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1
Formichelli, Solidea. « Support for European Membership in the new Candidate Countries ». Politikon : The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 13, no 1 (30 avril 2007) : 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.13.1.4.
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Is European Membership supported in candidate countries? Up until now a lot has been written on support for European integration and explanations for it within European Union Member States. Considering three candidate countries – Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey – and focusing on the economic calculus of costs and benefits and national-European identity theories, this paper analyses public opinion support for European Membership. The main results, obtained using the Candidate Countries Eurobarometer 2003.4 dataset, and applying a logistic regression model, shown that the economic model better explains the support for European integration than does the identity model. National identity does not affect the support at all; it is not significant in any of the models elaborated.
2
Dudášová, Marianna. « Globalisation Scepticism in the Visegrad Countries ». Ekonomické rozhľady – Economic Review 50, no 4 (15 décembre 2021) : 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/er.2644-7185.2021.4.429-451.
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Recent developments in the European Union revealed significant differences between the Visegrad countries and the remaining members of the EU. The enlargement euphoria of the first decade of the 21st century was replaced by certain enlargement fatigue, manifesting itself not only in concrete governmental policies but also in the public opinion towards the EU. As European integration and globalisation are parallel processes, declining support for European integration must not necessarily be the result of disagreement with specific policies and should be examined in the broader context of globalisation fears and anxieties. The article describes variations in globalisation scepticism between the group of Visegrad countries and the remaining countries of the EU as well as variations within the Visegrad group itself, focusing on the main drivers of economic globalisation – international trade, foreign direct investment, and immigration. The development of public opinion since the financial and economic crisis in 2009 indicates that Visegrad countries should not be treated as a uniform bloc of globalisation sceptics as there are significant differences in opinion between the more pessimistic Czechs and Slovaks and the more optimistic Poles and Hungarians. Their globalisation scepticism also varies across different dimensions of globalisation and is fuelled by different motivations.
3
SELIGSON, MITCHELL A. « Popular Support for Regional Economic Integration in Latin America ». Journal of Latin American Studies 31, no 1 (février 1999) : 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x98005239.
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Regional economic integration schemes abound in Latin America, yet very little is known about the degree of popular support for such programmes. Now that democratic regimes rule in almost all of Latin America, public opinion can have an important impact on national policies. This paper examines the attitudes toward economic integration in 17 mainland Latin American countries with interview data from over 18,000 people. Bi-variate and multivariate analyses are conducted on the factors related to support for regional integration. Perceived benefits of integration and perceptions of personal and national economic situation prove to be important factors, as are higher levels of education, support for democracy and gender (males favour integration more than females). Two novel findings are that a positive opinion of the European Union along with satisfaction with the functioning of democracy are both linked to greater support for integration.
4
Jeannet, Anne-Marie. « Internal migration and public opinion about the European Union : a time series cross-sectional study ». Socio-Economic Review 18, no 3 (3 août 2018) : 817–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwy034.
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Abstract Although the European Union (EU) allows citizens from member countries to migrate freely within its confines to facilitate integration, it may be alienating public support for Europe. This article investigates this by extending group threat theory to explain how internal migration is related to public opinion about the EU using annual Eurobarometer data from 1998 to 2014 across 15 Western European countries. Employing a pooled time cross-sectional design, I find that the presence of EU citizens from Central and Eastern European member states is positively related to public beliefs that EU membership is not beneficial for their country. The results also show that this relationship is even stronger during an economic downturn. There is weak evidence that it may be related to distrust in European institutions as well. These findings shed light on why public support for the EU can erode over time and how it responds to contextual changes in Europe’s internal migration patterns. The study concludes by discussing how group threat theory is relevant for understanding public opinion about the EU.
5
Godlewska, Ewa. « Ekonomiczne aspekty polityki integracyjnej Austrii wobec imigrantów ». Przegląd europejski 1, no 1 (1 décembre 2018) : 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.9999.
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In recent years the public debate in Europe has been dominated by the topic of refugee crisis. Disputes on its solving have become a part of public life in practically all European countries. Intergovernmental organisations, like the European Union for example, are also interested in this problem. Austria is one of the countries that directly experienced the influx of migrants. In the context of these events, it is worth considering three issues. First of all, is it possible to continue the existing assumptions in the time of the migration crisis? The second is the question of specific challenges for the “integration package” implemented in Austria. The article also attempts to answer the questions: what is the main costs of integration and what is the opinion about this costs? The economic factor has been discussed from several perspectives – the cause, the effect and the kind of challenge for Austria’s integration policy.
6
Kouba, Luděk, Michal Mádr, Danuše Nerudová et Petr Rozmahel. « Policy Autonomy, Coordination or Harmonization in the Persistently Heterogeneous European Union ? » DANUBE : Law and Economics Review 7, no 1 (1 mars 2016) : 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/danb-2016-0004.
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Abstract Within the context of the continuing integration process in Europe, this paper addresses the question of whether policies in the EU should head towards autonomy, coordination or harmonization. Taking the path dependence effect into account, it is the authors’ opinion that Europe has gone too far in its integration process to be able to continue with policies being fully under the competences of individual member countries. However, the habitual question still arises: does fiscal policy need to be harmonized to a level comparable to monetary policy as these two policies, necessarily, complement each other? This paper argues that it does not. There are three main arguments discussed. Firstly, the authors build on the theory of fiscal federalism. Secondly, there are significantly different regimes of welfare states and extents of social policies among European countries, which strongly determine the character of public finance. And thirdly, the tax systems across Europe are also highly divergent, with many features of continuing tax competition.
7
MARCHENKO, Sergii. « Strategic public finance governance : European integration course, international trends, national peculiarities ». Fìnansi Ukraïni 2022, no 1 (9 mai 2022) : 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2022.01.007.
