recent years, numerous European museums have collected objects related to refugees. This article examines the Flight for Life (På Flugt) exhibition (2017), which the National Museum of Denmark organized based on a contemporary collecting project that took place in Greece and Denmark in 2016. Alison Landsberg’s concept of prosthetic memory is made use of here to examine how the exhibition invited visitors to identify with refugees. This empathetic approach had political potential by promoting solidarity with refugees. However, it did not open up a broader contextualization of the collected objects in terms of the migration policies of Denmark and the European Union. This article argues that museums, through contemporary collecting projects of the refugee reception crisis, engage in memory politics by framing how Europe will be able to make sense of the refugee reception crisis of the early twenty-first century.
31
ANDERSON, CHRISTOPHER J. « When in Doubt, Use Proxies ». Comparative Political Studies 31, no 5 (octobre 1998) : 569–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031005002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article argues that citizens employ proxies rooted in attitudes about domestic politics when responding to survey questions about the European integration process. It develops a model of public opinion toward European integration based on attitudes toward the political system, the incumbent government, and establishment parties. With the help of data from Eurobarometer 34.0, the study tests political and economic models of public support for membership in the European Union in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, and Portugal. The analyses show that system and establishment party support are the most powerful determinants of support for membership in the European Union. The results also suggest that the relationship between economic factors and support previously reported in research on public opinion toward European integration is likely to be mediated by domestic political attitudes.
32
Mikuła, Aneta, Małgorzata Raczkowska et Monika Utzig. « Pro-Environmental Behaviour in the European Union Countries ». Energies 14, no 18 (9 septembre 2021) : 5689. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14185689.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of the presented research is to assess pro-environmental behaviour (PEB) in European Union countries in 2009 and 2019. The study used a synthetic measure developed using the TOPSIS (Technique for Order Preference by Similarity to an Ideal Solution) benchmark method. This method enables distinguishing classes and ranks of countries depending on the adopted characteristics. Basic measures of descriptive statistics, i.e., average, standard deviation and the coefficient of variation, were used in the analysis of the data set. The main research question addressed in this study concerns the relationship between the level of PEB and economic, demographic, and educational factors—not only on a micro scale but also from the macroeconomic perspective. The research has revealed a wide variety throughout the European Union (EU-27) countries in terms of pro-environmental behaviour. Sweden, Finland, and Denmark top the ranking, while Malta, Greece, Spain, and Romania are at the bottom of it. Northern European countries can therefore be identified as a group that represents a positive benchmark in terms of PEB across the European Union (EU-27). The correlation between PEB and selected economic, demographic, and education-related variables was also investigated. Country-level PEB is correlated with demographic and economic variables, but it is not correlated with education-related variables.
33
Şchiopu, Ruxandra. « Business Digitization in the European Union ». Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 14, no 1 (1 juillet 2020) : 385–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2020-0037.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractDigitalization nowadays can stretch in all aspects of the functioning of a business. Therefore, given the available technologies, the speed at which businesses merge with the digital world dictates the comparative advantage a like company can harness over its competition. However, integrating digital means into businesses can come at a considerable cost. Moreover, this creates a dichotomy between digitalizing an already existing and thriving company functioning on traditional channels and the creation of new fully digitalized enterprises. This paper aims at revealing the relevancy of digitalization in the business world by evaluating the cost efficiency of going digital or starting digital across economic sectors for enterprises in the European Union from 2017 onwards.The argument of designing a business from scratch in an automated and smart digitalized style is much more comprehensive in a connected globalized world. The intricacies stretch far beyond the pure digital and business areal since most transactions happen internationally. The borderless approach creates a demand for all aspects of a business to work cohesively. Therefore, business operations such as accounting, legal actions, storage, delivery, and marketing must be corroborated with business operations as they are conducted in an increasingly digitalized manner. Through analyzing secondary data, statistics and case studies about the level of business digitalization across sectors in the European Union, this paper targets to reveal witch are the fast evolving sectors in terms of digitalization for businesses and the most effective way in which digitalization creates increased value for business. The countries of the European Union experience different levels of digital technology integration, it peaks in Denmark while, Romania, Bulgaria and Poland are situated at the other end of the spectrum. Manufacturing is the sector with the least amount of digital updates across the sample while communications, computer programing, travel agencies, and accommodation services surge in the digital arena. There is a direct correlation between the size of the company and its propensity to exploit opportunities in digital transformation. However there is a new aspect of the speed at which small mainly digital companies acquire acumen and therefore profit. This paper synthesis the fastest growing digitalized sectors in the European Union and highlights opportunities for old and new businesses.
