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1
Đukanović, Dragan. « The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis ». Croatian International Relations Review 21, no 72 (1 février 2015) : 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.
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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation
2
Kolarski, Ljiljana. « THE IMPACT OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE ON THE WESTERN BALKANS ». Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 23, no 2/2022 (12 décembre 2022) : 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.2322022.5.
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The war in Ukraine represents a turning point in international relations that significantly affects the common foreign and security policy of the European Union. By taking place on European soil and mainly between Russia and Ukraine, it really indirectly affects several countries united in two important entities, the European Union and NATO. In this paper, we will deal with the analysis of the impact of the war in Ukraine on the countries of the Western Balkans, which are in a significant geopolitical position and have developed relations with Russia in the fields of foreign policy, security, and energy. The work aims to contribute to the understanding of the implications that are happening and that may arise in the domain of internal and foreign policy of the Western Balkan countries, and especially regional relations, as a consequence of the war in Ukraine. In the first part of the paper, attention is paid to a theoretical explanation of war and realism in international relations which could be implied to this war. Furthermore, a brief overview of the political events that led to the Russian invasion of Ukraine will be presented in order to understand the next chapter, which is dedicated to considering the response of each Western Balkan state to the beginning of the war and the events that came as a result of it.
3
Bitkova, Tatiana. « ROMANIA AND THE BALKANS : POLITICAL, HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL ASPECTS ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 2 (2021) : 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.11.
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The article analyzes some aspects of Romania’s foreign policy in the Balkan region. It is noted that the same fact that country belongs to the Balkans causes ambiguous interpretations on the part of Romanian politicians and experts, many of whom believe that Romania cannot be attributed to this region either geographically or politically. At the same time, culturally and historically, according to a certain part of historians and sociologists, Romania nevertheless carries the features of the so-called «Balkanism», due to the common Ottoman past with the Balkan Peninsula. These features are also relevant for the current socio-political situation, which is shown in the article with specific examples. In addition, criticism of the very term «Balkanism» from the side of Romanian analysts is presented. The author also examines Romania’s relations with the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily with Serbia. The points of contact of the positions of these countries are noted, which are largely due to the desire of Serbia to resolve the Kosovo problem in its favor, relying on the support of Romania - one of the five EU countries that did not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Romania, using this situation, is trying to strengthen its position, seeking regional leadership. The author comes to the conclusion that, although the Western Balkan countries directly or indirectly aspire to Euro-Atlantic structures, some of them (primarily Serbia) maintain and develop friendly relations with Russia, which complicates their interaction with Romania, orthodoxly adhering to the NATO and European Union policies and having a very difficult relationship with Russia.
4
Sorokin, D. « Macedonian Language as an Object of an International Dispute (According to Media Materials) ». Journal of Political Research 5, no 4 (9 décembre 2021) : 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-4-79-86.
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The purpose of this article is to study the issue of politicization of the language dispute between the Republic of North Macedonia and the Republic of Bulgaria. This academic dispute became a political argument not only in relations between two countries, but also in resolving issues in the world. The main method was content analysis the English-language news portal’s materials - Balkan Insight. This analysis provides the opportunity to research the components of this dispute. As a result, it can be stated that in the scientific community there is no consensus about how much and to what extent the Macedonian language is "similar" to other languages of the Balkan Peninsula. Bulgarian scientists do not acknowledge the existence of the Macedonian language, claiming that the language of North Macedonia is a dialect of Bulgarian. The Macedonian scientific community takes a different point of view, arguing that the language developed historically, through the BI media platform, is trying to form European public opinion. The collective West officially support the integration of Macedonia into European structures, but does not reject the positions of individual EU states, such as Bulgaria, which play a significant role.
5
Bjelic, Predrag, Danijela Jacimovic et Ivan Tasic. « Effects of the world economic crisis on exports in the CEEC : Focus on the Western Balkans ». Ekonomski anali 58, no 196 (2013) : 71–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka1396071b.