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The experience of public finance management in the EU in the framework of tightly controlled coordination of medium-term fiscal policy and the single monetary policy of the European Monetary Union (EMU) indicates that Strategic Public Finance Governance (SPFG) should be distinguished from the strategy for reforming the public finance management system within the established approaches of Public Finance Management (PFM) as general from special. The Strategic Public Finance Governance Mission (SPFG) is seen as enhancing the government’s financial capacity to respond in a timely and adequate manner to global challenges and threats through coordinated and targeted participation in relevant international activities and programs that correlate with the solution of certain global problems. The mission also includes expanding the fiscal space for public financial support of national sustainable development priorities that meet national interests, the criteria of national security in general and economic, financial, fiscal in particular. This involves the use of both domestic and borrowed (from other countries, international organizations, etc.) financial resources. Nowadays, the PFM approach covers mainly the general government sector. Strategic Public Finance Governance (SPFG) should cover the public sector as a whole. In our opinion, this is the main direction of further European integration reform of the public finance management system in Ukraine.
8
Habro, Irina, et Mykhailo Solomko. « Development of environmental diplomacy of the European Union ». European Historical Studies, no 18 (2021) : 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.01.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of environmental diplomacy of the European Union. Today environmental diplomacy has become an important way for states to promote their course of environmental diplomacy, to protect their environmental rights and interests, to promote their own economic and environmental development. The most striking example of the application of green diplomacy on a regional and global scale is the environmental policy implemented by EU member states. Within the EU there is a huge number of environmental programs for the development of renewable energy sources, protection of flora and fauna, as well as combating pollution of water and land resources. To implement its own environmental diplomacy, the EU has adopted a number of important regulations, which are analyzed in the article. The most thorough legal act in the field of environmental diplomacy was Council Directive 85/337 / EEC of 1985 on the assessment of the effects of public and private projects on the environment. This directive reflects the EU’s desire to draw the attention of government agencies and the public to environmental issues and to encourage their collective solution. EU environmental diplomacy is carried out through diplomatic missions, missions, delegations, as well as at the individual level. It involves European politicians and officials who are able to influence international public opinion, employees of foreign ministries and diplomatic missions. The EU also involves third countries as partners to discuss the most pressing environmental issues and their future solutions: climate change, biodiversity conservation, soil depletion, forest and water resources, and renewable energy. Environmental protection is one of the priority areas for European integration. States wishing to join the EU must meet its environmental standards and implement key principles of environmental legislation. It is noted that the EU countries are trying to transfer the economy to clean technologies and diplomatically encourage others to take measures to improve the environmental situation.
9
G. Panagopoulos, Athanasios. « Euro Zone Budget and its Effects on the European and Monetary Union (EMU) Integration ». International Journal of Business Administration 11, no 3 (21 mai 2020) : 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijba.v11n3p83.
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The implemention of a monetary union in Europe, to take full benefit of the Single Market’s potential benefits, has not up till now delivered the expected outcomes. On the contrary, the euro area has been afflicted by many difficulties, including weak growth, unemployment, and inequality. Many blame the euro’s malfunctioning design, and especially its inability to promote economic convergence and provide amendment and stabilization mechanisms. The latter view prevailed when shaping the austerity policies imposed on the countries more affected by the financial and sovereign debt crises, intensifying an economic recession with dramatic social consequences. Citizens’ distrust in the European Union’s institutions grew, along with support for nationalistic political forces opposing the European integration project. Some of EMU’s needed reforms will both promote convergence, and help smooth economic activity and maintain citizens’ wellbeing when crises occur. The creation of an autonomous budget for the euro zone was mentioned in a European Commission discussion paper on the future of the EU. This is an eminently political matter, very sensitive to domestic public opinions. In fact, the existence of a budget for the euro zone, in recognition of the fact that this subset of EU countries has specific needs, distinct from those of other non-EMU members, would translate into a situation requiring the design of different budgets within the EU. Such issue is at the heart of the intense debate between holders of different views concerning the future of the EU and of the euro zone, especially in what concerns the question of which of these geometries will in the future be the engine for further economic and political integration in Europe. This paper assesses one of the main deficiencies of the euro’s governance model – lack of automatic stabilization – and discusses proposals to overcome it.
10
Sekacheva, A. B. « Crisis Phenomena in the European Union Economy at the Present Stage of its Development ». World of new economy 15, no 1 (25 mars 2021) : 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2220-6469-2021-15-1-91-99.
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The article reveals the main problems related to the EU economy’s state and the prospects for its further development. This topic is extremely important for Russia since the European Union is its leading foreign trade partner. The article states that the EU is the largest integration grouping globally in terms of its economic potential. Simultaneously, the lack of significant reserves of natural resources and dependence on their external supplies does not allow the EU to realize its economic opportunities fully. At the same time, the export-oriented model of the economies of its leading member countries makes them sensitive to flctuations in the conjuncture of foreign markets, and the growing public debt contributes to the development of disintegration processes. Besides, the growth of migration flws, the increase in socio-economic tensions, especially during the coronavirus period, also do not allow the EU to solve the accumulated problems. Simultaneously, excessive dependence on the United States in geopolitical and geo-economic relations hinders the development of mutually benefiial economic ties with Russia and other countries. The article presents various opinions about the future of the EU and notes that many authoritative political fiures and experts consider that due to these reasons, it cannot be preserved as a whole.
11
Kotliński, Kamil. « Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union as an Instrument of Fiscal Policy Coordination in the European Union ». Oeconomia Copernicana 4, no 2 (30 juin 2013) : 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2013.010.
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The aim of this study is to assess the Treaty on Stability, Coordinationand Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union as an instrument fiscalpolicy coordination and identify some of the consequences that potentially carriesits use. All EU-members conduct independent fiscal policies, regardless of whetherthey are members of the euro zone or not. It is now known that one of the immediatecauses of the crisis in part the euro zone countries was permanent crossingfiscal convergence criteria as a result of an erroneous and irresponsible fiscalpolicy. Used so far forms of coordination of fiscal policies were too weak to preventthe destabilization of the Member States' public finances. The crisis has becomethe impetus for build deeper integration in the area of fiscal policy. Treaty onStability, Coordination and Management, called briefly Fiscal Compact or TSCG,is another instrument of fiscal policy coordination in the European Union. In largepart it is a repetition and a little evolution of the Stability and Growth Pact. Thisstudy indicated some disadvantages of the Fiscal Compact, what has the potentialto lead to its inefficiency. These are: reference to the structural balance, which isa relatively small transparency budgetary rule for the public opinion and becauseof the existence of several competing methods for its calculation; the Treaty providesfor the possibility of "extraordinary circumstances" and does not specify theterm balanced budget, which is a softening of fiscal discipline and opens opportunitiesfor political bargaining; financial penalties imposed on overdebt governmentswill not improve their situation. The Treaty on Stability, Management and Coordination does not constitute a breakthrough in the coordination of fiscal policiesin the European Union.