34
Brunt, Andrew, et Derek Spooner. « The Development of Wind Power in Denmark and The Uk ». Energy & ; Environment 9, no 3 (juin 1998) : 279–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958305x9800900304.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Renewable energy technologies are attracting increasing support in the European Union, with wind power particularly favoured. The growth of wind power capacity has proceeded at variable rates in different countries. This paper focuses upon the contrasting experiences of two countries both blessed with abundunt wind resources: Denmark, a leader both in wind turbine installation and manufacture, and the UK, where development has been slow until the 1990's. The recent energy histories of the two countries are explored as the context for wind power development. Denmarks success has been based on a combination of local and co-operative ownership with government encouragement and support, whereas the UK, despite the impetus provided by the Non-Fossil Fuel Obligation since 1989, has largely failed to ensure the involvement of people at the local level.
35
Phelan, Mary. « Medical Interpreting and the Law in the European Union ». European Journal of Health Law 19, no 4 (2012) : 333–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180912x650681.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract In 2011, the Danish government announced that from June that year it would no longer cover the costs of medical interpreters for patients who had been living in Denmark for more than seven years. The Dutch Ministry of Health followed with an even more draconian approach; from 1 January 2012, the cost of translation and interpreting would no longer be covered by the state. These two announcements led to widespread concern about whether or not there is a legal foundation for interpreter provision in healthcare. This article considers United Nations treaties, conventions from the Council of Europe and European Union law. European Union member states have been slow to sign up to international agreements to protect the rights of migrant workers. The European Union itself has only recently moved into the area of discrimination and it is unclear if the Race Directive covers language. As a result, access to interpreters in healthcare, where it exists, is dependent on national anti-discrimination legislation or on positive action taken at national or local level rather than on European or international law.
36
Łuczak, Aleksandra, et Feliks Wysocki. « SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT STATUS OF EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XXI, no 3 (10 août 2019) : 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3315.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this paper is to compare the social and economic development statuses of European Union countries in 2005 and 2016. The study relied on bilinear ordering with the use of positional TOPSIS (Technique for Order Preference by Similarity to an Ideal Solution) approach. By applying these methods, it was possible to determine the development levels in social and economic fields, and in socio-economic development levels (six levels: from very low to very high). Furthermore, four main types of development status were identified: socially and economically beneficial; economically beneficial; socially beneficial; and socially and economically less beneficial. Central and Eastern European countries (including Poland in particular) witnessed a clear improvement in their development statuses in 2016 compared to 2005. In turn, countries experiencing clear deterioration primarily include Greece. In both years under consideration, Denmark and Luxembourg were the only countries to maintain a very high level of socio-economic development accompanied by a socially and economically beneficial development status. Eurostat data provided the empirical basis for this study.
37
Bendixen, Carsten, et Jens Christian Jacobsen. « Accreditation of higher education in Denmark and European Union : from system to substance ? » Quality in Higher Education 26, no 1 (2 janvier 2020) : 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13538322.2020.1729310.
Texte intégral
38
Garg, S., J. P. Thyssen, W. Uter, A. Schnuch, J. D. Johansen, T. Menné, A. Belloni Fortina, B. Statham et D. J. Gawkrodger. « Nickel allergy following European Union regulation in Denmark, Germany, Italy and the U.K. » British Journal of Dermatology 169, no 4 (octobre 2013) : 854–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/bjd.12556.
Texte intégral
39
Sousa, Maja Møller. « Learning in Denmark ? The Case of Danish Parliamentary Control over European Union Policy ». Scandinavian Political Studies 31, no 4 (décembre 2008) : 428–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2008.00219.x.
Texte intégral
40
Rebhan, Christian. « National identity politics and postcolonial sovereignty games : Greenland, Denmark, and the European Union ». Journal of Contemporary European Studies 26, no 1 (2 janvier 2018) : 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2018.1429231.
Texte intégral
41
Turcea, Vlad. « United Nations' sustainable development goals review : Dual analysis of Romania and Denmark ». Ekonomika poljoprivrede 67, no 4 (2020) : 1309–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ekopolj2004309t.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present paper aims to highlight the discrepancies between two countries of the European Union, Romania and Denmark, in the perspective of the Sustainable Development Goals. As Denmark is seen as a primer European and Global nation in achieving the United Nations' targets, Romania can use this example as a guideline on how to act and to obtain the most notable results. The article proposes some key principles that Romanians could follow in order to successfully fulfill the 2030 Action Plan having, as an example, the strategies and indicators reached by Denmark. The current work paper is structured as a review of the two reports that voluntarily summarize the situation of the Sustainable Development Goals in each state, followed by a statistical analysis of investment behavior and concluded with an analysis of the most notable differences between the states based on the dataset published by Eurostat.