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The world economic crisis that paralyzed the world economy in 2008 and 2009 had a profound impact on all countries in the world. Due to the interconnectedness of national economies the crisis spread rapidly from its centre in the United States to the world. There were two main transmission channels for the spread of the crisis between countries - international trade and the exchange of private capital between states in the form of foreign direct investment (FDI). This economic downturn has greatly influenced the domestic economic stability of the Western Balkan economies. The Western Balkan countries have shaped their economic policy towards European Union (EU) membership, resulting in a high degree of liberalization in international economic relations accompanied by a commitment to free international capital movement. Since this region has close economic ties with the EU the crisis spread to the region very quickly, manifesting itself in decreasing regional exports to the EU market and a downward trend of FDI inflow to the region. This paper will focus on the impact of the world economic crisis on the Western Balkan economies and especially on their exports and FDI inflow. Our empirical analysis, based on panel data, uses a wider sample of Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC) which includes the Western Balkans, since we wanted to analyze if the effects of the economic crisis in the Western Balkans are specific or are common to most countries in transition. The analysis shows that Western Balkan exports have suffered due to the crisis, but reveals some interesting results on the different dynamics of export flows which depend on regional trade integration for their destination.
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Shanshieva, Larisa. « BALKAN VECTOR OF BELARUS FOREIGN POLICY (LATE XX - EARLY XXI CENTURIES) ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 2 (2021) : 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.12.
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The article examines the Balkan vector of the Belarus’ foreign policy in the context of the concept of a multi-vector policy. It is noted that the Republic of Belarus (RB), created as an independent state after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, initially attached great importance to the establishment of mutually beneficial relations with different countries. This approach laid the foundation for the subsequent formation of the named concept. The thesis is expressed that the implementation of a multi-vector policy entailed certain contradictions. They were based on the need to constantly maintain a balance in relations between the Republic of Belarus and countries that have different economic and political systems and are members of various regional associations. On the one hand, Belarus has established strong allied relations with Russia and joined organizations such as the EAEU and the CSTO. On the other hand, it actively established trade and economic relations with the countries of the European Union, as well as with China and the United States. The main attention is paid to the Balkan vector of international cooperation of the Republic of Belarus, first of all to the Belarusian-Serbian relations. It is noted that the Belarusian leadership sought to cooperate with other Balkan countries, involving them in the orbit of trade and economic ties in the EAEU markets. The main research methods are the content analysis method and the predictive method. The author analyzes the features of the modern political situation in Belarus, caused by the ambiguous results of the presidential elections on August 9, 2020. It is concluded that the confrontation between the authorities and society will have negative consequences for the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, for its relations with other states, including the Balkans.
7
Damiani, Mirella, et Milica Uvalic. « Structural Change in the European Union and Its Periphery : Current Challenges for the Western Balkans ». Southeastern Europe 42, no 2 (26 juin 2018) : 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-000011.
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This paper analyses structural change in the European Union (EU) over the past two decades, with the aim of providing some guidelines for the Western Balkan (WB) countries. After recalling the main theories of structural change, the paper illustrates the general trend of decline in the relative shares of manufacturing output and employment in the old and the new EU member states, pointing to distinctive features of the East European countries. It proceeds to show how structural change in the WB countries has had additional characteristics, specific to the region. The WB countries have experienced a process of extreme de-industrialization that has reduced the contribution of manufacturing too quickly, to levels which are not consistent with their relatively low level of economic development. What is necessary is a strategy of re-industrialization of the WB economies that would strengthen their export capacity and facilitate more robust economic growth.
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Mizik, Tamás. « Land policy and farm structure : Challenges and opportunities for agriculture in the Western Balkan ». Society and Economy 38, no 2 (juin 2016) : 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2016.38.2.2.
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Although Western Balkan countries are quite different, they can all be characterised by their one shared goal, to achieve the quickest possible accession to the European Union. Even though agriculture plays an important key role within all Western Balkan states, it’s share is the highest in Albania and only Serbia has a trade surplus. Land is a key production factor but all the analysed countries can be characterised by fragmented land structure and low average farm sizes. Mostly based on land ownership issues, a land reform index can be calculated. The major contribution of this paper to the literature is the reevaluated land reform index for the Western Balkans.
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Basov, F. « German Policy towards EU Enlargement ». World Economy and International Relations, no 4 (2015) : 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-4-18-22.