12
Giubboni, Stefano. « European Citizenship and Social Rights in Times of Crisis ». German Law Journal 15, no 5 (1 août 2014) : 935–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019210.
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European citizenship celebrated its twentieth anniversary during the most difficult and uncertain moment of the Union's crisis. The real economy has now been fully saturated by the financial crisis far beyond the borders of the Euro-Mediterranean area, with devastating social effects in those countries most affected. The prolonged vertical drop of the gross domestic product in Greece—the epicenter of the crisis—has been intertwined with a dramatic and unprecedented growth of levels of unemployment and social suffering in a vortex destructive to the point of validating the perception, now widespread not only within the bewildered public opinion of that unfortunate country, that the “rescue” of the Union has been based on a cure that is worse than the disease. The recent general elections in Italy, a country key for the stability and indeed the survival of the Euro-zone, have produced a situation of fragmentation and political instability that is both unprecedented and disquieting. Among the few elements of certainty in Italy can be found a widespread Euro-skepticism, if not an openly anti-European mood, that is also unprecedented in the history of the country's public opinion, which historically is among the most favorable towards a strengthening of the integration process. With the worsening of the economic and social crisis, the very tenacious confidence in Europe as a positive “external constraint” which has supported Italy's efforts towards reforms, commencing with its admission into the Euro-zone in the latter 1990s until the most recent experience of the technocratic government headed by Mario Monti, seems to have declined. Everywhere in Europe, a sense of frustration and distrust in recent years has grown against the Union and its frantically sought capacity to respond to the crisis without finding truly effective outcomes.
13
Kafia, Almida. « Public Internal Financial Control. Evidence from Albania ». European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 2, no 1 (30 août 2015) : 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejes.v2i1.p144-154.
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Public Internal Financial Control (PIFC) was developed in the late 90s as means for Eastern Bloc countries working toward full membership in the European Union (EU) to implement the necessary control systems to safeguard public resources. PIFC is an integral part of the National Strategy for Development and Integration (NSDI). This document, produced in March 2008, replaced the National Strategy for Social and Economic Development and set priorities and medium to long-term targets, strategic objectives for Albania and also includes a set of operating principles to ensure that government policies, planning and their implementation will be carried out in an integrated manner. The aim of this paper is first to list the reasons for implementing a different system and the importance of changing the system to Financial Management and Audit for Albania, and second, to examine, through a comparative analysis, the effectiveness of the implementation of the new system of financial management and control in the public sector comparing the two systems. By giving an opinion on each component of the system, this paper aims at analyzing, in a critical way, elements of the different perspectives of the two systems, their advantages and disadvantages.
14
Peshkin, Vitalii Mikhailovich. « Problems in the Relations of the Visegrad Group States with the European Union in 2014-2022. » Genesis : исторические исследования, no 2 (février 2023) : 10–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.2.39783.
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The subject of the study is the historical conditions in which the disloyal attitude of the Visegrad Group towards the solutions proposed by the EU began to grow during the specified period of time. The analysis of the migration crisis, which has aggravated political, economic, financial, social, and religious problems in the EU countries, is carried out. The EU's efforts to overcome it have become the basis for strengthening the role of right-wing parties in the Quartet. The role of Hungary, which represents itself as a defender of "Europe as a continent for Europeans", which has pursued the most active restrictive migration policy, is considered. The plans of the leadership of Germany and Austria for the management of migration flows, reflecting the ambitions of Berlin and Vienna for the transit and reception of refugees, are presented. The "central" line of Brussels on overcoming the migration crisis is being studied. The tools used by V4 to overcome the migration crisis caused by the vulnerability of the Quartet countries to refugee flows are considered. The article also examines criticism from the "quartet" of the process of overcoming the migration crisis, which saw in the measures proposed by Brussels a threat to the national identity of its small states and a sign of disrespect for the interests of small states in the EU. In general, the migration crisis has resulted in the strengthening of far-right parties in Hungary and Poland, the radicalization of public opinion, which contradicts the main goals of European integration. Thus, the internal political development in some countries of the "Visegrad Four" has actually become a new noticeable element of confrontation with the European Union. Hungary and Poland reacted extremely painfully to criticism of the EU, appealing for support to partners in the Visegrad Group, to other countries where right-wing and conservative parties are also popular (Italy, Austria). As a counteraction, the EU leadership raised the issue of a threat to EU values in Poland and Hungary and considered the possibility of using a mechanism to influence countries that do not respect the values of the European Union.
15
MKRTCHYAN, LIKA. « The Border-making Policy of the Europe-an Union : Eastern Enlargement ». Journal of Education Culture and Society 3, no 2 (12 janvier 2020) : 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20122.7.18.
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Having no internal borders, what is a border for the European Union (EU)? Which cri-teria does this powerful organization pursue in its decision-making on further expansion: geographical, political, cultural, economic or all of these? What is the profi t of the Union in advancing its external borders to the east? And why to the east and not the south or west across the Atlantic? Does it still mean that there is the reason for enlarging eastward based on the geographical belonging to Europe?1.This paper discusses the expansion of the European Union to the east with the main focus on its political and economic aspects of integration. The fi rst part includes intro-duction to the concept of Europe, historic background about the formation of the united Europe in terms of geography, culture, politics and economy, juxtaposing opinions and viewpoints of different experts and political scientists on “what is Europe?” and what are the core issues of its enlargement. The second and third parts are dedicated to the advan-tages and disadvantages of European Integration for both parties concerned – the EU and the candidate/member state, in the case of the former having its own “demarcation policy” towards certain regions of the continent when it comes to unifi cation. And the fourth part is about the communication and miscommunication of the informative bodies of the Euro-pean Union that are responsible for public awareness on any process that goes on within the European family. The lack of information results in the ignorance of citizens of Euro-pean and partner countries, which, of course, refl ects on the further processes of expansion on the political level and cultural perception and mentality on the social level.The conclusion sums up the research, and the bibliography lists the books, articles, monographs and Internet sources used in the course of the study.