42
Tluczak, Agnieszka. « Diversity of the selected elements of agricultural potential in the European Union countries ». Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 66, No. 6 (22 juin 2020) : 260–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/381/2019-agricecon.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Agricultural importance in determining the directions of respective regions results from its production potential. The agricultural potential of a given country is determined by natural resources, ways of using them, natural conditions, workforce resources, technical resources and basic economic conditions. In this paper, only income and rural population are taken under consideration to describe the agricultural potential. Currently, European Union countries are functioning under the assumptions of the Common Agricultural Policy, assuming, among other things, increasing agricultural productivity, ensuring an adequate standard of living for the rural population and stabilising markets. The European Union (EU) is one of the world’s leading exporters and importers of agricultural products. The obtained results allowed the identification in 2010 and 2018 of countries with high and low values of income and population potential. It is characteristic that within both potentials, population and income, the countries with the lowest potentials are the most numerous group. Poland and Romania stand out against the background of all countries, where due to the high share of people working in agriculture, the population’s potential has the highest values. Denmark is also an outstanding country for which income potential has the highest value. This study aims to examine the diversity of selected elements of agricultural potential in the European Union countries. The research was conducted using, among other potential models and global and local spatial autocorrelation statistics. The analysis covered the years 2010 and 2018 by applying statistical data (Eurostat, Statistical Yearbook of Agriculture).
43
OLESEN, Thorsten Borring. « Danes Say No – and Yes : The Maastricht Referendum and its Legacy ». Journal of European Integration History 28, no 1 (2022) : 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2022-1-101.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When its voters turned down the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, Denmark became the first among today’s EU member states to cast a No vote in a referendum on Euro‐ pean integration. With nine such votes, Denmark has held more referendums on EC/EU matters than any country bar Ireland. Of these, six have resulted in a Yes, while three have produced a No. This article analyses and discusses the role of referendums in Danish EU polit‐ ics and their impact, both in the short and long term, on how Danish EU policy is formulated and conducted. It focuses on the so-called Maastricht-Edinburgh inter‐ mezzo of 1992-1993, namely the process related to the two referendums which re‐ jected Danish accession to the European Union and paved the way for membership on an opt-out basis. The article will further turn its eye towards the European level to view how the Maastricht-Edinburgh intermezzo influenced and set an example for EC/EU politics and policy at the broader European level. In this way, the article may be seen as an apt prelude to the 50-year anniversary of Denmark’s member‐ ship of the EC/EU due to be celebrated - or regretted - in 2022.
44
Slavinskaite, Neringa. « Fiscal decentralization in Central and Eastern Europe ». Global Journal of Business, Economics and Management : Current Issues 7, no 1 (12 avril 2017) : 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjbem.v7i1.1236.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper analyses the level of fiscal decentralization (FD) in selected countries of European Union for 2014 year. The empirical analysis was based on the method of multicriteria decision-making. Method of Simple Additive Weighting (SAW) was used as framework for the analysis. In order to evaluate the different level of fiscal decentralization, the same analysis was applied to subsets of countries categorized into two groups - Central and Eastern Countries. The empirical results show that developed countries of European Union has higher degree of fiscal decentralization than countries of Eastern andCentral Europe. These results show that local government of developed countries (such like Sweden or Denmark) has more power for financial solutions then developing countries (Estonia o rPoland). Fiscal decentralization index in Lithuaniais the lowest among 14 countries of European Union. Originality of this article that was used new fiscal decentralization index, which consists of 26 indicators.
45
Schreurs, Miranda A., et Yves Tiberghien. « Multi-Level Reinforcement : Explaining European Union Leadership in Climate Change Mitigation ». Global Environmental Politics 7, no 4 (novembre 2007) : 19–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2007.7.4.19.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union has played a leading role in pushing for the establishment, ratification, and meaningful implementation of the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, although it still has significant efforts to make to achieve its target of an 8 percent cut of greenhouse gas by 2008–2012 relative to the 1990 level. This article explores the political factors behind continued EU leadership in climate change. It argues that a few individual states (including Sweden, the Netherlands, Denmark, Germany, and the UK) played an essential role in establishing the EU's agenda in this domain. However, the decentralized governance structure of the EU has also encouraged a process of mutual reinforcement, whereby individual states, the European Commission, and the European Parliament are competing for leadership.
46
TEUNIS, P. F. M., G. FALKENHORST, C. W. ANG, M. A. STRID, H. DE VALK, M. SADKOWSKA-TODYS, L. ZOTA et al. « Campylobacterseroconversion rates in selected countries in the European Union ». Epidemiology and Infection 141, no 10 (11 décembre 2012) : 2051–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0950268812002774.
