Articles de revues : « European Union countries – Politics and government – Philosophy »

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Sperber, Nathan. « The many lives of state capitalism : From classical Marxism to free-market advocacy ». History of the Human Sciences 32, n^o 3 (juillet 2019) : 100–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118815553.

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State capitalism has recently come to the fore as a transversal research object in the social sciences. Renewed interest in the notion is evident across several disciplines, in scholarship addressing government interventionism in economic life in major developing countries. This emergent field of study on state capitalism, however, consistently bypasses the remarkable conceptual trajectory of the notion from the end of the 19th century to the present. This article proposes an intellectual-historical survey of state capitalism’s many lives across different ensembles of writing: early Marxist pronouncements on state capitalism at the time of the Second International; theories of state capitalism evolved in the first half of the 20th century in response to the European experience of war and fascism; dissident portrayals of the Soviet Union as state-capitalist; post-Second World War theories of state-monopoly capitalism in the Western Bloc; examinations of state capitalism as a development strategy in ‘Third World’ nations in the 1970s and 1980s; and finally, today’s scholarship on new patterns of state capitalism in emerging economies. Having contextualized each of these strands of writing, the article goes on to interrogate definitional and conceptual boundaries of state capitalism. It then maps out essential institutional features of state-capitalist configurations as construed in the literature. In sharp contrast to 20th-century theories of state capitalism, present-day scholarship on the topic tends to retreat from the integrated critique of political economy, shifting its problematics of state-market relations to meso- and micro-levels of analysis.

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Finke, Daniel, et Annika Herbel. « Coalition Politics and Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union ». Government and Opposition 53, n^o 3 (19 septembre 2016) : 388–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.28.

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According to the literature, parliamentary scrutiny is either used by the opposition to control the government or by a coalition partner to control the leading minister. Yet, neither the opposition alone nor individual governing parties alone can muster a parliamentary majority to adopt recommendations, resolutions or statements. Therefore, we ask which parties coalesce in co-sponsoring such joint position papers on European Union policy proposals and why. Tying in with the existing literature, we offer three explanations. Firstly, position papers are co-sponsored by so-called ‘policy coalitions’, a group of parties that hold similar preferences on the policy under discussion. Secondly, governing parties form coalitions which support their minister’s position vis-à-vis his or her international partners in Brussels. Thirdly, party groups co-sponsor position papers to counterbalance the leading minister’s deviation from the floor median.On the empirical side, we study the statements issued by committees of the Finnish Eduskunta and recommendations adopted by committees of the German Bundestag over a period of 10 years. Though having similarly strong parliaments, the two countries are characterized by very different types of coalition governments. These differences are mirrored in the observed co-sponsorship patterns.

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Barradas, Ricardo. « Financialization and Neoliberalism and the Fall in the Labor Share : A Panel Data Econometric Analysis for the European Union Countries ». Review of Radical Political Economics 51, n^o 3 (19 février 2019) : 383–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613418807286.

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This paper conducts an empirical analysis of the relationship between financialization and neoliberalism and the labor share using panel data composed of twenty-seven European Union countries over nineteen years (from 1995 to 2013). Adopting a Kaleckian perspective, framed in the post-Keynesian literature, financialization and neoliberalism exert a negative influence on the labor share through three different channels: the change in the sectorial composition of economies (the increasing importance of financial activity and the decreasing importance of general government activity), the proliferation of shareholder value orientation, and the deterioration of general workers’ bargaining power. We estimate a labor share equation with the traditional variables (lagged labor share, technological progress, globalization, education, and output growth) and four further measures of financialization and neoliberalism (financial activity, general government activity, shareholder value orientation, and the trade union density rate). The findings show a disruptive relationship between financialization and neoliberalism and the labor share in European Union countries, mainly through the channels of general government activity and shareholder value orientation. It is also found that financialization and neoliberalism have contributed to a fall in the labor share in European Union countries. The technological progress was the main driver of the fall in the labor share in European Union countries, while the output growth was the main supporter. This suggests that the trend of decline in the labor share could intensify in the future taking into account the fears of potential secular stagnation in the current era of financialization and neoliberalism. JEL Classification: C23, D33, E25, E44

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İbrahim qızı Cəfərli, Ramilə. « Mechanisms for Cooperation of the European Union ». SCIENTIFIC WORK 15, n^o 2 (9 mars 2021) : 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/63/84-87.

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The article deals with mechanisms for cooperation of the European Union with nations considered from the scientific point of' view. The author analyzes the details of the European Union technical assistance program for CIS couintries, its aims and positions in the frame of TACIS. Each candidate country that intends to get European Union membership has to follow the common principle and standards. But sometimes in addition to the membership obligations EU member states attitude to the candidate countries may playe great role to get the final result. The article analyzes different European countries attitude to Turkey’s membership as one of the barriers that Turkey faces in the frame of Turkey integration policy to EU. This is explained by the complexity of project co-ordination between the countries in the region, and the economic and political systems in transition countries. Thus, the desire of the commission to use the TACIS program as a tool for regional co-operation and the settlement of existing conflicts corresponds to the existing reality. İn this context, the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan is a clear example of TACIS programs. The expansion of the Armenian TACIS program to Nagorno-Karabakh has been denied by the European Union as it has no consensus by the Azerbaijani government. Key words: European Union, South Caucasus, Central Asia, cooperation mechanisms, economy, politics

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Abdul Aziz Khan Niazi, Tehmina Fiaz Qazi, Abdul Basit et Muhammad Zeeshan Shaukat. « Evaluation of Climate of Selected Sixty-six Countries using Grey Relational Analysis : Focus on Pakistan ». Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies 7, n^o 1 (26 janvier 2021) : 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jbsee.v7i1.1533.

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Aim of the study is to evaluate climate selected sixty-six countries of the world. Since climate plays a vital role in economic growth of any country and there is dearth of climate models comparing country-wise position to predict as how climate of country is relatively better than others and how it may change in the future and how will it affect on businesses. Overall design of the study consists of review of literature, data elicitation & analysis. It follows quantitative research philosophy based on secondary data obtained from World Development Indicators (WDI). Grey relational analysis is used method of analysis. A classification is made under a predetermined scheme of ensigns like: much better, better, somewhat better, fair, poor, somewhat worse and worse. Results of the study show that Arabian Countries (AC), mostly member countries of European Union (EE), Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) have much better and conducive climate, whereas, South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) countries have worse and unfavorable climate for business. It is an original and valuable study that uses country level data from a reliable source. Results of the study are useful for international business community, political governments, society at large and researchers.

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Spahiu, Irma. « Government Transparency in Albania and the Role of the European Union ». European Public Law 21, Issue 1 (1 février 2015) : 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2015006.

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The recognition of transparency as an essential element of good governance is very important for new democracies because it leads to greater public support for their governments' economic and political decisions. This has been clearly understood by the countries in the Western Balkans which following the fall of communism entered a path of rapid democratization struggling to be opened and transparent. This paper explores transparency and open government in Albania looking at how the Albanian legal administrative framework and practices guarantee the principle of transparency in decision-making and the role the EU in complying with this principle. It introduces the concept of 'transparency through integration' as a model which encapsulates the transparency developments in Albania and Western Balkans and looks at how transparency can be transformed from a principle of good governance to a legalistic instrument holding a place in the hierarchy of legal norms. This research focuses on how transparency becomes part of a policy paradigm which can transform a country's politics from secretive and authoritarian to transparent and democratic. In addition, it suggests that the EU has a role to play as a transformative power to induce positive reforms and improve transparency in the decision-making in Albania.

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Garcia, Denise. « Shifting International Security Norms ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 31, n^o 2 (2017) : 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679417000090.

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The world is going through a crisis of the international liberal order, exemplified by a host of recent shocks: the invasion and annexation of Crimea by Russia; the transnational dimensions of conflicts such as in Syria; the United Kingdom's decision to exit the European Union; the attempted coup d’état in Turkey and its reversal toward autocracy; and the election and rise of non-universalist and illiberal governments as well as politicians who operate under the populist rubric in countries that are viewed as beacons of democracy and stability. These shocks have catalyzed two outcomes. First, the prevailing global norms that serve as the custodians of peace and security have been the subject of revived debate. Second, and relatedly, these shocks have prompted deep reflection on the role of institutions such as the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), as well as the roles of the supposedly democratic members within those institutions.

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Khakhalkina, E. V. « EU Memory Politics in the Context of Understanding Decolonization and a Common European Identity ». Izvestiya of Altai State University, n^o 6(116) (18 décembre 2020) : 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)6-14.

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The purpose of the article is to determine the relationship between the processes of Decolonization, the search for strengthening European identity and building a memory policy on the example of the European Union with the aim of identifying problematic and promising points at the current stage of development of the association. The terminological difficulties of using such categories as “memory policy”, “decolonization” and “European identity” and the process of their constant filling with new meanings are shown. Particular attention is paid to the moral aspect of decolonization and the problems of responsibility of the former European metropolises to developing countries, which for a long time were part of their formal and informal empires. It was revealed that the migration crisis of 2014-2016. It became a kind of “break point” in relation to migrants in general and refugees in particular, casting doubt on traditional European values and the willingness of EU countries to resolve the crisis in the spirit of humanitarian assistance and a development philosophy. The interpretation of Decolonization in a number of European countries not only did not end, but also did not begin at the ideological, political and institutional level. Such a situation is determined by the relevance of the considered subjects and their scientific, practical and political significance.

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Brusis, Martin. « The Instrumental Use of European Union Conditionality : Regionalization in the Czech Republic and Slovakia ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 19, n^o 2 (mai 2005) : 291–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404272063.