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This article is dedicated to the German policy towards the EU enlargement. Its history as well as the current German policy towards prospective enlargements are analyzed in this paper. The article offers party-political and sociological analysis of Germany`s attitude towards the EU enlargement, also the reasons for it are determined. FRG supported all of the European Community and European Union enlargements. This line is being continued, but nowadays only step to step approach is being supported. Germany‘s motives to the EU enlargement are based on the liberal concept of the common security. The main goals of this policy are the including of European countries into the Western community of developed countries (the EU), the extension of the stability and security area. The economic integration is also very important for Germany. The key priority of the EU enlargement is the Western Balkan region (the so called “Europeanisation” of Western Balkans). This process is being supported by political elites of the region and by the European Union itself. It is recognized, that the Europeanisation of Western Balkans was used as a sample for the Eastern Partnership Program. Without consideration of the Russian factor, though, this strategy towards the post-Soviet countries has many weaknesses. But the EU-membership for the Eastern Partnership members is not excluded.
10
Peshkopia, Ridvan. « Asylum in the Balkans : European Union and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees assistance to Balkan countries for establishing asylum systems ». Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 5, no 2 (mai 2005) : 213–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850500122869.
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Poshka, Agim. « Language and Hate Speech Aspects in the Public Sphere Case Study : Republic of Macedonia ». SEEU Review 13, no 1 (1 décembre 2018) : 90–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2018-0009.
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Abstract The issue of hate speech is widely present in the Balkan Peninsula and although it has a serious impact in inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations, it has never been addressed properly by the academia or the judicial systems. This paper aims to outline the main principles that define hate speech from the linguistic and legal perspective. Throughout the paper several international cases of hate speech are cited along with the measures that western European countries take in order to minimize the level of stereotypes and public discrimination. In the second part, the paper brings examples from degrading hate speech cases coming from public figures in Macedonia. In addition, a few comparative cases from the international practice have been cited in order to perceive if an egalitarian society is possible in Macedonia from the aspect of language usage without the hatred constituents by aiming to develop an acceptable public discourse for all.
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Andrzejczak-Świątek, Małgorzata. « The process of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo and the international legal strategies of the EU States, the USA, and Russia(with particular emphasis on the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers) ». Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no 4 (décembre 2021) : 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.6.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the international legal and political process of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo in terms of its impact on the scope of development directions and strategies of the European Union countries as well as Russia and the USA. Particular emphasis was placed on the treatment of these issues in the light of the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor’s Office. The main theses assumed for the purposes of this article are as follows: firstly, that the policy of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo is multidimensional, including the necessity of the process of international criminal liability for the crimes committed by both states, while at the same time influencing the dilemmas of the development directions of individual European countries, but also of the European Union and the United States. In addition, the legal and political stabilization of the Balkan region, especially in the context of relations between Kosovo and Serbia, and the possibility of cooperation with these states as part of intergovernmental international organizations, is strategically extremely important for the EU, the USA, as well as for Russia. The Author critically analyses issues using polemics with the standpoint presented in the doctrine of the subject as well as interpreting selected instruments of international law and Kosovo’s national law. The deliberations resulted in conclusions as to the determinants in terms of the directions of the legal and political development of the EU and Russia resulting from the complicated process of reconciliation and mutual settlement of sins by Serbia and Kosovo.
13
Hogic, Nedim. « The European Union’s Economic Conditionality and Europeanization of the Western Balkans ». Southeastern Europe 46, no 2 (31 octobre 2022) : 121–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-46020001.
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Abstract This article evaluates the role that the economic conditionality of the European Union (EU) toward the six Western Balkan countries may play in the transformation of these countries as a part of their EU accession process. The article is a case study of a temporary policy shift that occurred in 2014 in relation to conditions that Bosnia and Herzegovina must fulfill to qualify for opening negotiations on EU membership. It also aims to address what this shift has achieved for the Europeanization of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its progress towards EU accession. The shift, implemented via an economic plan called the Reform Agenda, was an attempt at Europeanization of the country’s economic policies that temporarily put aside the constitutional reform demands that had previously dominated the Europeanization discourse. After the first five years of the Reform Agenda, moderate gains primarily in the domain of economic development and fiscal stability were made; however, political fragmentation and nationalistic and secessionist ideas have prevented the reforms from making a stronger impact. Additionally, the lack of a defined desired outcome in terms of measurable economic reforms and the inadequate planning by the EU were not conducive to a more transformative impact.