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Komar, Olivera, et Meta Novak. « Introduction : (De)democratisation in Slovenia and Montenegro : Comparing the Quality of Democracy ». Politics in Central Europe 16, no 3 (1 décembre 2020) : 569–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0026.
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Abstract This paper creates a framework for the comparison of two similar and yet different democratisation cases – Slovenia and Montenegro. The two countries have obvious similarities: their geography and small population, as well as their common socialist Yugoslav heritage and common aspirations to join international organisations, most importantly the European Union. However, while Slovenia went through the democratisation process rather smoothly, Montenegro took the longer road, struggling for more than a decade to regain its independence and complete its transition. We take into account different internal and external factors in these two cases such as the year of independence and of joining NATO, the political and electoral system, ethnic homogeneity, the viability of civil society, EU integration status, economic development and the presence of war in each territory in order to identify and describe those factors that contributed to the success of democratisation in different areas: the party system, the interest groups system, the defence system, Europeanisation and social policy. We find that the democratisation process in these countries produced different results in terms of quality. Various objective measures of the quality of democracy score Slovenia higher compared to Montenegro, while public opinion data shows, in general, greater satisfaction with the political system and greater trust in political institutions in Montenegro than in Slovenia.
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Komar, Olivera, et Meta Novak. « Introduction : (De)democratisation in Slovenia and Montenegro : Comparing the Quality of Democracy ». Politics in Central Europe 16, no 3 (1 décembre 2020) : 569–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0026.
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AbstractThis paper creates a framework for the comparison of two similar and yet different democratisation cases – Slovenia and Montenegro. The two countries have obvious similarities: their geography and small population, as well as their common socialist Yugoslav heritage and common aspirations to join international organisations, most importantly the European Union. However, while Slovenia went through the democratisation process rather smoothly, Montenegro took the longer road, struggling for more than a decade to regain its independence and complete its transition. We take into account different internal and external factors in these two cases such as the year of independence and of joining NATO, the political and electoral system, ethnic homogeneity, the viability of civil society, EU integration status, economic development and the presence of war in each territory in order to identify and describe those factors that contributed to the success of democratisation in different areas: the party system, the interest groups system, the defence system, Europeanisation and social policy. We find that the democratisation process in these countries produced different results in terms of quality. Various objective measures of the quality of democracy score Slovenia higher compared to Montenegro, while public opinion data shows, in general, greater satisfaction with the political system and greater trust in political institutions in Montenegro than in Slovenia.
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Denysenko, V. I. « THE FAILURE TO SIGN THE UKRAINE-EU ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER 2013) ». Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no 55 (2019) : 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.55.3.
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The failure to sign the Association Agreement with the EU in autumn 2013 has been investigated. The role of the Russian factor, which became decisive in the foreign policy reversal of the Yanukovych regime, has been revealed. The importance of Viktor Yanukovych’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on October 27, 2013, in the dramatic change of Ukraine’s international vector has been emphasized. On the basis of diplomats’ memoirs, the assumption about intimidation of the Ukrainian President by the Russian side has been substantiated. The timeline of the preparation of the 2013 Vilnius Summit, the position of EU structures and the attempts of the fourth President of Ukraine to win time to trade with the Russians have been reproduced. The thesis about the Donetsk clan’s attempts to prepare public opinion for a 180 degree turn in late October - early November 2013 has been presented. For this purpose, demonstration meetings were organized with representatives of Ukrainian business and trade unions, who called for revision of plans for European integration on their own initiative. The main role in manipulating public opinion rested on the government of Mykola Azarov and the Verkhovna Rada, which had a majority coalition led by the Party of Regions. Instead, Viktor Yanukovych continued his European integration rhetoric and reiterated to Western partners his own willingness to sign the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On November 21, the real position of the ruling elite was made available to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. According to it, the process of preparation for the signing of the Association Agreement was suspended, the proposal was made for the trilateral Ukraine-EU-Russia negotiations, and the ministries were tasked with developing measures to maintain economic ties with the CIS countries. The decision was rejected by European partners and led to Yanukovych’s attempts to find other ways to thwart the signing of the Agreement. It has been proved that this role was played by Yanukovych’s requirements for financial assistance from the EU amounting to about 160 billion euros, which aimed to prevent the signing of the Association Agreement. Key words: Viktor Yanukovych, association of Ukraine with the EU, эYulia Tymoshenko, European integration, Pat Cox, Alexander Kwasniewski, Vladimir Putin.
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Dudek, Carolyn Marie. « The European Union in International Politics : Baptism by Fire. By Roy H. Ginsberg. Lanham, MD : Rowman and Littlefield, 2001. 256p. $79.00 cloth, $27.95 paper. » American Political Science Review 96, no 4 (décembre 2002) : 881–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402250479.
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Since the Cold War, the United States as well as other countries have struggled with the “new world order.” Further integration of the European Union, mostly in economic and political ways, has given it recognition as an actor within the international arena. During the crisis that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia, the international community witnessed the EU's failure to bring a speedy end to the genocide and violence in the region. The EU's inability and lack of efficacy in the situation tarnished its image and prompted it to begin working toward the creation of a European Common Foreign and Defense Identity. More recent events of September 11, as well as increased violence between Israel and the Palestinians, once again beg the question: What is the role of an integrated Europe? As the United States takes on its war against terrorism, it looks to its closest allies in Europe to be supportive and to help in the endeavor. Actions or opinions from individual member states, however, seem to gain more public attention in the United States than those from the EU as a single entity acting in the global arena.
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ANDERSON, CHRISTOPHER J. « When in Doubt, Use Proxies ». Comparative Political Studies 31, no 5 (octobre 1998) : 569–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031005002.
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This article argues that citizens employ proxies rooted in attitudes about domestic politics when responding to survey questions about the European integration process. It develops a model of public opinion toward European integration based on attitudes toward the political system, the incumbent government, and establishment parties. With the help of data from Eurobarometer 34.0, the study tests political and economic models of public support for membership in the European Union in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, and Portugal. The analyses show that system and establishment party support are the most powerful determinants of support for membership in the European Union. The results also suggest that the relationship between economic factors and support previously reported in research on public opinion toward European integration is likely to be mediated by domestic political attitudes.
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Dzotsenidze, Tsitsino. « POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF CROATIA’S EU INTEGRATION ». Economic Profile 15, no 20 (25 décembre 2020) : 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2020.20.10.