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Numerous Central and Eastern European countries have restructured their regional level of public administration in the context of their accession to the European Union. Focusing on the Czech Republic and Slovakia, the article studies how the EU has influenced the institutionalization of regions and regional self-government. Regionalization may have been driven mainly by EU conditionality or, as a competing explanation suggests, more by domestic factors. The article argues that the EU altered the opportunity structure faced by domestic actors but that its role was more complementary than decisive. Czech and Slovak governments instrumentalized a perceived EU conditionality to promote their own political objectives. These findings demonstrate that a top-down concept of conditionality lends itself to fallacies and should be substantiated by reconstructing the domestic politics of Europeanization.

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Clements, Ben, Kyriaki Nanou et José Real-Dato. « Economic crisis and party responsiveness on the left–right dimension in the European Union ». Party Politics 24, n^o 1 (13 novembre 2017) : 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817736757.

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The economic crisis within the European Union has had a significant impact on domestic politics in the member states, affecting the links between parties and citizens and accentuating the tensions parties face between governing responsibility and being responsive to public opinion. This article examines whether parties in EU countries have shifted their left–right ideological positions during the current crisis and whether such shifts are a direct response to the pressures of wider economic conditions or are more affected by changes in the preferences of the median voter. Party-based and citizen-based data are examined between 2002 and 2015, encompassing both the precrisis and crisis periods. The main findings are that the economic crisis has made parties less responsive to public opinion on the left–right dimension, and this effect is more pronounced for parties that have been in government.

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Vampa, Magdalini. « Remarks on Immanuel Kant`s Theory on European Project ». European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, n^o 2 (30 avril 2016) : 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i2.p21-30.

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Nowadays dynamic and dramatic development of the European Union Countries (refugee’s crises), is bringing into focus the role of the Union as a peace project. Hence, this project is not only subject of history books, but it is important as an active neighborhood policy, and an effort for stability beyond its borders. The aim of this paper is to estimate the projection of Immanuel Kant "perpetual peace theory" in the functioning of the European Union, in the context of ongoing development and its expansion. Kant's peace treaty is not “entering” to the condition of perpetual peace, but it takes in consideration the necessary steps to reach this goal. This paper analyses this treaty as a political peace guide, oriented by the theory of liberal democracy, elaborated on the works of Michael Doyle: “Liberalism and world Politics” (1986), etc. The analyses focuses on three final articles of Kant, which are presented in his philosophical treaty and are projected to the philosophy of the creation and development of the European Union, as a union of peace. This projection is not only part of institutions and international constitution, but also of the will of citizens of these liberal democratic states which are vital conditions for a Europe of Peace.

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Vampa, Magdalini. « Remarks on Immanuel Kant`s Theory on European Project ». European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, n^o 2 (30 avril 2016) : 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i2.p21-30.

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Nowadays dynamic and dramatic development of the European Union Countries (refugee’s crises), is bringing into focus the role of the Union as a peace project. Hence, this project is not only subject of history books, but it is important as an active neighborhood policy, and an effort for stability beyond its borders. The aim of this paper is to estimate the projection of Immanuel Kant "perpetual peace theory" in the functioning of the European Union, in the context of ongoing development and its expansion. Kant's peace treaty is not “entering” to the condition of perpetual peace, but it takes in consideration the necessary steps to reach this goal. This paper analyses this treaty as a political peace guide, oriented by the theory of liberal democracy, elaborated on the works of Michael Doyle: “Liberalism and world Politics” (1986), etc. The analyses focuses on three final articles of Kant, which are presented in his philosophical treaty and are projected to the philosophy of the creation and development of the European Union, as a union of peace. This projection is not only part of institutions and international constitution, but also of the will of citizens of these liberal democratic states which are vital conditions for a Europe of Peace.

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Hetman, Yevhen A., Viacheslav S. Politanskyі et Kateryna O. Hetman. « Global experience in implementing electronic administrative services ». Journal of the National Academy of Legal Sciences of Ukraine 28, n^o 1 (24 mars 2021) : 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37635/jnalsu.28(1).2021.79-87.

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One of the factors for the development of civil society in democratically developed countries is an effective, wellfunctioning institution for providing administrative electronic services. Despite the intensity and wide scope of research covering various aspects of providing electronic administrative services to the population, many issues in this area remain quite debatable, as well as understudied, which conditioned the relevance of the study. The study is aimed at investigating the specific features of implementing electronic administrative services in the practice of countries with the most developed e-government mechanisms. In the study of the problem, a set of general scientific and special methods of cognition was used, in particular, the leading methods were: dialectical, comparative legal, analysis, synthesis, interpretation. The study analysed criteria for evaluating electronic administrative services in the leading countries of the European Union and the United States. The study examines the basic electronic administrative services for citizens in online mode provided in the countries of the European Commonwealth. The study examines the global experience of implementing electronic administrative services in such countries as: USA; France; Great Britain; Germany; Estonia and Sweden. The author’s approach to defining the concept of electronic administrative services is formulated, based on a personal interpretation of this concept from the standpoint of general theoretical analysis. It is concluded that one of the best ways to encourage the provision of administrative services in electronic form in the countries of the European Union is to standardise their provision – the development of clear organisational and technical-technological rules and requirements, and their main position is that the provision of services through electronic means of communication should complement, and not replace other communication channels

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Stankovic-Pejnovic, Vesna. « Past and future of multiculturalism in Southeast Europe ». Medjunarodni problemi 62, n^o 3 (2010) : 463–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003463s.

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Multiculturalism is a logical extension of the politics of equal respect and the politics of recognition but it is not an inheritance of modern liberal state. In the area of Southeast Europe multiculturalism is known through centuries. By the collapse of Yugoslavia, new countries prioritized the strengthening the central state and creation one nation state, deleted memory of multiculturalism of past. When 1993 European Union, through Copenhagen criterion, stipulates condition for accession (respect and protection national minorities), countries of Southeast Europe faced with the implementation of multicultural standards based on assumption that policy of recognition and promotion ethno-cultural diversity can enlarge human freedom, strengthen human rights and democracy. Unlike west federal models, cultural autonomy exclude territorial autonomy, but include institutional autonomy, local government and right to use mother tongue. Models of the multicultural policy are numerous and dependable on political, social and cultural circumstances, but countries of Southeast Europe must accept multicultural future.

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Sato, Mai. « Politics of International Advocacy Against the Death Penalty : Governments as Anti–Death Penalty Crusaders ». International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 11, n^o 3 (1 septembre 2022) : 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2471.

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Two-thirds of the countries worldwide have moved away from the death penalty in law or in practice, with global and regional organisations as well as individual governments working towards universal abolition. This article critically examines the narratives of these abolitionist governments that have abolished the death penalty in their country and have adopted the role of ‘moral crusaders’ (Becker 1963) in pursuit of global abolition. In 2018, the Australian Government, while being surrounded by retentionist states in Asia, joined the anti–death penalty enterprise along with the European Union, the United Kingdom and Norway. Using the concepts of ‘moral crusader’ (Becker 1963) and ‘performativity’ (Butler 1993), this article argues that advocacy must be acted on repeatedly for governments to be anti–death penalty advocates. Otherwise, these government efforts serve political ends in appearance but are simply a self-serving form of advocacy in practice.

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Yordanov, Radoslav A. « Warsaw Pact Countries’ Involvement in Chile from Frei to Pinochet, 1964–1973 ». Journal of Cold War Studies 21, n^o 3 (août 2019) : 56–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00893.

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This article examines the policies of Warsaw Pact countries toward Chile from 1964, when Eduardo Frei was elected Chilean president, until 1973, when Frei's successor, Salvador Allende, was removed in a military coup. The article traces the role of the Soviet Union and East European countries in the ensuing international campaign raised in support of Chile's left wing, most notably in support of the Chilean Communist Party leader Luis Corvalán. The account here adds to the existing historiography of this momentous ten-year period in Chile's history, one marked by two democratic presidential elections, the growing covert intervention of both Washington and Moscow in Chile's politics, mass strikes and popular unrest against Allende's government, a violent military coup, and intense political repression in the coup's aftermath. The article gives particular weight to the role of the East European countries in advancing the interests of the Soviet bloc in South America. By consulting a wide array of declassified documents in East European capitals and in Santiago, this article helps to explain why Soviet and East European leaders attached great importance to Chile and why they ultimately were unable to develop more comprehensive political, economic, and cultural relations with that South American country.

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Abbas, PhD Candidate, Hafiz Syed Mohsin, Xiaodong Xu, PhD et Chunxia Sun, PhD. « COVID-19 pandemic, government response, and policy implications in China, India, Iran, and Pakistan (CIIP) ». Journal of Emergency Management 18, n^o 7 (1 juillet 2020) : 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jem.0529.

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COVID-19 has been considered as a catastrophic global health response mechanism and demonstrated the international preparedness for the outbreak as well as government initiatives. This study aims to evaluate the comparative analysis of government response in China, India, Iran, and Pakistan (CIIP) countries regarding their policy enforcement on combating COVID-19 by using stringency, socioeconomic, and health containment indices. The proposed study analyzed the policy implications in CIIP from January 1, 2020 through July 21, 2020. Data have been collected from the European Union, World Health Organization, Humanitarian Exchange, and a selected National Database. Results show that despite a high degree of government’s strict policies in India and Pakistan, they have been failing to control the brutality of the COVID-19. In contrast, the politics of China and Iran appear to be very successful in combating the situation in COVID-19. This study concludes that countries with ample resources and stronger coping strategies should provide developing countries with the mean for mitigating and improve their socioeconomic and economic crises, which hindered their consistent policy enforcement during the COVID-19 pandemic.

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Farsakh, Leila. « Undermining Democracy in Palestine : The Politics of International Aid since Oslo ». Journal of Palestine Studies 45, n^o 4 (2016) : 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.45.4.48.

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After the Oslo peace process got underway in the early 1990s, international donors allocated billions of dollars in aid to the occupied Palestinian territories to kick-start the process of economic development deemed necessary to state building. This article argues that although much of the money was directed at democracy enhancement and civic engagement projects, contrary to stated intentions, it actually undermined rather than promoted those outcomes. Donor countries, led by the United States and the European Union, designed and implemented programs with complete disregard for the reality underlying the Palestinian predicament—the almost 50 years of military occupation and the broader context of Israel's settler-colonial project. Besides their entrenchment of a neoliberal agenda, such projects have contributed to the ongoing fracturing of Palestinian politics and the growing authoritarianism of the Ramallah government, leaving the Palestinian economy less viable and more dependent on Israel than ever.