14
Katunin, D. A. « Language in Bulgarian Legislation ». Rusin, no 62 (2020) : 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/62/11.
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The article aims to analyse Bulgaria’s provisions of the laws and international treaties that regulate the use and functioning of languages in the country since the restoration of the Bulgarian statehood at the end of the 19th century to the present day (that is, monarchical, socialist and modern periods). The evolution of this aspect of the Bulgarian national law is analysed depending on the form of government in the particular era of the state’s existence. The article examines Bulgaria’s relations with neighboring Balkan countries throughout their development, including numerous wars, which were primarily based on attempts to solve ethnic problems. Based on the results of the censuses of the population of Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia, data are provided on the dynamics of the absolute and relative number of Bulgarians and major national minorities and on the number of those who indicated their native languages. The significance of the study is due to the fact that the Balkan Peninsula, although being on the periphery of current processes in the modern geopolitical paradigm, not being their actor and being divided into a dozen states, still played and is playing one of the leading roles in the European and world histories. The study of language legislation, as one of the key elements of language policy, makes it possible to identify a variety of aspects of interethnic relations both in the historical, retrospective and long-term perspective. In addition, the study of this issue may be in demand when considering interethnic conflict situations in other problem areas. The article concludes that the language legislation of Bulgaria is characterized by significant minimalism in comparison with similar aspects of law in many European countries, and the linguistic rights of national minorities in Bulgaria are minimally reflected in the considered laws of the state.
15
Siljak, Dzenita, et Sándor Gyula Nagy. « The effects of the crisis on the convergence process of the Western Balkan countries towards the European Union ». Society and Economy 40, no 1 (mars 2018) : 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2018.40.1.7.
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BLONDEL, J. « ‘Presidentialism’ in the Ex-Soviet Union ». Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no 1 (27 janvier 2012) : 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000223.
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AbstractWhen the Soviet Union fell in 1990, three of its 15 components, the Baltic States, joined the European Union, and a fourth, Moldova, may well join in the future. The other 11 quickly became presidential republics, following the lead given by Boris Yeltsin, the president of the largest among them, Russia. By 1994, all 11 were headed by a president elected by universal suffrage. These ex-Soviet countries contribute significantly to the number of presidential republics in the world. Presidential republics form a clear majority, being predominant in Latin America and Africa, alongside the ex-Soviet Union. They are rare in Europe, the main cases being France, Romania, and, though seemingly temporarily, some Balkan states; in Asia, outside the ex-Soviet Union, they are a small minority.Like many presidential republics elsewhere, those in the ex-Soviet Union are mostly authoritarian, but with variations: this is primarily so in Central Asia, as well as in Azerbaijan and Belarus. These presidencies have been very stable, with some of their leaders, especially in Central Asia, being repeatedly re-elected, often without opposition. There has been a regular turnover in Armenia (but less so in Georgia) and in Ukraine (but not in Belarus). The Russian case is peculiar, as is well known: Putin became prime minister because he could no longer be constitutionally re-elected as president, at least without a break. The power of these presidents has varied over time: outside Central Asia (except Kyrgyzstan) and Azerbaijan, where they have been uniformly strong, their strength has declined in Georgia, increased in Russia and Belarus, and had ups and downs in Armenia and Ukraine.
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Bitkova, T. « Romania’s Interests in South-Eastern Europe and Cooperation with Turkey ». Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no 3 (2022) : 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-3-57-68.
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The article deals with Romania’s foreign policy vectors in South-Eastern Europe regarding its membership in NATO and in the European Union. It is noted that the main foreign policy vector of Bucharest in the region is an alignment with the Republic of Moldova and a prospect of these two states uniting. The role of Romania is presented in a platform for negotiations which is the South-Eastern European Cooperation Process (SEECP), in the Three Seas Initiative, the Bucharest Nine Initiative and in the Romania –Poland– Turkey trilateral dialogue. The place of the Black Sea region in ambitions of the Romanian leadership and its significance in a strategic partnership between Romania and the Republic of Turkey are revealed. The author notes that the Balkans are not a priority vector of Romanian foreign policy, but the Western Balkan states are always present in Bucharest’s objects of attention, since here, as well as in the Black Sea region, global players are present, including Russia, a country Romania’s relations with has been in a critical condition for many years. In regards to the Romania’s relations with the Western Balkan countries, cooperation between Romania and Serbia stands out. Despite the pressure from Brussels, Romania supports Serbia in not wanting to tolerate the self-declared independence of Kosovo. Different approaches to policies of the Russian Federation are the reason behind the inconsistencies in the Romanian-Serbian relations. Romania does not possess enough recourses to lead an independent activity in the Balkans region and it mainly integrates in the policy of the European Union and the USA. Turkey pursues a policy of increasing its influence in the Balkans, with the cultural strategy of reconstruction of the Turkic world being one of the evident manifestations of the policy. The Romanian leadership abstains from any comment on this topic. Having not the same weight in world politics, Romania and Turkey на декларативном уровне demonstrate complete trust in one another and mutual understanding on a declarative level, but, according to the analysis of foreign policy platforms and partners’ particular political acts, their relations develop in the context of varying and sometimes even opposite approaches to a list of crucial international events.