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Regional economic cooperation is of great importance. For these countries, rapid economic development is a major concern on the path to EU integration. Economic development without cooperation is unthinkable. There are many issues in such areas as trade, energy security, transport issues and other. Because the economies of countries are fragmented regional cooperation is necessary to eliminate these problems. We have to define the strategy of European Union with Serbia and Croatia. For the EU, regional cooperation with the Western Balkans, including Serbia and Croatia, as well as its deepening, especially between the countries of the Western Balkans, is a top priority, since such cooperation is a key factor in political stability, economic development and security. In our opinion economical indicators give us some idea of the development dynamics of these two countries. Despite cultural, political and historical differences, Serbia will also be able to take an interest in deepening economic, cultural and political co-operation with the EU, including Croatia
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Khokhlov, I. « Supranational Developments in the European Union : Changeable Balance of the Public Opinion ». World Economy and International Relations, no 3 (2014) : 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-3-60-73.
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The article is devoted to the consideration of socio-cultural state of the European community during the period of crisis and mass manifestations of protest. In spite of the current instability in the world the EC continues to maintain its “acquis” (the composition of the membership, single currency etc.). This article contains a periodization that reflects tendencies in the trends of public opinion under the influence of internal and external factors. Countries are ranked according to the level of their social and economic development, which allowed to analyze the dependence of public opinion in support of the EC upon the state of the economy. For instance, in the Mediterranean countries that use to be “euroenthusiasts” the level of support became lower than the average for the EC.
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Alvarez, María Victoria. « Latin American public opinion vis-à-vis regional integration (1995-2018) ». Estudios Internacionales 53, no 199 (16 août 2021) : 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2021.58350.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Literature on opposition to regional integration has concentrated on the European Union (EU). So far, very few systematic attempts have been pursued to explain opposition to regional integration in Latin America or to identify its main influential factors. Based on Latinobarometer surveys, two main findings emerge from this paper. First, it confirms that opposition to regional integration is not a generalised attitude among Latin Americans. Secondly, the way in which citizens across Latin America evaluate regional integration is strongly influenced by the same predictors as in the EU. Together, citizens’ assessments of economic performance (both at the individual and national level) enjoy a preponderance to account for their position regarding regionalism. Others variables, i.e. age, ideological position, and level of education have a more limited explanatory value while occupation is not significant. Thus, economic variables such as citizens’ perceptions of their national and individual economy have proven to be directly linked to support for/opposition to economic integration.
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Bourantonis, Dimitris, Sarantis Kalyvitis et Constantine Tsoutsoplides. « The European Union and Greece : Political Acceptability and Financial Transfers ». Politics 18, no 2 (mai 1998) : 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00065.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this paper a conceptual model is developed that relates loyalty to a community of countries to the material benefits derived from it, measured by the transfer of extra income. We argue that the extent of a country's welfare, and consequently its acceptance to participate in a community increase together with the latter's scope for influence on the former. We use the paradigm of Greece, which is one of the main recipient countries in the EU. It was found that financial transfers concerning regional policy affect in the long-run ‘the acceptance of European integration’ by the public in Greece while social policy funds appear to have short-run positive effects on public opinion.
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STOIKA, Viktoriia. « Problems of Ukraine’s integration into the European Union ». Scientific Papers of Silesian University of Technology. Organization and Management Series 2020, no 146 (2020) : 469–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.29119/1641-3466.2020.146.33.
Texte intégralRésumé :
European integration and the identification of obstacles to full membership in the European Union. Design/methodology/approach: The methodological and theoretical basis of the article is the fundamental provisions of economic theory, the works of scientists and economists in the field of international economic relations and integration. Findings: The article explores the problems of Ukraine’s integration into the EU. The study analyzed the attitude of Ukrainians towards European integration, identified the main arguments for and against accession to the EU countries, as well as the main internal and external threats of the integration process. It has been determined that in recent years the proportion of the population that has supported Ukraine’s accession to the EU has significantly increased. From the integration into the EU, Ukrainians primarily expect to expand the space of their own capabilities and the country's internal development in accordance with modern world trends. It is concluded that the population considers a high level of corruption in the country, problems in the Donbass and the inefficiency of public administration as the main obstacles to this process. Most residents of Ukraine consider it necessary to implement European reforms, but the consequence of their implementation has identified significant problems in terms of their real social effect. It is determined that Ukraine in some macroeconomic indicators lags significantly behind the EU countries, continues to lose its position in the global ranking of countries in terms of economic competitiveness, and remains one of the poorest countries in Europe. A significant problem for the development of Ukraine is the labor migration of the population and, in particular, the increase in the number of illegal migrants - Ukrainians in Europe. The main achievements in the implementation of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU are analyzed and the main threats to the further European integration are identified. It is concluded that Ukraine needs to develop its own “action plan” for the possibility of realizing national interests, taking into account the interests of the parties involved in the integration process. Originality/value: The mood of Ukrainian society, the current position of the state, the main obstacles and priorities that Ukraine faces on the way to the EU have been analysed in detail.
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Tománková, Veronika. « Differentiated Support of the EU Enlargement in the Public Opinion : A Multivariate LISREL Analysis ». Geografie 112, no 1 (2007) : 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2007112010001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper provides an analysis of the public opinion in the EU countries concerning further enlargement. Public opinion plays an important role in the current integration processes and is an integral part of the research concerning the European Union. The differentiation in the support for the EU enlargement across 25 countries can be explained by the multivariate LISREL (linear structural equations) analysis that makes possible to identify a causal system through the explanatory model. The model includes structural and public opinion variables in the set of the twenty-five EU member states. Multivariate statistical analysis shows a low public opinion support for the EU enlargement in rich states and, on the other hand, a clear support in a group of post-communist member states.