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Tundo, Pietro, Paul Anastas, David StC Black, Joseph Breen, Terrence J. Collins, Sofia Memoli, Junshi Miyamoto, Martyn Polyakoff et William Tumas. « Synthetic pathways and processes in green chemistry. Introductory overview ». Pure and Applied Chemistry 72, n^o 7 (1 janvier 2000) : 1207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1351/pac200072071207.

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ContentsGreen Chemistry in the International ContextThe Concept of green ChemistryDefinition of green chemistry | Green chemistry: Why now? | The historical context of green chemistry | The emergence of green chemistryThe Content of Green ChemistryAreas of green chemistry | Preliminary remarks | Alternative feedstocks | Benign reagents/synthetic pathways | Synthetic transformations | Solvents/reaction conditionsGreen Chemistry in the International ContextIt has come to be recognized in recent years, that the science of chemistry is central to addressing the problems facing the environment. Through the utilization of the various subdisciplines of chemistry and the molecular sciences, there is an increasing appreciation that the emerging area of green chemistry1is needed in the design and attainment of sustainable development. A central driving force in this increasing awareness is that green chemistry accomplishes both economic and environmental goals simultaneously through the use of sound, fundamental scientific principles. Recently, a basic strategy has been proposed for implementing the relationships between industry and academia, and hence, funding of the research that constitutes the engine of economic advancement; it is what many schools of economics call the "triple bottom line" philosophy, meaning that an enterprise will be economically sustainable if the objectives of environmental protection, societal benefit, and market advantage are all satisfied2. Triple bottom line is a strong idea for evaluating the success of environmental technologies. It is clear that the best environmentally friendly technology or discovery will not impact on the market if it is not economically advantageous; in the same way, the market that ignores environmental needs and human involvement will not prosper. This is the challenge for the future of the chemical industry, its development being strongly linked to the extent to which environmental and human needs can be reconciled with new ideas in fundamental research. On the other hand, it should be easy to foresee that the success of environmentally friendly reactions, products, and processes will improve competitiveness within the chemical industry. If companies are able to meet the needs of society, people will influence their own governments to foster those industries attempting such environmental initiatives. Of course, fundamental research will play a central role in achieving these worthy objectives. What we call green chemistry may in fact embody some of the most advanced perspectives and opportunities in chemical sciences.It is for these reasons that the International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry (IUPAC) has a central role to play in advancing and promoting the continuing emergence and impact of green chemistry. When we think about how IUPAC furthers chemistry throughout the world, it is useful to refer to IUPAC's Strategic Plan. This plan demonstrates the direct relevance of the mission of IUPAC to green chemistry, and explains why there is growing enthusiasm for the pursuit of this new area as an appropriate activity of a scientific Union. The IUPAC Strategic Plan outlines among other goals:IUPAC will serve as a scientific, international, nongovernmental body in objectively addressing global issues involving the chemical sciences. Where appropriate, IUPAC will represent the interests of chemistry in governmental and nongovernmental forums.IUPAC will provide tools (e.g., standardized nomenclature and methods) and forums to help advance international research in the chemical sciences.IUPAC will assist chemistry-related industry in its contributions to sustainable development, wealth creation, and improvement in the quality of life.IUPAC will facilitate the development of effective channels of communication in the international chemistry community.IUPAC will promote the service of chemistry to society in both developed and developing countries.IUPAC will utilize its global perspective to contribute toward the enhancement of education in chemistry and to advance the public understanding of chemistry and the scientific method.IUPAC will make special efforts to encourage the career development of young chemists.IUPAC will broaden the geographical base of the Union and ensure that its human capital is drawn from all segments of the world chemistry community.IUPAC will encourage worldwide dissemination of information about the activities of the Union.IUPAC will assure sound management of its resources to provide maximum value for the funds invested in the Union.Through the vehicle of green chemistry, IUPAC can engage and is engaging the international community in issues of global importance to the environment and to industry, through education of young and established scientists, the provision of technical tools, governmental engagement, communication to the public and scientific communities, and the pursuit of sustainable development. By virtue of its status as a leading and internationally representative scientific body, IUPAC is able to collaborate closely in furthering individual national efforts as well as those of multinational entities.An important example of such collaboration in the area of green chemistry is that of IUPAC with the Organization for the Economical Cooperation and Development (OECD) in the project on "Sustainable Chemistry", aimed at promoting increased awareness of the subject in the member countries. During a meeting of the Environment Directorate (Paris, 6 June 1999), it was proposed that United States and Italy co-lead the activity, and that implementation of five recommendations to the member countries be accorded the highest priority, namely:research and developmentawards and recognition for work on sustainable chemistryexchange of technical information related to sustainable chemistryguidance on activities and tools to support sustainable chemistry programssustainable chemistry educationThese recommendations were perceived to have socio-economic implications for worldwide implementation of sustainable chemistry. How IUPAC and, in particular, its Divisions can contribute to this effort is under discussion. IUPAC is recognized for its ability to act as the scientific counterpart to OECD for all recommendations and activities. Although the initiatives being developed by the OECD are aimed primarily at determining the role that national institutions can play in facilitating the implementation and impact of green chemistry, it is recognized that each of these initiatives also has an important scientific component. Whether it is developing criteria or providing technical assessment for awards and recognition, identifying appropriate scientific areas for educational incorporation, or providing scientific insight into the areas of need for fundamental research and development, IUPAC can play and is beginning to play an important role as an international scientific authority on green chemistry.Other multinational organizations including, among others, the United Nations, the European Union, and the Asian Pacific Economic Community, are now beginning to assess the role that they can play in promoting the implementation of green chemistry to meet environmental and economic goals simultaneously. As an alternative to the traditional regulatory framework often implemented as a unilateral strategy, multinational governmental organizations are discovering that green chemistry as a nonregulatory, science-based approach, provides opportunities for innovation and economic development that are compatible with sustainable development. In addition, individual nations have been extremely active in green chemistry and provide plentiful examples of the successful utilization of green chemistry technologies. There are rapidly growing activities in government, industry, and academia in the United States, Italy, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Spain, Germany, Japan, China, and many other countries in Europe and Asia, that testify to the importance of green chemistry to the future of the central science of chemistry around the world.Organizations and Commissions currently involved in programs in green chemistry at the national or international level include, for example:U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), with the "Green Chemistry Program" which involves, among others, the National Science Foundation, the American Chemical Society, and the Green Chemistry Institute;European Directorate for R&D (DG Research), which included the goals of sustainable chemistry in the actions and research of the European Fifth Framework Programme;Interuniversity Consortium "Chemistry for the Environment", which groups about 30 Italian universities interested in environmentally benign chemistry and funds their research groups;UK Royal Society of Chemistry, which promotes the concept of green chemistry through a "UK Green Chemistry Network" and the scientific journal Green Chemistry;UNIDO-ICS (International Centre for Science and High Technology of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization) which is developing a global program on sustainable chemistry focusing on catalysis and cleaner technologies with particular attention to developing and emerging countries (the program is also connected with UNIDO network of centers for cleaner production); andMonash University, which is the first organization in Australia to undertake a green chemistry program.Footnotes:1. The terminology "green chemistry" or "sustainable chemistry" is the subject of debate. The expressions are intended to convey the same or very similar meanings, but each has its supporters and detractors, since "green" is vividly evocative but may assume an unintended political connotation, whereas "sustainable" can be paraphrased as "chemistry for a sustainable environment", and may be perceived as a less focused and less incisive description of the discipline. Other terms have been proposed, such as "chemistry for the environment" but this juxtaposition of keywords already embraces many diversified fields involving the environment, and does not capture the economic and social implications of sustainability. The Working Party decided to adopt the term green chemistry for the purpose of this overview. This decision does not imply official IUPAC endorsement for the choice. In fact, the IUPAC Committee on Chemistry and Industry (COCI) favors, and will continue to use sustainable chemistry to describe the discipline.2. J. Elkington, < http://www.sustainability.co.uk/sustainability.htm

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Goodwin-Hawkins, Bryonny, et Rhys Dafydd Jones. « 1997 and 2016 : Referenda, Brexit, and (Re-)bordering at the European Periphery ». New Global Studies 13, n^o 3 (18 novembre 2019) : 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2019-0031.

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Abstract2016 is likely to be recalled – in Europe, at least – as a temporal bordering, after a majority in the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union. The “Brexit” referendum result has been pinned on the rise of populist politics and the revenge of so-called “left behind” places. Regardless of reasons, the referendum left the UK with fraught politics and protracted negotiations, especially over how to re-border with a Europe that has held the dismantling of borders at the heart of its philosophical project. While Brexit has already become a byword, an earlier referendum on British borders has long slipped from international note. In 1997, a majority in Wales (one of the four constituent countries of the UK), voted for devolution from central government in Westminster. Like the Brexit referendum twenty years later, the majority in favor of devolution was slight, exposing uneasy fractures and internal cleavages as it opened fresh questions of governance and geography. By attending to a small country at the periphery of Europe, we seek to destabilize the assumption of shared markers of global bordering (1989, 2001), revealing instead the palimpsests of identity and territoriality across which re-made borders run “all over.”

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Blouin, Gabriel G. « Data Performativity and Health : The Politics of Health Data Practices in Europe ». Science, Technology, & ; Human Values 45, n^o 2 (20 octobre 2019) : 317–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243919882083.