Texte intégralRésumé :
SUMMARYAs a major foodborne pathogen,Campylobacteris frequently isolated from food sources of animal origin. In contrast, humanCampylobacterillness is relatively rare, but has a considerable health burden due to acute enteric illness as well as severe sequelae. To study silent transmission, serum antibodies can be used as biomarkers to estimate seroconversion rates, as a proxy for infection pressure. This novel approach to serology shows that infections are much more common than disease, possibly because most infections remain asymptomatic. This study used antibody titres measured in serum samples collected from healthy subjects selected randomly in the general population from several countries in the European Union (EU). Estimates of seroconversion rates toCampylobacterwere calculated for seven countries: Romania, Poland, Italy, France, Finland, Denmark and The Netherlands. Results indicate high infection pressures in all these countries, slightly increasing in Eastern EU countries. Of these countries, the differences in rates of notified illnesses are much greater, with low numbers in France and Poland, possibly indicating lower probability of detection due to differences in the notification systems, but in the latter case it cannot be excluded that more frequent exposure confers better protection due to acquired immunity.
47
Dafnomilis, Vassilis, et Hein Vermeulen. « Case C-28/17 NN A/S v. Skatteministeriet : A CJEU Judgment that Raises Fresh Questions ». EC Tax Review 28, Issue 2 (1 avril 2019) : 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ecta2019012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On 4 July 2018, the Court of Justice of the European Union ruled in Case C-28/17 NN A/S v. Skatteministeriet on the compatibility of paragraph 31(2)(2) of the Danish Corporate Income Tax Code with the freedom of establishment (Article 49 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union). Under this rule, a loss incurred by a Danish permanent establishment in Denmark could be deducted in Denmark only if such a loss could not be used for purposes of foreign taxation. In this contribution, the authors provide a summary of the CJEU judgment in NN and focus on some selected aspects of the CJEU judgment, i.e. (1) the difference of the NN case with the Philips Electronics case (C-18/11), (2) the ‘removable’ difference in treatment, (3) the ‘conditional’ objective comparability assessment, (4) the risk of the double use of losses as an overriding reason in the public interest and (5) the reference of the CJEU to losses that are practically impossible to be deducted abroad.
48
Bojnec, Štefan, et Imre Fertő. « Meat export competitiveness of European Union countries on global markets ». Agricultural and Food Science 23, no 3 (8 octobre 2014) : 194–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.23986/afsci.9373.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this research is to provide insight into the export competitiveness of meat products of the European Union (EU-27) member states on global markets. The revealed comparative advantage index is used to analyze the levels, compositions, and evolutions in patterns of development in the export competitiveness of meat products and their levels of stability at the product level. Except for some niche meat products, a larger number of the EU-27 member states have experienced comparative disadvantages on global markets over the analysed years of 2000 to 2011. The revealed comparative advantages on the global markets are the most robust for Ireland, Spain, the Netherlands, France, Belgium, Denmark, Poland, Cyprus and Hungary. The revealed comparative advantage indices and their survival rates differ across the meat product groups. The heterogeneity in export competitiveness of the EU-27 member states suggests the importance of the differentiation of meat products in competitive export specialization on global markets.
49
Daniłowska, Alina. « CHANGES IN EUROPEAN UNION FARM STRUCTURE AND THEIR MULTIDIMENSIONAL IMPLICATIONS ». Acta Scientiarum Polonorum. Oeconomia 17, no 4 (30 décembre 2018) : 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/aspe.2018.17.4.49.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the paper was to identify the tendencies in the farm structure in EU-28 countries from 2008 till 2016 and point out their implications. The analyses revealed that during the examined period the very impressive decrease in total farm number was observed. The changes of farm number and of farm structure by size class (in UAA) were very differentiated between countries. The increase in the share of the biggest farms in farm number and especially in utilised agricultural area indicates advanced process of agricultural land concentration in many EU countries. The highest concentration was observed in some post communistic countries, but it was very progressive in such important agricultural product producers as German, Denmark, France, Spain as well. The changes in farm structure have important implications for political power of farmers as an interest group at national and the EU level. They influence the provision of environmental and non-environmental public goods as well.
50
Rosenberg, Göran. « The Peculiarities of Nations ». Eco-ethica 9 (2020) : 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ecoethica202131936.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the evolving relationship between the European Union and its member states, the evolution of a democratic deficit at the European level has become increasingly manifest and problematic. EU remains a polity in which the nation-state remains the repository of democratic legitimacy, while EU-wide rule-making and decision-making are vested with institutions lacking democratic accountability. At the core of the problem are the persistent peculiarities of European nation-states, in this case, the reluctance of successful nation-states like Sweden and Denmark to concede democratic power and legitimacy to a common European polity. Remembering a conversation with Peter Kemp.