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Kovačikova, Hana. « Western Balkans Regional Common Market : What lesson can be taught from EEA ? : A case study of public procurement ». Strani pravni zivot, no 4 (2020) : 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spz64-29635.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union pursues on the international scene to safeguards its values, support the rule of law, foster the sustainable economic, social and environmental development and support the integration of all countries into the world economy including through the progressive abolition of barriers on international trade. Trade agreements are used as an effective tool to this end. Within its present external action, European Union tries to cover its trade relations regionally homogenously. Through regionally homogenous trade agreements, Union can export its values, principles, and rules easier, which is also a way of strengthening its position geopolitically. This paper analyses trade agreements concluded between the European Union and candidate countries from Western Balkans. All these agreements recognise the accession to the European Union as their final goal. To achieve it, candidate countries need to fulfil various conditions, including the approximation and harmonisation of their legal orders with the EU acquis. Just recently (in November 2020), Western Balkans countries' leaders announced the creation of Regional Common Market which shall serve as a tool for approximation with European Union's Internal Market Rules. To this regard, author analysed the European Economic Area, where the export of European Union's Internal Market Rules was successfully realised, and which might therefore serve as an example for pre-accession cooperation between Western Balkans countries and European Union. Author chose the area of public procurement as a model case study.
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Maksym Zhytar, Olena Mykhailovska, Yevheniy Kodis, Maksym Zhytar, Olena Mykhailovska, Yevheniy Kodis. « IMPLEMENTATION OF THE EU’S EASTERN PARTNERSHIP PROGRAM IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES FOR UKRAINE ». Socio World-Social Research & ; Behavioral Sciences 08, no 02 (31 décembre 2022) : 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/swd08022022-12.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the implementation of the EU program «Eastern Partnership» in the context of European integration processes for Ukraine. It has been proven that the institutionalization of the process of European integration is relevant in the way of effective implementation of state management in the sphere of economic cooperation of the countries of the Eastern Partnership. Keywords: European Union, European integration, Eastern Partnership, public administration, association agreement.
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Troitiño, David Ramiro. « The Current Economic Crisis of the EU : Genesis, Analysis and Solutions ». Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no 1 (1 juin 2013) : 6–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe article approaches the current economic crisis from an historical perspective, analyzing the building of the monetary integration and the common currency. The process is explained through pointing out its effects on the European integration and outlining the positive and negative consequences of the introduction of a common currency in the European Union. The investigation continues with a general outlook of the current situation of the countries which were more affected by the current crisis-Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain, Italy and Cyprus. What all these countries have in common is the necessity of extra funding in a context of austerity, plus some national particularities. The author proposes an expansion in the public spending as the only reliable way to stimulate European economies in the crisis. As the introduction of the euro meant the end of the monetary independence for the Member States, an innovative solution is proposed-the creation of an Economic Government in the union in order to transfer funds from wealthier states to the countries in trouble. It is presented as a necessity for the states in crisis, a necessity for the wealthier states, and a must for the European Union.
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Ryeznikov, V. V., et V. S. Kupina. « The Economic Policy of European Union (by Case of center and Periphery countries) ». Statistics of Ukraine 82, no 3 (4 septembre 2018) : 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.3(82)2018.03.06.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Building of the new economic strategy for Ukraine, focused on Eurointegration, makes one consider for both positive and possible negative effects of the European Union’s development for Ukraine. The Ukrainian economy is forced to implement reforms of the internal and external economic component by relying on EU practices in integration reforms.
The importance of this topic is caused by the need to investigate the impact of the single economic course pursued by EU on setting priority areas of reforms of domestic economic policies in center and periphery countries of this integration association. The article’s objective is to reveal the content of the socio-economic policy in EU and its impact on the EU operation in terms of the relationship between the performance of center and periphery countries.
The studies presented in the articles show that the economic integration has complex character and calls for detailed analysis of internal and external processes in countries as components of the system at macroeconomic level of the integration association. Based on the analysis of the above mentioned regional distribution of EU, the following EU countries (most successful and most problematic) were selected as representative ones for the study: Germany and France as “center”, and Greece and Hungary as “periphery”. A socio-economic analysis of key indicators is made, and the role of each of the above countries in the EU development is revealed. A comparative analysis of the selected EU countries is made through trend analysis; their development outlook is given.
The achievement of the goals of the single EU strategy is analyzed by priority areas of economic policy reforms in the member countries, intended to stabilize their economies: i) recover the fiscal stability; ii) ensure the financial stability; iii) implement the reforms promoting growth and employment; and iv) modernize the public sector. The analysis confirms the prospect of strong economic positions for center countries, which is shown by the approximation ratio that was close to 1 in all the studied cases. Due to the problems of periphery countries, highlighted in the article, these countries may be incapable to meet the convergence criteria fixed in the EU strategy or pursue the single economic course, thus creating a threat of economic crisis for the whole EU.
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Talts, Mait. « Some Aspects of the Baltic Countries’ Pre- and Post- Accession Convergence to the European Union ». Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no 1 (1 juin 2013) : 58–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis comprehensive article provides an overview of the broader process of political, legal and societal changes characterizing the Baltic countries’ convergence towards the European Union. The article aims to identify the specific areas and issues which reveal both similarities and differences between the three Baltic countries. Special focus has been given to issues of economic development, economic policy choices, employment, public opinion and some legal aspects. The article, first of all, tries to reveal the differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania stemming from different economic policy decisions made by the Baltic countries in the 1990s as well as from to the fact that in 1997-1999 the European Union treated the Baltic countries somewhat differently in terms of conditionality. However, during the 21st century, especially due to the economic recession, the ‘Baltic clocks’ have been synchronized despite the obvious differences in political system and levels of economic development. The author of the current article believes that the main factor behind that development was the convergence to European Union.
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Pietryka, Ilona. « The process of nominal and real convergence under the conditions of monetary integration ». Equilibrium 3, no 2 (31 décembre 2009) : 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2009.020.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The creation of the Economic and Monetary Union is the next stage of monetary integration. Due to differentiation between Member States of the European Union, expenses and profits of participation in Eurosystem are not spread similarly. The first part of this paper reviews the fulfillment of nominal Maastricht criteria (stability of public finances, prices, exchange rate and interest rates). The second part presents the state of real convergence between countries either belonging to or aspiring to European Economic and Monetary Union (flexibility of prices and salaries, mobility of means of production, integration of financial markets, openness of economy, diversification of production and consumption and similarity of economic disorders). Analyses are based on available statistical data and scientific research.