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The European Commission produces the European Core Health Indicators (ECHI), a database containing different tools used to compare European Union (EU) countries and recommend policy changes. The ECHI feeds multiple reports and documents and finds its way into health policies. From this arises the main research question addressed in this paper: How is health in Europe influenced by ECHI data practices? Specifically, we look at how some health issues or populations are prioritized or dismissed, which ultimately shapes the meaning of and knowledge about health in Europe. To do so, we first develop the conceptual framework of “data performativity,” underlining how data practices shape their object/subject. We then explore the politics of evidence behind the ECHI health data that materialize into (1) the absence of some health issues and populations and (2) the hypervisibility of neoliberal health. In the end, we argue, the ECHI serves as a site of individual, collective, and political identity enunciation.

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Hilmola, Olli-Pekka, et Yulia Panova. « Sustainability of the EU-28 Trade with China and the USA ». Economy of Region 17, n^o 3 (5 octobre 2021) : 956–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17059/ekon.reg.2021-3-17.

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There has been a lot of debate in global politics about fair trade, surpluses (also called positive trade accounts), and deficits (negative trade accounts) among the USA, China and the European Union (EU). The study aims to analyse the countries’ trade accounts through the lenses of international finance theory. Based on financial analytical models, the countries’ competitiveness and changes in their net foreign wealth were examined. The factors considered in the literature review are as follows: exchange rate, government tariff and tax policies, saving rate, manufacturing base, investments, natural resource abundance and others. The computation of the trade accounts was conducted using the ten-year international trade data (2009–2018) for the EU-28 member countries that became the main importer for China instead of the USA in 2019. The con ducted empirical research showed that Chinese trade has continuous deficits throughout European countries, and in some countries, it could be considered as an increasingly important structural issue (for example, in Poland and the Czech Republic). Trade with the USA, in turn, typically produces surplus for European countries, where Germany is the leader. The provided conclusions hold value for international trade managers in terms of their potential influence on public policy in the researched countries. In light of the financial crisis, the current export shock could be used by countries as an occasion to change the course and depart from the assumptions, which do not advocate for free trade.

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Hilmola, Olli-Pekka, et Yulia Panova. « Sustainability of the EU-28 Trade with China and the USA ». Economy of Region 17, n^o 3 (5 octobre 2021) : 956–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17059/ekon.reg.2021-3-17.

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There has been a lot of debate in global politics about fair trade, surpluses (also called positive trade accounts), and deficits (negative trade accounts) among the USA, China and the European Union (EU). The study aims to analyse the countries’ trade accounts through the lenses of international finance theory. Based on financial analytical models, the countries’ competitiveness and changes in their net foreign wealth were examined. The factors considered in the literature review are as follows: exchange rate, government tariff and tax policies, saving rate, manufacturing base, investments, natural resource abundance and others. The computation of the trade accounts was conducted using the ten-year international trade data (2009–2018) for the EU-28 member countries that became the main importer for China instead of the USA in 2019. The con ducted empirical research showed that Chinese trade has continuous deficits throughout European countries, and in some countries, it could be considered as an increasingly important structural issue (for example, in Poland and the Czech Republic). Trade with the USA, in turn, typically produces surplus for European countries, where Germany is the leader. The provided conclusions hold value for international trade managers in terms of their potential influence on public policy in the researched countries. In light of the financial crisis, the current export shock could be used by countries as an occasion to change the course and depart from the assumptions, which do not advocate for free trade.

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Gürsoy, Yaprak. « Democratization and Foreign Policy Reforms in Turkey : Europeanization of Turkish Politics ? » International Journal of Legal Information 38, n^o 2 (2010) : 227–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500005758.

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AbstractThe European Union membership process has had an impact on Turkish domestic politics and foreign policy. However, when compared with previous candidate countries to the EU, the Europeanization of politics in Turkey has not been an even process. The reformation of politics in Turkey has had three main characteristics. First, instead of the pace of the reforms being linear, there has been a periodic rise and fall of interest in introducing amendments. Second, the reforms have not necessarily replaced past practices, rather they have only introduced new ones in addition to the old ways of doing politics. Finally, there has been considerable opposition to the reforms in Turkey, partially because the government does not seem to follow the liberal-democratic trajectory set out by the EU membership process. The delays in enacting the constitutional and legal changes and the biased selection of laws and practices that are being amended do not give the impression that the government is sincere. Whether the amendments are in fact Europeanizing Turkey or pulling it away from its Western and secular political framework is a significant question leading to conflict among different factions in society. This divergence of opinion, in turn, results in further stalling the reforms.

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Brkic, Luka. « European Union : From social integration to social state ». Medjunarodni problemi 56, n^o 4 (2004) : 447–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0404447b.

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This paper analyzes recent free trade arrangements from a positive political economy perspective. In contrast to most other literature, which fails to take into account geographical factors, it is argued here that proximity and transportation costs play an important role in trade arrangements. Another important also largely neglected factor is the degree of social cohesion in terms of labor standards among potential trading partners. Accepting social integration might also be a condition for admitting those countries to the agreement. Changes of trade policy over time can therefore be explained by changes in the relative political influence of the sectors considered. The other important factors are, of course, a change in the degree of retaliation, leading to lower tariffs under higher retaliation, and a leveling of social standards. Redistribution across countries could also considerably change the optimal rate of tariff. The EU with its regional cohesion funds might be a good example of how those are used as a side-payment for diminishing the social divergence in the member countries. Countries with higher standards should only be willing to integrate when others raise their social standards as well. The negotiations about the social protocol in the EU indicate that this is in fact the case. More than 40 years of European integration have led to an habituation of thinking of the European Community as something ideologically neutral, which transcends normal political debate. European issues, it seems, do not fit the structure of the usual right-left ideological controversy. The only open fault-line in European politics is between advocates of "more" and those of "less" integration. The paper explores the potential cognitive and political gains of a change of perspective. It argues that the issue of more or less integration is often not interesting in itself but only to the degree that it influences the content of policies. It further shows that the policies at stake are normally such, that they can be usefully debated in the right-left framework. The decision about the site of policy control - national or European - is often only the guise in which a decision about the redrawing of the boundary between market and state, between the sphere of competitive allocation and the sphere of political coordination, materializes. This paper aimed at stressing the fundamental differences between conventional and contractarian constitutional orders. To achieve it, we have used the concept of common knowledge and have related it to its political philosophy background, especially with regard to communication and induction. The former generates a spontaneous social order - it is an evolutionist view that belongs to the Hume - Menger - Hayek tradition. The latter produces a contractarian vision shared by the Brennan-Buchanan-Tullock tradition. We consider here a basic distinction between institutions and conventions. An institution is considered as a formal, explicit rule, while a convention appears to be a tacit, implicit agreement. The former can be associated with contractarian constitutionalism, whereas the latter is related to evolutionism. In this context, institutions should not be understood as formalized conventions (such as law in Hayek). They are rather the expression of a voluntary and deliberate agreement, of a covenant. The application describes features relevant to the development of a European constitution and the corresponding unified legal system. It requires a clear vision of what a European "state" is meant to be or become. Then, once a constitutional setting is chosen, one must address the question of legal organization, in particular the nature of administrative law. Two different acceptation of law are thus associated with the two concepts of convention and contractarian institution. The former can be regarded as customary rule a kind of common knowledge that emerges from tradition and sympathy. By contrast, the latter is the place of explicitly created common knowledge. If it is to become more integrated, Europe will have to tackle this constitutional question, either in an evolutionary or in a contractarian way.

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Burgoon, Brian. « The Distinct Politics of the European Union’s ‘Fair Trade’ Linkage to Labour Standards ». European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 5 (1 décembre 2009) : 643–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009046.

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European Union (EU) social actors, governments and EU level representatives have been divided over fair trade linkage, where trade access is made conditional upon protection of labour standards. This division is partly an artefact of sharp disagreement and confusion over the nature of such linkage: supporters usually defend fair trade linkage as humanizing rather than shutting-down globalization, while opponents construe such linkage as a back door to protectionism or worry that other countries will construe linkage as such. This article analyses whether and in what ways EU fair trade protection has a politics distinct from those of general EU trade protection. The focus is on public opinion data in fifteen EU Member States that allows comparing citizen support for EU fair trade protection with that for EU trade protection generally. Judging from both aggregate national comparisons and individual level information in these data, EU fair trade linkage tends to receive generally more support than general trade protection, likely due to the former’s explicit appeal to broad standards of fairness. And the political basis of this support appears to lie not only in economic insecurities associated with skill and income but also in left-oriented ideological commitments to social rights of workers and to government interventions to protect such rights. These differences have important implications for the fortunes of fair trade linkage and for the broader politics of how Europe navigates globalization.

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Bosetti, Giancarlo. « Introduction : Addressing the politics of fear. The challenge posed by pluralism to Europe ». Philosophy & ; Social Criticism 37, n^o 4 (mai 2011) : 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453711400998.

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The introduction to this issue is meant to address the ways in which turbulent immigration is challenging European democratic countries’ capacity to integrate the pluralism of cultures in light of the current state of economic instability, strong public debt, unemployment and an aging resident population. The Reset-Dialogues on Civilizations Association has organized its annual İstanbul Seminars in order to fill the need for constructive dialogue dedicated to increasing understanding and implementing social and political change. Turkey’s accession to the European Union represents in this light a challenge to our liberal views, which must become more open-minded in order to address adequately cultural and religious differences, Islam included. We must set ourselves the task of finding a new perspective so that we may defuse the populist radicalization, fear-mongering politicians and xenophobia that are emerging in many countries. Yet it is equally essential that we reconfigure and recontextualize the traditional secular battle for freedom from the dominance of the Christian majority away from a binary opposition to a plural dimension that takes into account other religious communities. After introducing the major challenges our seminars were organized to address, the introduction will summarize and explain the articulation of the contents of this issue in the following three parts: (1) realigning liberalism in the context of globalization (with contributions by Nilüfer Göle, Alain Touraine, Albena Azmanova, Stephen Macedo, Zygmunt Bauman); (2) different paths: towards modernity and democracy from within different cultures and religions (Fred Dallmayr, Sadik Al Azm, Irfan Ahmad, Ibrahim Kalin); and (3) philosophical presuppositions of intercultural dialogue and multiculturalism (Maeve Cooke, Sebastiano Maffettone, Volker Kaul).