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Mehmeti, Ismail A., Sokol Krasniqi et Hysen Sogojeva. « Trade and Country Legislation as a Roadmap for Economic Integration : Focus on Balkan Countries ». International Journal of Management Excellence 14, no 3 (30 avril 2020) : 2109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17722/ijme.v14i3.1143.
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Purpose: This paper focuses on identifying the role of trade and legislation of a country for economic integration. Every Balkan country has claims to integrate into the large family of the European Union- EU. This context besides foreign trade legal infrastructure is one of the main determinants of this process. It is imperative that laws related to the process of economic integration should comply with EU legal directives. Design/Methodology/Approach: Data processing design (for legislation as a roadmap for economic integration) is in line with established international standards. It focuses on data published by the governing institutions of the relevant countries using deductive methods. It also compares data obtained from research in analytical and synthetic terms with direct access to literature, scientific journals, as well as official reports published locally and abroad. Findings: Today, economic integration has become a necessity of recent times. They are influenced by a large number of relevant factors and are received by political actors on the basis of whose political actions will bring about liberal or protectionist policies. Each state has its own legal acts and other legal provisions regulating the functioning of the country's legal system. Free trade and the implementation of economic integration are closely linked to "Fiscal Policy" as part of the overall economic system. Adoption of restrictive fiscal laws that impede the international movement of goods and services has detrimental effects on the development of international trade and impedes the development of good relations between sovereign states. Practical Implications: The elaboration of this paper is based on the legal analysis of contemporary economic integration as well as the economic aspects and modalities for the practical realization of regional integration. The paper presents data - on market performance and legislation that determines economic integration - which shows the current state of affairs of the Western Balkan countries in the context of such integration. Originality/Value: The data in the paper present the real state of commercial economic developments and legislation as determinant of economic integration in the Western Balkan countries. The focus is on the creation of adjacent legislative spaces of these countries, which enables accelerated integration with the ultimate aim of joining the EU.
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Bonadio, Enrico, et Magali Contardi. « The Geographic Indication Prosecco Battle Between Italy and Australia : Some Lessons from the History and Geography of the Most Famous Italian Wine ». Journal of World Investment & ; Trade 23, no 2 (26 avril 2022) : 260–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-12340248.
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Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the debate around the legality of the Prosecco geographical indication (GI). The article’s main point is to demonstrate that the term Prosecco does satisfy the conditions laid down in Article 22 of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), and that its protection as a GI in both the European Union (EU) and other countries does not run counter to TRIPS. Through a review of the relevant literature, the article shows that this term has been used for many centuries in the northeastern part of the Italian peninsula to refer to a high-quality wine, including in the territory around the village of Prosecco in the Friuli Venezia Giulia region of Italy. This suggests a strong link between that area and the quality and reputation of the famous Italian sparkling wine and strengthens the EU and Italy’s claims for the protection of the term Prosecco as GI in both the EU and other countries that sign trade agreements with the EU.
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Nation, R. Craig. « NATO in the Western Balkans : A Force for Stability ? » Southeastern Europe 35, no 1 (2011) : 120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633311x545706.