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Clements, Ben, Kyriaki Nanou et José Real-Dato. « Economic crisis and party responsiveness on the left–right dimension in the European Union ». Party Politics 24, no 1 (13 novembre 2017) : 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817736757.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The economic crisis within the European Union has had a significant impact on domestic politics in the member states, affecting the links between parties and citizens and accentuating the tensions parties face between governing responsibility and being responsive to public opinion. This article examines whether parties in EU countries have shifted their left–right ideological positions during the current crisis and whether such shifts are a direct response to the pressures of wider economic conditions or are more affected by changes in the preferences of the median voter. Party-based and citizen-based data are examined between 2002 and 2015, encompassing both the precrisis and crisis periods. The main findings are that the economic crisis has made parties less responsive to public opinion on the left–right dimension, and this effect is more pronounced for parties that have been in government.
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Bârgăoanu, Alina, Loredana Radu et Elena Negrea-Busuioc. « The Rise of Euroscepticism in Times of Crisis. Evidence from the 2008–2013 Eurobarometers ». Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 16, no 1 (7 mai 2016) : 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2014.1.185.
Texte intégralRésumé :
<p>The financial and economic turmoil within the European Union has significantly impacted upon the way in which the European citizens assess the advantages of EU membership and the future of the integration process. Intensely preoccupied with the economic problems, the EU leadership has lost sight of the constant decrease of public support and the increasing lack of citizens’ confidence in the Union. This paper seeks to show the dynamics of public opinion between 2008 and 2013 with a special focus on the rise of Euroscepticism, using secondary data analysis of standard Eurobarometers. Our longitudinal analysis reveals the dynamics of EU-related attitudes and perceptions before, during, and after most of events that are usually labeled under the rather generic term “crisis”.</p>
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van der Brug, Wouter, Katjana Gattermann et Claes H. de Vreese. « Electoral responses to the increased contestation over European integration. The European Elections of 2019 and beyond ». European Union Politics 23, no 1 (30 septembre 2021) : 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165211036263.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This special issue focuses on the consequences of the heightened conflict between member states and increased politicization of European affairs for electoral politics in the European Union. In this introduction we begin by outlining three important developments that fuelled the politicization: (a) the common currency; (b) the increased pushback on the EU’s open border policies; and (c) the inability of the EU to prevent democratic backsliding in some countries. We then discuss their consequences for EU elections, particularly campaigns, public opinion on Europe and voter behaviour, which are investigated against the backdrop of the 2019 European Parliament elections in the individual articles in this special issue. This introduction provides a contextual framework for these contributions and reflects upon some of its main findings.
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Kovář, Jan. « Catherine E. de Vries : Euroscepticism and the Future of European Integration ». Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no 1 (1 mars 2021) : 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1753.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union (EU) is facing one of the rockiest periods in its existence. At no time in its history has it looked so economically fragile, so insecure about how to protect its borders, so divided over how to tackle the crisis of legitimacy facing its institutions, and so under assault by Eurosceptic parties. The unprecedented levels of integration in recent decades have led to increased public contestation, yet at the same the EU is more reliant on public support for its continued legitimacy than ever before. This book examines the role of public opinion in the European integration process. It develops a novel theory of public opinion that stresses the deep interconnectedness between people’s views about European and national politics. It suggests that public opinion cannot simply be characterized as either Eurosceptic or not, but rather that it consists of different types. This is important because these types coincide with fundamentally different views about the way the EU should be reformed and which policy priorities should be pursued. These types also have very different consequences for behaviour in elections and referendums. Euroscepticism is such a diverse phenomenon because the Eurozone crisis has exacerbated the structural imbalances within the EU. As the economic and political fates of member states have diverged, people’s experiences with and evaluations of the EU and national political systems have also grown further apart. The heterogeneity in public preferences that this book has uncovered makes a one-size-fits-all approach to addressing Euroscepticism unlikely to be successful.
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Zhao, Xuejiao, Chaoying Shi et Yangjie Li. « Can European Union (EU) Enlargement Boost Regional Economic Common Growth ? Multi-Period Difference-in-Difference (DID) Method ». Journal of Environmental and Public Health 2022 (30 août 2022) : 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/4502628.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Under the dual background of Britain’s blatant “Brexit” and the steady “expansion” of the European Union (EU) audit list, the economic effect of the development of regional alliances, in the end, is a question worthy of in-depth discussion. Using data from a sample of 27 EU member states from 2000 to 2018, this study examines and compares the impact of EU enlargement on economic growth for countries as a whole, developed and developing countries, and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries using a multi-period difference-in-difference (DID) method and explores the mechanisms underlying that. The results show that EU enlargement contributes to the expected regional economic growth, and the effect is more evident in developed countries and CEE countries; the robustness of the results is tested by the dynamic effect test and counterfactual method; EU enlargement improves the spatial allocation of factor markets through regional integration, increases productivity, and positively promotes the overall national economic growth. As a typical quasi-natural experiment of the development of regional integration, the research results of this study on the enlargement of the EU provide a useful reference for the promotion of the development of cross-administrative integration around the world.
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Eichenberg, Richard C., et Russell J. Dalton. « Europeans and the European Community : the dynamics of public support for European integration ». International Organization 47, no 4 (1993) : 507–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028083.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Europeans evaluate the European Community (EC) according to its economic performance, political salience, and role in international relations. During the last two decades their measured attitudes toward European integration warmed especially when inflation rates fell, as the EC share of the country's trade expanded, when EC elections and referenda increased attention to the community, and to some extend during periods when East-West relations were relaxed. Europeans did not vary their support according to their countries' shares of the Brussels budget. Thus, notwithstanding Denmark's 1992 rejection of the Maastricht treaty and the end of the cold war, recent EC reforms that increase monetary stability, intra-European trade and political attention are all likely to maintain or increase citizen support for the EC. These findings result from a model that blends comparative political economy with international relations in one of the first applications of pooled cross-sectional and time-series analysis to the comparative study of public opinion.
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Sandholtz, Wayne. « Choosing union : monetary politics and Maastricht ». International Organization 47, no 1 (1993) : 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004690.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At their Maastricht summit, heads of state of the European Community (EC) countries agreed to establish a single currency and a common central bank by the end of the century. For students of international political economy, the treaty on monetary union offers intriguing puzzles: Why did EC governments commit themselves to such a far-reaching sacrifice of sovereignty? Why did national political leaders in some cases outrun public opinion in their enthusiasm for monetary integration? This study seeks a political explanation of the choices that produced the late-1980s movement for monetary union in Europe. It examines the conversion to monetary discipline in several EC states during the 1980s, arguing that the shift toward anti-inflationary rigor was a necessary precondition for discussions on monetary union. The article outlines three general options for a European monetary regime, based variously on unilateral commitments, multilateral arrangements, and full integration. Treating national preference formation as endogenous and requiring explanation, the article weighs five propositions that explain the motives and preferences of national leaders.