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KONOLD, DIETER. « Farm Interests as Bargaining Chips : France in the EU-Mercosur Free Trade Negotiations ». Journal of Public Policy 30, n^o 3 (4 novembre 2010) : 321–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x10000139.

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AbstractIn trade policy France ranks as one of the most protectionist countries in the European Union. From an outside perspective, the French attitude is usually explained as a consequence of the strength and influence of the agrarian lobby. The article argues that farm groups in France have lost their formerly privileged position and the power to pursue their interests politically. A closer look at domestic politics shows that agricultural reforms were successfully implemented against the opposition of the farm lobby during the last ten years. But at the same time, French policy-makers were keen to create the impression that they were unable to make concessions in international trade talks due to the resistance of the agricultural sector. The EU-Mercosur negotiations demonstrate how the French government fended off demands for liberalization using farm interests as bargaining chips.

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Avdagic, Sabina. « Partisanship, political constraints, and employment protection reforms in an era of austerity ». European Political Science Review 5, n^o 3 (2 octobre 2012) : 431–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773912000197.

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Why do some governments adopt unpopular reforms entailing far-reaching liberalization of the labor market, while others opt only for marginal adjustments or even regulatory reforms? This paper explains the likelihood of different types of reforms as an effect of different constellations of government partisanship and veto players. Combining the ‘blame avoidance’ and ‘veto players’ logics of politics, I argue that veto players have either a constraining or enabling effect depending on the partisan orientation of government. Liberalization is most likely to be adopted either by right parties facing few veto players, or by left parties in contexts with a high degree of power sharing. Regulatory reforms are most likely when left governments enjoy strong power concentration, but marginal regulation may also be adopted under external pressure by right governments facing many veto players. An analysis of employment protection reforms in 24 European Union countries during 1990–2007 supports the argument that the effect of political constraints and opportunities on the choice of reforms is shaped by partisan differences.

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Banai, Ayelet, Fabio Votta et Rosa Seitz. « The Polls—Trends ». Public Opinion Quarterly 86, n^o 1 (1 mars 2022) : 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac001.

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Abstract This article presents trends in public opinion toward immigration in the European Union (EU), between 2002 and 2018. Immigration is a salient and contentious issue in contemporary politics across Europe and is used by Eurosceptic parties in both government and opposition to mobilize support. Public opinion data—drawn from the European Social Survey and the Eurobarometer—reveals the following noteworthy trends over the past two decades. First, positive public attitudes toward immigration have increased across member states, with a temporary setback in 2015–16. Second, immigration is a divisive issue throughout the EU. While public opinion in some regions generally favors immigration, opinion is divided everywhere. Third, despite regional variations between northern, western, and southern Europe, EU-wide trends suggest the emergence of a collective public opinion, crossing national borders. Fourth, despite vocal political opposition to immigration, solid majorities of the public view immigration favorably over time and across regions. To the numerous studies of European public opinion on immigration, this article contributes a useful overview of the long-term trends, with regional and EU-wide presentation and data visualization.

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Plotnieks, Dāvis. « Mechanisms Fostering Social Entrepreneurship as Potential Instruments for Economic Development : The Eastern Partnership Perspective ». Baltic Journal of European Studies 4, n^o 2 (1 octobre 2014) : 34–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2014-0014.

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Abstract With its plan to assign 600 million euros through the European Neighbourhood Instrument for Eastern Partnership countries, the European Union intended to increase the efficiency of institutions, attenuate social problems, and create an environment that fosters economic growth and human well-being in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. A few scholars have criticized the amount of funding and planned initiatives of the European Neighbourhood Instrument as insufficient and suggested that in order to foster cooperation and support reforms in its Eastern Partnership countries, more action should be taken. In times when European Commission budget is under constraints of consolidation and increase of aid for supporting European Neighbourhood countries is hardly possible, alternative solutions for tempering social problems need to be assessed. Various scientists, philanthropists and entrepreneurs see social entrepreneurship as a tool for solving social problems in a sustainable way where business thinking is being combined with non-profit philosophy. Contrary to government support and intervention for solving social problems, social entrepreneurship is already being used as tool that initially addresses joint needs--solve social problems and create revenue that provides much needed income for sustainable business initiatives. This paper analyzes the concept of social entrepreneurship, examples where social entrepreneurship is solving social problems, and mechanisms that can foster these phenomena. The aim of this paper is to examine different mechanisms of how governments can foster the creation and development of social entrepreneurship. Unique survey data derived from a project examining social entrepreneurship in Europe is used. It is concluded that by adopting mechanisms proven in various developed countries, the Eastern Partnership countries can stimulate social entrepreneurship, thus attenuating social problems and creating environment that fosters economic growth and the wellbeing of people

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Shmorhun, Oleksandr. « Ukraine’s Pretence Democracy Model as a Threat to State Sovereignty in the Context of World Experience ». Diplomatic Ukraine, n^o XX (2019) : 599–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-37.

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The article analyses the main stages of political reform in Ukraine from the point of view of comparative Western political science and taking into account the experience of the political history of developed Western countries of The modern era. It shows the fundamental difference between the real mechanisms and institutions of Ukrainian power from the real democratic standard of Western democracy and effective separation of powers. The article reveals the systemic shortcomings of any parliamentarism in a situation of acute crisis and the mechanisms of falsification of presidential and parliamentary political foundations in the post-Soviet space. Myths about the possibility of democratization of the Ukrainian government and the promotion of Ukraine’s approach to membership in the European Union by introducing the procedure for electing a President in a representative status, which will be carried out by the legislative body, are refuted. The author of the article argues that it is now advisable to take advantage of the General positive trend in Ukrainian politics – the transition from the previous presidential-parliamentary model to a parliamentary-presidential Republic. And complete the process of democratization of the Ukrainian government by introducing a purely parliamentary Republic in Ukraine. However, it is important to note that even the founders of European parliamentary republics are aware that numerous collegial bodies cannot be effective in emergency situations. It has been well known since ancient times that a consistently collegial structure and decision-making mechanism does not eliminate the danger of shadow tyranny. It is noted that the development of a full-fledged model of presidentialism will actually contribute to improving the efficiency of the Ukrainian government. But the right to develop and implement such a model should only be granted to political forces that actually demonstrate their ability to protect national Ukrainian interests. Keywords: Ukrainian political reform, parliamentary-presidential Republic, constitutions of post-Soviet countries, European political history.

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Jordan, A., M. Goldsmith, C. L. Spash, M. Hebbert et S. Duncan. « Reviews : Energy Policy in the European Union, Developments in West European Politics, British Environmental Policy and Europe : Politics and Policy in Transition, Battery Park City : Politics and Planning on the New York Waterfront, Comparative Housing Policy, Government and Housing in Advanced Industrialized Countries ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 16, n^o 5 (octobre 1998) : 625–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c160625.

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Chornodon, Myroslava, Nataliia Shevchenko, Galyna Fesenko, Oksana Klymenko, Nataliya Daragan-Ivaners et Nataliia Zozulia. « The Problem of Gender Inequality in Periodicals Today ». Postmodern Openings 13, n^o 3 (8 août 2022) : 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/po/13.3/480.

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The article addresses the problem of gender inequality in Ukrainian periodicals today. A detailed analysis of Ukrainian and foreign studies on the issue in question shows that women mostly deal with gender psychology. Besides, the article clarifies such concepts as “gender”, “gender psychology”, “gender equality”, “sexism”, and “feminism” and “gender inequality”. In 2021, a Swedish-Ukrainian project was signed that marks the campaign for overcoming inequality of rights between men and women. There is also the project initiated by the European Union (GENPATH). Furthermore, emphasis is placed on linguistic sexism and gender inequality in the Ukrainian government, politics, jurisprudence, healthcare. Considerable attention is paid to the most common violations of rights of women psychologists (motherhood, a lack of mentoring, uneven distribution of rights). Another issue is gender inequality in the family and its possible consequences. Quite noteworthy are findings on gender roles in European countries, sexism, and, most importantly, the significance of gender equality. One can see that the main reasons behind gender inequality for women are the dominance of men and, interestingly, the Covid-19 pandemic outburst. The article proves that the media cover men more often than women. Finally, it indicates that men find it hard to struggle with “the male crisis”.

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P. Krüger, Louis. « Black economic empowerment in post-1994 South Africa : ANC curse and/or socialist/communist covenant ? » Problems and Perspectives in Management 14, n^o 3 (6 septembre 2016) : 162–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.14(3-1).2016.03.

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After more than 21 years under the leadership of the African National Congress (ANC), post-1994 South Africa finds itself yet again embroiled in race-related politics. Government policies such as black economic empowerment (BEE) and employment equity (EE) have not brought about the economic growth, social development and political democracy that the late former President Nelson Mandela had envisaged and what the ANC had promised to all the people of South Africa. South Africa is currently disengaging itself from the West including the Unites States of America (USA) and certain European Union (EU) countries and appears to rather embrace and align itself with countries such as Russia and China that pursue socialist and communist ideologies. Both these two issues may have a profound impact on how businesses will be managed in the future. In an exploratory, qualitative study using a “5 Star” research methodology, the direct and indirect impacts of BEE policies were investigated and the possible movement in South Africa’s ideological stance was explored. BEE does not appear to have helped to bring about high economic growth to help to reduce unemployment and eradicate the high levels of poverty and inequality, and government graft and corruption have increased at all levels of government, including local municipalities. BEE appears to have become the ANC’s curse to economic, social and political progress and should be scrapped. A national debate should follow on whether the ANC’s current covenant with pro-socialism and pro-communism rather than Western free-market capitalism is the appropriate ideology for South Africa to pursue. Keywords: black economic empowerment (BEE), employment equity (EE), African National Congress (ANC), capitalism, socialism, communism. JEL Classification: M14, M21

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Trezubov, Matvey D. « The concept of “Old” and “New” Europe by Roman Dmowski and its role in the discourse of modern Polish foreign policy ». Rusin, n^o 69 (2022) : 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/69/12.