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AbstractNATO has made important contributions to regional security in post-Cold War Southeastern Europe. Engagement with the alliance's security assistance programs provides opportunities for security sector reform and professional development, helps to reorient national defense and security policies toward contemporary challenges, and places the responsibility of territorial defense in a collective security framework that allows for a more efficient utilization of limited resources and reduces the likelihood of interstate conflict. All the countries of the Western Balkans are committed to cooperation with the alliance, and to varying degrees are moving toward (or have already achieved) closer or full association, a process that this article seeks to document. NATO membership is also often perceived, rightly or wrongly, as a necessary step along the road toward membership in the European Union, the most important strategic goal for the majority of Western Balkan states. Association with the alliance is not, however, a sufficient foundation for regional stability and cooperative security. This will require a more complex process of development, including economic, political, social and cultural dimensions. Inclusive policies, including more effective cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation in pursuit of mutual interests, would be of particular value.
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Romanenko, Sergei. « STUDYING THE HISTORY OF THE BALKANS / SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE : RESEARCH TASKS AND PROBLEM FORMULATION ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 2 (2021) : 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.01.
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The new issue of the journal «Current Problems of Europe» opens with the problem-oriented article, dedicated to the analysis of the state of the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region and its development in 2000-2020. The author gives a systemic description of the processes taking place in the intra-national and international intra-regional political, social and economic development of the countries of the region, and the problems generated by them. The changes are associated with a difficult transition phase, experienced by the states of the region, for the most part belonging to the post-socialist world (Bulgaria, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania). The exceptions are Greece, Turkey and Cyprus, however, these three states are also going through a difficult period in their history, associated with new problems both in interstate relations within this triangle, and in relations with NATO and the EU, as well as with Russia. The article discusses the specifics of translating the terms «people» and «national» into Russian, as well as the toponym Kosovo (Serb.) / Kosova (Alb.), and ethnonyms «Bošnjak» and «bosanac». The first part of the issue contains articles devoted to general problems of regional studies: the relationship between the terms Eastern Europe, Central Europe, South-Eastern Europe, Balkans, Western Balkans; comparative and political science subjects; the role of the European Union and China in the development of the region; the relationship of national Serbian, post-Yugoslavian and European culture and intellectual heritage as well. The second part of the issue examines the relations of the Balkan states with the states of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Romania, Belarus), as well as the specifics of their development in the post-socialist period. Thus, there is the possibility of a multilateral - historical, political and cultural, as well as comparative analysis of the development of this complex region, which is of great importance for international relations worldwide.
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Gajić, S., et E. G. Ponomareva. « Accelerated expansion of NATO into the Balkans as a consequence of Euro-Atlantic Discord ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no 2 (28 avril 2020) : 70–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-2-71-70-93.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Balkans in general and post-Yugoslav countries in particular have been under significant geopolitical pressure of the political West since the end of the bipolar global order. From the beginning of the Yugoslav Civil War in 1991, followed by Western recognition of secessionist republics in 1992 and NATO attacks on Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1994-1995 and on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, the US, NATO and EU have been actively involved in the Balkan crisis. It was in concordance with the logic of unipolarity, or the New World Order, proclaimed by George W.H. Bush, in which there is “no substitute for American leadership”.The year of 2008 marked the start of profound changes. The changes we are witnessing today are of the magnitude described by Paul Kennedy’s classic The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. Georgia’s attack on South Ossetia crossed Russia’s red lines and exposed the latter’s ambitions to regain the superpower status; China symbolically showed the same ambition with the Olympics in Beijing; the crash of the US real-estate market triggered the global economic crisis; and the NATO-sponsored unilateral declaration of secession by Kosovo Albanians set a precedent and introduced uncertainty in international law and the entire system of United Nations. By the beginning of 2020, many problems had accumulated in the EU – against the background of the ongoing migration crisis, right-wing and nationalist movements became more active, and differences between members increased. Long before COVID-19, Brexit became a serious stress test for the economy and social structure of the European Union. Dramatic changes took place on the other side of the Atlantic too, resulting in the shocking victory of staunch anti-globalist Donald Trump. The rules established during the 1991-2008 unipolarity have thus been challenged. Subsequently, post-Cold War ideological consensus in the West has also been challenged even further by the growth of non-systemic political movements – many of them directed not only against the EU expansion, but also against the EU itself.The significance of all these events for the Balkans is somewhat surprising and paradoxical, as the mainstream forces that have been weakened in the West forcefully push for a stronger Atlantic integration of the remaining Balkan countries. At the height of the pandemic, on 27 March 2020 Northern Macedonia became the 30th member of the Alliance, having previously undergone a humiliating procedure of changing its own name for this purpose. Three years earlier, Montenegro was admitted to NATO, but its population did not have the opportunity to vote on this in a referendum. The negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina on ‘normalisation of relations’, continued pressures on the prerogatives of Republic Srpska, Croatian initiative for a new Intermarium and many other similar efforts are stages in the process of NATOisation of former Yugoslavia. Based on the analysis of a large body of narrative sources and recent literature, the article presents the main trends and possible prospects for developments in the Balkans, depending on the outcome of the ongoing ideological and political struggle within the West.