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Roman Dmowski, a Polish nationalist and a founder of the independent Polish state, occupies an important place in Polish history. After the restoration of Poland on the political map of Europe, there was a need for a certain foreign policy that could give prosperity to a country de facto deprived of its agency for 123 years. Dmowski argues that the national identity can be protected from the Protestant countries of the West only through defining it as a main guardian of the Latin civilization. He formulated this thesis on the basis of Houston Chamberlain's The Foundation of the 19th Century, Oswald Spengler's The Decline of Europe and numerous works of Feliks Koneczny, who had a fundamental influence on Dmowski. His concept aimed at saving the Latin civilization (Italy, Poland, and France, led by Charles Maurras) from the affects of Jewish civilization and Protestantism in particular, representing the Latin civilization largely due to the reinterpretation of the Protestant countries and its further antagonization. This bloc was purely defensive and wasn't implemented in practice. Speaking about the discourse of modern Polish foreign policy, one can find many allusions to Dmowski, although it should be understood that the Polish government are not endecja (Narodowa Demokracja). So, for example, the “German-Pole” dichotomy, which was used Dmowski, is now in many ways one of those associated with the intra-European crisis. Now, in connection with the events of February 24, Poland potentially has every chance of becoming a hegemon in the Eastern European policy of the European Union, since it fully supports Ukraine and close integration with it. Since Ukraine is already a candidate for EU membership, this will allow it to compete with Germany in EU politics and possibly even result in EU reforms, due to its active pro-Ukrainian policy.

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Vázquez-López, Alba, Martín Barrasa-Rioja et Manuel Marey-Perez. « ICT in Rural Areas from the Perspective of Dairy Farming : A Systematic Review ». Future Internet 13, n^o 4 (13 avril 2021) : 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/fi13040099.

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This study presents a systematic review of 169 papers concerning the ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) related to rural areas, specifically to dairy farms. The objective was to delve into the relationship between dairy farmers and the administrative authorities via e-government, comparing this area to another eight concerning the farmer’s needs and expectations in relation to the ICT in different fields of their business. We observed that areas such as connectivity and digital inclusion are the most covered areas not only at the study level but also at the government level since countries all over the world are trying to develop politics to put an end to the so-called “digital divide,” which affects rural areas more intensely. This is increasing due to the growing technological innovations. The areas of the market, production, financial development, management and counseling, Smart Farming, and Internet of Things have been approached, associated with the ICT in dairy farms, showing in the latter two an increasing number of papers in the last few years. The area of public administration in relation to dairy farms has also been covered, being remarkable the low number of pieces of research concerning the interaction by the farmers, more specifically by dairy farmers, with the public administration, which is surprising due to the new global need and especially in the European Union (EU) of interacting with it telematically by all legal entities. The results show that there are still barriers to the implementation of the electronic government (e-government) since the websites do not meet the user’s expectations. Therefore, this study lays the ground for future research on this area. As a graphical abstract of the contributions of this paper, we present a graphic summary, where the different contributions by areas and expressed in percentage values are shown.

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Benevolenski, Vladimir, et Andrei Kortunov. « Ethics, Integration, and Disintegration : A Russian Perspective ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 7 (mars 1993) : 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1993.tb00145.x.

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This article is concerned mainly with the array of moral, ethnic, and nationalistic questions that emerged as a result of the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Its claim is that the cause for the collapse of the empire was not so much its poor economic performance, rather the moral bankruptcy of which the people could no longer endure. Now Russia (and the West) must tackle, for example, the rise of nationalism in the new states; the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Central Asia; the highly unstable new states and their drive to dominate Soviet troops stationed within their territorial boundaries. Russia's role as a great power is imperative in maintaining global peace and acting as a stabilizing force in the area, as it was throughout the Cold War era. Reemergence of morality in Russian politics is the main success of Yeltsin's government, yet what alarms the authors most of all is the immoral treatment of ethnic minorities within the breakaway republics. The West is urged to make relations with these countries contingent upon this issue. As for the future, though prospects for a comprehensive collective security structure encompassing all new states is not realistic, regional alliances based on mutual interests are likely to surface.

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Doiciara, Claudia, et Remus Creţana. « Pandemic populism : COVID-19 and the rise of the Nationalist AUR party in Romania ». Geographica Pannonica 25, n^o 4 (2021) : 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gp25-33782.

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Many Central and Eastern European countries elected nationalist parties after the collapse of communism: a phenomenon often attributed to a combination of socioeconomic crisis and political instability. In 2010s, after the decay of other nationalist parties, Romania was seen as an exception to this rule, but the Covid-19 pandemic times have witnessed the rapid rise of a new nationalist party: the AUR (the Alliance for the Union of Romanians). Parliamentary elections in December 2020 saw this new political force gain 9.1% of the vote. Whereas previous nationalist parties in post-Communist Romania tended to appeal to more senior/elderly voters, there is evidence that the AUR vote is strong amongst men under the age of 35 who are educated to an elementary or high school level. This paper uses national electoral data, media analysis, and in-depth interviews with young, educated people to explore the spatial distribution of AUR support, the ways in which the COVID-19 pandemic has assisted the party's rise to prominence, and attitudes amongst university students to both the style and content of their politics. The paper concludes that the AUR offer a potent mix of old nationalism, religious faith, traditional family values and new ideological elements, such as environmentalism, anti-globalization, and anti-government critique to create a self-consciously 'alternative' political rhetoric. This is presented via new channels (especially social media) in a deliberately opportunistic, controversial, and spectacular manner. However, our investigation suggests that neither the content nor the style of this politics has widespread appeal among the more educated younger participants to the interview.

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Cordos, Alexandru. « THE IMPORTANCE OF APPLYING THE GENDER EQUALITY PRINCIPLE AT INSTITUTIONAL LEVEL ». Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 9, n^o 1 (1 avril 2015) : 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v9i1.1865.

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Gender equality, as a fundamental principle of the European Union, is included in a series of legislative and non-legislative documents recommending a balanced participation of both genders in the drafting and adoption of major decisions in the political and social fields, as a vital component in the development of a real democracy and a decisive factor of economic growth.In terms of the degree of labour employment, gender equality is reflected in the need to promote equally women and men in the labour market, particularly in leading positions.According to the European Commission’s report, women in European countries are still underrepresented in leadership positions, although there has been some general progress. Compared to the situation recorded ten years ago, at EU level, there was an increase by 16% of women involved in politics and appointed to ministerial posts.The drafting of the first National Strategy on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men adopted by Government Decision no. 319/2006 approving the National Strategy on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men for the period 2006-2009 and of the General Action Plan for Implementing the National Strategy on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men for the period 2006-2009.This shows that women in Romania still experience gender discrimination, and this is true for areas of economy where women are the majority, as well as for those where men are the majority. The result is the emergence of occupational gender segregation, feminized occupational fields are generally lower paid. Although progress has been made both in the field of education and that of labour employment, women still have many obstacles to pass before achieving real equality.The efforts to be made in order to strengthen gender equality must address not only the improvement of legislation in the field of opportunity and gender equality, but also a change in attitudes and behaviours, in social structures, so as to allow women to develop their personality according to their own will and be actively involved in all areas of life.

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Bayiley, Yitbarek Takele, et Getachew Kahsay Teklu. « Success factors and criteria in the management of international development projects ». International Journal of Managing Projects in Business 9, n^o 3 (6 juin 2016) : 562–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmpb-06-2015-0046.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze the results of a survey that aims to explore and identify the European Union (EU) Development Cooperation project success factors and criteria and explain the relationship between the critical success factors (CSFs) and project success as perceived by the project managers and team members of the organizations participated in the survey. Design/methodology/approach – The research followed interpretive research philosophy, abductive approach, survey as a strategy, a cross-sectional time horizon and questionnaire as data collection instrument. It also employed exploratory design to identify CSFs and explanatory design to explain relationships between success factors and project success. Both primary and secondary data were used to gather data. Unstructured interviews were conducted with the project team members of EU delegation to Ethiopia, government organizations and NGOs while the secondary sources of data included extensive review of literature. Findings – Using principal component analysis the study identified a specific set of four CSFs for projects funded by EU: intellectual capital, sound project case, key manpower competency and effective stakeholder engagement. Moreover, the descriptive statistics of the survey highlighted five critical success variables: clear policy of donors and recipient government, strong local ownership of project, effective consultation during planning, high motivation and interest, and compatible rules and procedures. The study ranked relevance, impact, effectiveness, sustainability, and efficiency according to their level of importance by the participants of the survey. Research limitations/implications – The research is temporally, spatially, and contextually delimited to EU funded projects from the period 2010 to 2014 that are completed and still ongoing. Moreover, the current study focusses only on aid projects funded by EU in Ethiopia which might limit its generalizability into ID projects in developing countries funded by bodies other than EU such as World bank, United Nations and its different bodies, African Union, Japanese government to mention some. Social implications – The current study has clearly identified intellectual capital which covers social capital as the most important success factor for projects funded by EU in Ethiopia. Accordingly, the study underscored the importance of securing continuous support from all stakeholders and holding effective consultations of stakeholders during planning, implementation and closing phases of EU funded projects. Originality/value – The study identified new CSFs specific to projects funded by EU and the incompatibility in the perceived importance of project success criteria among different stakeholders implicating differences in the priority they set.

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Zaritskiy, B. « Germany and China : Partners, Competitors or Systemic Rivals ? » World Economy and International Relations 65, n^o 2 (2021) : 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-2-16-28.

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China is currently Germany’s main trade partner. For many German companies, it is an attractive production site and an important link in global value chains. Despite existing disagreements, both sides in their official documents have continued to view their relationship as “comprehensive strategic partnership”. Yet experts and German mass media have increasingly tended to call China a “systemic rival”. Berlin is aware of the fact that it is having to deal not with a competitor but with a real contender for the world’s economic and technological leadership. Moreover, it is feared that the Chinese model based on the combination of state economic dirigism and political authoritarian methods of government may find a sympathetic ear in some countries. The question is how to build relationship with China in this new situation. The quest for a reasonable balance between calls to give a “tough” answer to the Chinese capital expansion, the drain of technologies and restrictions that German companies are facing in China’s market on the one hand and the necessity to continue a constructive dialogue with the new superpower on the other – that is the main task of German politics with respect to China. In view of the absence of a common political stance to be followed by the European Union countries in their dealings with China and the growing U.S. pressure aimed at securing, from its allies, support of the policy of confrontation towards China, the formulation of the German Chinese policy will most likely have to be situational resembling an attempt to solve an equation with many unknowns. The article explores trade and investment aspects of German-Sino relations and existing contradictions in the domain of sсientific and technical cooperation and technology transfer. Analysis is made of German business complaints regarding conditions of doing business in China, as well as of steps taken by the German authorities to limit Chinese investors’ activity in Germany.

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Iwanowski, Z. W., et D. M. Rozental. « Venezuela : Political Confrontation and the World Community ». Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, n^o 2 (20 novembre 2020) : 71–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-2-71-111.

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The paper examines a complex web of domestic and external issues which have both provoked a systemic crisis in Venezuela and, at the same time, determined its speciﬁcity in comparison with the wave of protests sweeping across Latin America in 2019.The authors conclude that the escalation of the conﬂict in Venezuela was caused not only by the standoﬀ between the legislative and the executive branches of the government, but also by the split of the whole society into proponents and opponents of ‘socialism of the 21st century’. The contradictions have led to the formation of the parallel branches of power: two presidents, two parliaments and two supreme courts (one of them in exile) which de facto coexist in the country and each claims exclusive rights and legitimacy.The authors also stress that the situation in Venezuela has obvious regional consequences. The miscalculations of the incumbent president were used in election campaigns in other Latin American countries and became one of the reasons for the defeat of left candidates, the subsequent ‘right drift’ leading to the isolation of the republic. The new political landscape has also aﬀected the architecture of integration associations, which failed to develop a uniﬁed position toward the Bolivarian regime.Furthermore, in a current heightened state of international tensions Venezuela has turned into a theatre of international rivalry and conﬂict involving all the key subjects of world politics. The United States, China, Russia and the European Union compete for the energy resources of the country and pursue their own strategic interests. The inability or unwillingness of external forces to reach compromise and to bring the parties to the negotiating table can pose a threat to peace and international security.As a result, Venezuela has become one of the most turbulent countries in the region. At the same time, the repeated outbursts of protest waves are signiﬁcantly diﬀerent from popular uprisings in other Latin American states. In the worst-case scenario, a constantly worsening situation may result in a social explosion which threatens to make the Bolivarian Republic another hot spot of the planet.

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Norkus, Zenonas. « Political Development of Lithuania : A Comparative Analysis of Second Post-communist Decade ». World Political Science 8, n^o 1 (27 septembre 2012) : 217–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0012.

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AbstractThe goal of this paper is to put into focus and explain distinctive features of the political developments in Lithuania during second post-communist decade, comparing them with other Baltic States (Latvia and Estonia) and those Central European countries with political systems which resembled most closely Lithuania (Poland and Hungary) by the end of the first post-communist decade. In all these countries, second post-communist decade witnessed the rise of the new successful populist parties. The author argues that this populist rise is the proper context for understanding of Rolandas Paksas’ impeachment in Lithuania in 2003–2004. His Order and Justice Party has to be classified together with the Kaczynski twins Law and Justice Party and its even more radical allies in Poland, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz and Gábor Vona’s Jobbik in Hungary, Juhan Part’s Res Publica in Estonia and Einars Repše’s New Era in Latvia. They all were right-wing populist parties, proclaiming in their anti-establishment rhetoric the war on corruption of the (ex-communist) elite and the coming of new politics. While the rise of right-wing populism did not change the political system in Estonia and Latvia, its outcome in Hungary and Poland was the breakup of the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact which was the foundation of the political stability during first post-communist decade. The Kaczynski twins founded Rzecz Pospolita IV (4th Republic of Poland), grounded in the thorough and comprehensive lustration of the ex-communist cadres. Fidesz leader Orban used the two-thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated thanks to the collaboration of all, by this time, established and left-of-center populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the European Union and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. Preventing the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the impeachment as stress test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favor of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the left-of-centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.

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Hossain, Arif. « Peace, Conflict and Resolution (Good vs. Evil) ». Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 4, n^o 1 (26 mars 2013) : 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i1.14264.

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The immense structural inequalities of the global social /political economy can no longer be contained through consensual mechanisms of state control. The ruling classes have lost legitimacy; we are witnessing a breakdown of ruling-class hegemony on a world scale. There is good and evil among mankind; thus it necessitates the conflict between the good and evil on Earth. We are in for a period of major conflicts and great upheavals. It's generally regarded that Mencius (c.371- c.289 B.C) a student of Confucianism developed his entire philosophy from two basic propositions: the first, that Man's original nature is good; and the second, that Man's original nature becomes evil when his wishes are not fulfilled. What is good and what is evil? Philosophers of all ages have thought over this question. Each reckoned that he had solved the question once and for all, yet within a few years the problem would re-emerge with new dimensions. Repeated acts of corruption and evil action makes a man corrupt and takes away a man from his original nature. Still now majority of the people of the world give compliance to corruption because of social pressures, economic pressures, cultural pressures and political pressures. The conflict between good and evil is ancient on earth and is prevalent to this day. May be the final confrontation between the descendants of Cain and Abel is at our doorsteps. During the 2nd World War America with its European allies went into world wide military campaign to defeat Germany, Italy and Japan. When the Second World War ended in 1945 the United States of America came out as victorious. America was the first country to detonate atomic bomb in another country. During that period Russia fell into competition with America in politically colonizing countries after countries. With the fall of Communism Russia terminated its desire wanting to be the champion of the oppressed of the world. The situation in Russia continues to deteriorate, a country which until only a few years ago was a superpower. Russians are deeply disillusioned today with the new politicians in Russia, who they says "promise everything and give nothing." The Russians still strongly oppose a world order dominated by the United States. If anyone looks at or investigates the situations in other countries it can be seen that at present almost all countries of the world are similar or same in the forms of structures of corruption and evil. The Worldwide control of humanitys economic, social and political activities is under the helm of US corporate and military power. The US has established its control over 191 governments which are members of the United Nations. The last head of state of the former Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev on December 2012, at a conference on the future of the Middle East and the Black Sea region in the Turkish city of Istanbul, has warned the US of an imminent Soviet-like collapse if Washington persists with its hegemonic policies. Mass public protest occurred against US hegemony are mainly from Muslim countries of South East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, North Africa and Africa. The latest mass protests erupted in September 2012 when the divine Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was insulted by America and Israel. There were strong mass protests by people from Indonesia to Morocco and in the European countries by mostly immigrants and Australia were there are Muslim populations. This worldwide protest had occurred while the rise of the masses is ongoing against corrupt rulers in West Asia and North Africa. The masses of the people are thirsty and desperate for justice, dignity, economic welfare and human rights. Most major religions have their own sources of information on the Last Age of Mankind or the End of Times, which often include fateful battles between the forces of good and evil and cataclysmic natural disasters. Humans are evolving to a final stage of their evolution towards a 'New Age that is to come which the corrupt does not understand. At present times a final battle of good versus evil on Earth will ensue. The World powers (leaders) and their entourages who are really detached from the masses have organized to keep aloft the present world order that degenerates the masses in corruption, keeps the people in unhappiness, and deprives the masses from economic well being, education and keeps promoting wars and conflicts to support corruption and evil. We are at the ?End of Times?. The Promised Messiah will come to set right what is wrong, no doubt. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i1.14264 Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 2013; 4(1):9-19

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Hossain, Arif. « Peace, Conflict and Resolution (Good vs. Evil) Part 2 ». Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 4, n^o 2 (9 septembre 2013) : 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i2.16372.

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The immense structural inequalities of the global social /political economy can no longer be contained through consensual mechanisms of state control. The ruling classes have lost legitimacy; we are witnessing a breakdown of ruling-class hegemony on a world scale. There is good and evil among mankind; thus it necessitates the conflict between the good and evil on Earth. We are in for a period of major conflicts and great upheavals. It's generally regarded that Mencius (c.371-c.289 B.C) a student of Confucianism developed his entire philosophy from two basic propositions: the first, that Man's original nature is good; and the second, that Man's original nature becomes evil when his wishes are not fulfilled. What is good and what is evil? Philosophers of all ages have thought over this question. Each reckoned that he had solved the question once and for all, yet within a few years the problem would re-emerge with new dimensions. Repeated acts of corruption and evil action makes a man corrupt and takes away a man from his original nature. Still now majority of the people of the world give compliance to corruption because of social pressures, economic pressures, cultural pressures and political pressures. The conflict between good and evil is ancient on earth and is prevalent to this day. May be the final confrontation between the descendants of Cain and Abel is at our doorsteps. During the 2nd World War America with its European allies went into world wide military campaign to defeat Germany, Italy and Japan. When the Second World War ended in 1945 the United States of America came out as victorious. America was the first country to detonate atomic bomb in another country. During that period Russia fell into competition with America in politically colonizing countries after countries. With the fall of Communism Russia terminated its desire wanting to be the champion of the oppressed of the world. The situation in Russia continues to deteriorate, a country which until only a few years ago was a superpower. Russians are deeply disillusioned today with the new politicians in Russia, who they says "promise everything and give nothing." The Russians still strongly oppose a world order dominated by the United States. If anyone looks at or investigates the situations in other countries it can be seen that at present almost all countries of the world are similar or same in the forms of structures of corruption and evil. The Worldwide control of humanitys economic, social and political activities is under the helm of US corporate and military power. The US has established its control over 191 governments which are members of the United Nations. The last head of state of the former Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev on December 2012, at a conference on the future of the Middle East and the Black Sea region in the Turkish city of Istanbul, has warned the US of an imminent Soviet-like collapse if Washington persists with its hegemonic policies. Mass public protest occurred against US hegemony are mainly from Muslim countries of South East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, North Africa and Africa. The latest mass protests erupted in September 2012 when the divine Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was insulted by America and Israel. There were strong mass protests by people from Indonesia to Morocco and in the European countries by mostly immigrants and Australia were there are Muslim populations. This worldwide protest had occurred while the rise of the masses is ongoing against corrupt rulers in West Asia and North Africa. The masses of the people are thirsty and desperate for justice, dignity, economic welfare and human rights. Most major religions have their own sources of information on the Last Age of Mankind or the End of Times, which often include fateful battles between the forces of good and evil and cataclysmic natural disasters. Humans are evolving to a final stage of their evolution towards a ?New Age that is to come which the corrupt does not understand. At present times a final battle of good versus evil on Earth will ensue. The World powers (leaders) and their entourages who are really detached from the masses have organized to keep aloft the present world order that degenerates the masses in corruption, keeps the people in unhappiness, and deprives the masses from economic well being, education and keeps promoting wars and conflicts to support corruption and evil. We are at the ?End of Times?. The Promised Messiah will come to set right what is wrong, no doubt. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i2.16372 Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 2013; 4(2) 9-21