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Ramčilović, Zećir. « Revizionizam i (zlo)upotreba historije od strane Bugarske prema Sjevernoj Makedoniji i njenoj integraciji u Europsku uniju ». Historijski pogledi 5, no 8 (15 novembre 2022) : 134–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.134.
Texte intégralRésumé :
History is a social science, which is concurrently humanistic since it offers not only knowledge about the past, but through the study of historical processes and phenomena influences the creation of a representation of today's concepts and social processes. History is the foundation on which the personality of each individual is built and formed, particularly in education where history models the mankind about their knowledge of themselves and others. Unfortunately, in more or less all Balkan historiographies there is a certain extent of history mythologizing, reinterpretation of facts depending on the needs of usually the government or certain structures and centers of power, and the imposition of truth that should not be discussed, or what is written in textbooks. That is why the mentioned structures create purposeful crises, and then they manage them and, if necessary, resolve them. Socio-political relations are changing and most frequently, apart from a small circle of people who have an interest, ordinary people and society as a whole suffer from long-term harmful consequences that can often get out of control. That is why history has become a powerful weapon that is very often used to manipulate and achieve various, mostly political goals. That is why it is difficult to be a historian in the Balkans! It is quite normal and logical for historians to argue and disagree about certain historical processes and phenomena, but the problem is that because of the above mentioned, historians become an instrument for achieving a certain goal and ideology. One such example is North Macedonia, which suffers consequences in its development, position in the world and realization of its strategic goals precisely because of the (mis)use of history and historical revisionism. This is particularly pronounced by the blocking of North Macedonia to start the negotiations for EU membership by Bulgaria due to the history and processes in the past that are not in line with the so-called Bulgarian historical narrative. Using an argument of force, not facts, using its better international position, Bulgaria creates and imposes a narrative on the Bulgarian identity of the Macedonian people, and the Macedonian language for the Bulgarian dialect, with the relativization of the then Bulgarian participation in the fascist coalition, and the negation of the occupying regime. This is utterly inappropriate for one state to intervene in this way on the history and historical facts of another state. Bilateral disputes are not new to Europe, but the way and pressure that Bulgaria is exerting on North Macedonia is morally and legally unjustified, in which a large part of historians are co-sponsors, becoming an instrument of certain structures. In addition to the analysis of controversial attitudes and positions as a result of historical revisionism of Bulgarian institutions and „historians“, the paper shows that the development of relations between the two countries is directly correlated with changes in government and governing structures, i.e, their ideologies and needs. The resolution of disputes related to the past is possible only with the application of modern approaches and depoliticization of history and its role in modern society.
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Bergesio, Noemi, et Luiza Bialasiewicz. « The entangled geographies of responsibility : Contested policy narratives of migration governance along the Balkan Route ». Environment and Planning D : Society and Space, 9 février 2023, 026377582211373. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02637758221137345.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines some of the contested geographical imaginaries of the so-called “Balkan Route” as part of the wider Mediterranean migration complex. More specifically, we interrogate how such varied imaginaries of the Route contribute to shaping conflicting geographies of responsibility for migration in the region among a shifting set of international and state actors. We highlight how the attribution of responsibility for the governance of migration is shaped by numerous geographical and historical entanglements, including on-going processes of post-conflict state-making and the geopolitics of European Union accession, with migrants becoming pawns in the negotiation of preferential relations between the countries of the region and the European Union. Focusing in particular on the framing of migration policy responses along the Croatia–Bosnia and Italy–Slovenia sections of the Route, we examine the perspectives of both policy-makers and solidarity networks active in the area, noting how their divergent narratives contribute to the proliferation of conflicting formal and informal practices of border control.