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BROŽIČ, LILIANA. « 30 YEARS OF SLOVENIA’S INDEPENDENCE AND ITS SECURITY PERSPECTIVE ». CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, ISSUE VOLUME 2021/ISSUE 23/1 (14 mai 2021) : 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.23.1.00.

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Every year, the first issue of Contemporary Military Challenges is published in May. This year, May is particularly important for Slovenia and especially for the Slovenian Armed Forces. Thirty years have passed since the first training of Slovenian military recruits on Slovenian territory. The beginning of this training additionally enraged the then authorities, especially the Yugoslav People's Army, and led to what is today known as the Pekre events. The first victim of the independence process fell, and the tensions due to the events that followed grew. They escalated into an armed conflict and a war, which fortunately did not last long. The independence process, however, began much earlier, before May of 1991, and ended with the departure of the last soldier of the former Yugoslav army from Slovenia in October of the same year. The thirtieth anniversary of Slovenian independence is an important milestone in Slovenian history. Unfortunately, this year it will not be commemorated as it should be as the COVID-19 pandemic has severely restricted us from socializing and celebration. It has also brought new circumstances and insights in many areas, where the resilience of the society and security should be particularly emphasized. The understanding and functioning of our national security system has been greatly influenced by the European migrant crisis in 2015, illegal migration, which is still underway, and the pandemic that has no end in sight. In the second semester of this year, Slovenia will hold the Presidency of the Council of the European Union. All of the above brings challenges as well as opportunities. We have learned a lot from the above, one of the most important findings being that self-sufficiency and the ability to take care of oneself are good. In a situation where all countries, not just EU members, are facing problems, it is very useful to be autonomous and independent of others. The various mechanisms of the European Union, NATO and some other international security organizations operate on the principles of solidarity, assistance and burden-sharing. However, it is very hard to share when everybody is lacking in something. The challenge for the future is certainly to anticipate trends, especially in security, to prepare accordingly, to own as much of what you need for yourself and for the functioning of your country, and, if possible, help other countries as well. It is the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union that requires more investment in the security and defence of countries, as well as in strengthening our common resilience. This has been included in several directives and other documents of the European Union, continually pointed out by its representatives; yet, according to the facts there is still a steady decline in this area. Perhaps Slovenia's Presidency of the Council of the European Union is the right opportunity to pay more attention to this topic. This year, May is also important for the Contemporary Military Challenges. Following last year’s indexing of the publication in the Crossref database, all articles that are available from the Digital Library of the Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Slovenia will, as of May 2021, also be available from the Military and Government Collection of the EBSCO database and in Air University Library Index in Military Periodicals. This will enable a greater exchange of views, opinions and ideas between Slovenian and foreign authors in the security, defence and military domains. In the Slovenian Armed Forces, a Military Strategy of the Republic of Slovenia is being drafted, and the now retired Brigadier General Branimir Furlan is writing a book on military strategy. Hence, there will be more than enough opportunities for interesting military-related reading. The issues of our publication will contribute to this as well. In this issue, Pavel Vuk writes about the Evolution of the concept of strategy and its relating with the politics. He begins by explaining the historical aspect, when military leaders still consider the combat strategy to be a necessary concept, and gradually moves into the strategy as a way of shaping the public policy and reflecting the political will of the ruling elite. More on how successful countries are in implementing their strategies can be found in the article. Valerija Bernik writes about the Perspectives and challenges of Slovenian military education system. In her article, we learn a lot about the latest changes in the Slovenian Armed Forces in this regard. The author participated in the process of establishing the Higher Military Vocational School (NCO College) and acts as its Head. However, the establishment of the school is not the end, but the beginning of a new path and new opportunities for military education. In her article Activities of the Slovenian Armed Forces during the COVID-19 epidemic, Tanja Kremžar Kovač writes about the experiences of the Slovenian Armed Forces in these exceptional circumstances. The mission of international operations and missions continues despite the epidemic and the various restrictions on movement and travel bans. The armed forces must remain active and effective regardless of the various obstacles. Her article describes in detail how the Slovenian Armed Forces have managed to achieve this. Marjan Horvat focused on an ever-topical issue. Leadership in the Slovenian Armed Forces touches upon some new, as well as some already known topics. Leadership is an area that has never been sufficiently researched and which, despite continuous training and many years of practice, can never be mastered enough. Therefore, every effort dedicated to making progress in leadership is a good investment in every organization, especially in the Slovenian Armed Forces. The COVID-19 epidemic prevents us from properly commemorating the 30th anniversary of our country's independence this year, so we may do so on some other occasion. However, remembering important events and personalities is essential for a nation’s consciousness and patriotism. Jerica Pavšič and Zvezdan Markovič write about this in their article Forms of collective remembrance of General Maister, where they establish how we have been remembering this important figure, his actions and consequences that mainly reflect in the territorial integrity of our country.

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Jenkins, James O., Domènec Ruiz Devesa, Alfonso Egea-de Haro, Karen Bakker, Jekwu Ikeme, Charalampos Koutalakis, Gregorio Dávila Díaz et Ionnis Chorianopoulos. « Reviews : Environmental Dilemmas and Policy Design, the Political Culture of the Left in Affluent Britain, 1951–64 : Old Labour, New Britain, the Government and Politics of the European Union, Just Sustainabilities : Development in an Unequal World, Climate Change and Sustainable Development : Prospects for Developing Countries, Environmental Leaders and Laggards in Europe : Why there is (Not) a ‘Southern Problem’, Business and Politics : A Comparative Introduction, The European Union : Economy, Society, and Polity ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 22, n^o 1 (février 2004) : 149–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c2201rvw.

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FUCHYLA, Olena. « CURRENT TENDENCIES FORDEVELOPING MEDIA LITERACY IN FLANDERS (BELGIUM) ». Cherkasy University Bulletin : Pedagogical Sciences, n^o 2 (2020) : 227–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31651/2524-2660-2020-2-227-230.

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Introduction. In the modern world of digi-tal technologies media literacy has become theimportanttopic of the discussions of politicians in many countries while they are discussing media in general and digital media or the Internet in particular. Taking into account the tendency to European Union which distinguishes our country and for the successful development of media literacy in it, it could be useful to know about the peculiar-ities of the development of this strategy in other European countries and to analyze their achievements and draw-backs. The country of our interest is Belgium which is located in the heart of Europe and concentrate many common features of European politics. The purpose of the article is to analyze the tendencies of introducing media literacy into educational strategies of Flanders (Belgium) and reveal the expediencyof the use of Flanders experience while regulating the educational system of Ukraine.The methods of analysis, synthesis and comparisonare used in the article.Results.Considering the debates in Flemish govern-ment directed towards choosing the best way of imple-menting the media literacy policies, it can be stated that first attempts were made after the dramatic development of the digital technologies. Digital media became more commonly used by citizens of different age and social status, so the issue of protecting them from different nega-tive effects of media, that is, fake news, brutality etc. should fit to a new reality. The instrument of such protec-tion would be media literacy instead of restrictive measures of the government, the latter being considered an ineffective policy. Shifting the responsibility to consum-ers became a goodpractice, but under the condition that they are provided with necessary skills which are of a much wider range that digital skills/ Moreover, media literacy should necessarily include the skills in construct-ing media connecting knowledge of media background and its practical implementation via creating new media products and so understanding their artificial nature.Originality. This research has been done for the first time with the use of original literature sources. Conclusion.Having analyzed different tendencies in policies of implementing media literacy in Flanders (Bel-gium) the author can conclude that during last decades there has been a considerable shift in attitude to media literacy there. Having noticed, that restrictive measures directed to protect consumers from negative influence of media (fake news, violence, addiction etc.) did not act properly because of drastic changes of the media envi-ronment. It became more and more digitalized, and con-sumers have been included in the processes of its crea-tion. It meant that new approaches should be developed giving consumers knowledge and skills which could pro-tect them instead of law. The discussion on the issue are still taking place on the ministry level in Flanders, be-cause restrictive laws are easier to be voted, but making media literacy a part and parcel of a society culture pro-vides more self-confidence and responsibility to the citi-zens of a democratic state. This experience can be quite useful for choosing the correct way of the development and introduction of media literacy in Ukraine.

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Cohen, Ariel. « Power or Ideology ». American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, n^o 3 (1 juillet 2005) : 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.

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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics? AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.

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