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Vasilescu, Maria Denisa, Simona Andreea Apostu, Eva Militaru et Eglantina Hysa. « Public Opinion on European Health Policy, Lessons from the COVID-19 Pandemic ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no 8 (15 avril 2022) : 4813. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19084813.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Often, global crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, bring to light crucial weaknesses in political, economic, social and health systems. First, there are governments who formulate and implement policies and, second, there are the citizens who support them, thus contributing a great deal to their success. Our paper investigates the European citizens’ opinion on health policy, focusing on their preference for European health policy during the coronavirus pandemic. The paper uses bibliometric analysis, descriptive statistics, and logistic regression to discuss the public opinion on health policy, the factors of influence, the change in perspectives between 2020 and 2021, and the socio-demographic profile of those favorable for the development of a European health policy in response to the coronavirus pandemic. Our findings show that citizens from southern and central European countries are more likely to prioritize the development of a European health policy, as compared to Nordic countries. Between 2020 and 2021, pro-European health policy citizens profile changes and becomes clearer, from pensioners to young working age males with medium education. In general, people prioritizing a European health policy value health as the most important issue at a national level are generally satisfied with the European Union and do not trust their national government.
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Jackson, Daniel, et Seth Jolly. « A new divide ? Assessing the transnational-nationalist dimension among political parties and the public across the EU ». European Union Politics 22, no 2 (31 janvier 2021) : 316–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520988915.
Texte intégralRésumé :
European politics is increasingly being contested along two dimensions: the economic left-right dimension and a relatively new dimension focused on European integration and immigration. We test this framework at the party and individual-levels in the European Union. First, we use the Chapel Hill Expert Survey to demonstrate that there is no simple relationship between these dimensions at the party level in many European Union countries, and in fact the two dimensions are increasingly orthogonal. We then use the 2019 European Elections Study to show that the transnational-nationalist dimension significantly improves vote choice models relative to models that ignore this dimension. Even more striking, the transnational-nationalist dimension is not just significant, but actually improves vote choice models as much or more than the economic left-right dimension.
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D’Amico, Domenico, et Carla Scaglioni. « Comment on ‘The European Union building from Public Choice to Ordo, Röpke’s and Einaudi’s ideas of Europe’ by Francesco Forte ». Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 35, no 1 (1 avril 2020) : 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569120x15864354596355.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In his very elaborate analysis, Forte takes on several issues regarding the European integration process, offering an original insight into the foundations of European economic governance. In particular, the author looks to expand current results in the relevant literature in several directions. On the theoretical front, Forte departs from James Buchanan’s economic theory of clubs to provide a club-theoretic template to both the European Union and European Monetary Union. He arrives at the belief of ‘the incompleteness of the European institutional construct and the misunderstandings about its basic principles’. His argument relies on the similarities that he recognises between Buchanan’s view of European federalism and the German ordoliberalism roots of the European integration process, which can be traced from the founding of the European Community onward. On the empirical front, Forte identifies a potential polarisation among countries within the euro area during the crisis that occurred over the last ten years. According to him, this dualism within the euro club is due to a ‘violation’ of the ideals and the operational suggestions proposed by Buchanan, Ordo, Röpke and Einaudi. In this comment, we briefly describe what became for most member states of the European Union the worst economic and social crisis since the Second World War that led to a new architecture of European economic governance. Subsequently, we highlight significant results presented by Forte and elaborate how these results fit into the existing literature.
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Saatcioglu, Cem, et Kaan Celikok. « European Regional Integration and its Partnership with Türkiye : An Assessment of the Specific Customs Union ». International Journal of Economics and Financial Issues 13, no 1 (14 janvier 2023) : 184–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.32479/ijefi.14014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
International economic integrations, especially after the end of World War II, result from the long-term goals of establishing political unity based on countries' orientation towards their common economic interests. Customs unions, in which states abolish tariffs among themselves and apply common tariffs to third countries, are the next advanced stage of international integration after free trade zones. While customs unions eliminate tariffs and related taxes in trade within their jurisdiction, they also establish a common external tariff. This entails some asymmetrical disadvantages for the countries within the Union. A new step by Türkiye in its efforts to integrate with the West was its application to join the EEC in 1959. The Customs Union, defined by the Ankara Agreement signed in 1963, came into effect in 1996 as a result of the agreement made at the meeting of the Association Council of 6 March 1995 adopted "Customs Union Decision". The aim of this study is to examine the bilateral trade impact of the Customs Union between Türkiye and the EU. H1: Which fields should be included in the customs union between Türkiye and the EU? H2: How will the inclusion of trade in digital goods and services in the Customs Union affect EU-Türkiye trade? The results from the analysis covering the years of 1996-2021 showed that the Customs Union has had a positive but limited effect for the trade between EU-Türkiye. The customs union needs to be updated taking into account public procurement, agriculture and digital services.
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KOSACH, Irina, Anastasiia DUKA, Grygoriy STARCHENKO, Olena MYHAYLOVSKA et Artur ZHAVORONOK. « Socio-economic viability of public management in the context of European integration processes ». ADMINISTRATIE SI MANAGEMENT PUBLIC 1, no 35 (27 novembre 2020) : 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/amp/2020.35-09.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union forms new requirements for the efficiency of public institutions and the gradual transformation of public management. The relationship between the viability of public management to solve internal problems and the dynamics of socio-economic development is obvious. So, the evaluation of the viability of public institutions’ actions related to the socio-economic processes in any country has theoretical and practical significance. The purpose of our study is to assess the socio-economic viability of public management in the context of European integration processes. Within the article, a comprehensive study of the public management viability in EU countries is presented. The specificity of the study is to assess the socio-economic viability of public management on the basis of economic and social indicators of EU countries. According to the overview of scientific works it is a need to use a comprehensive indicator of public management viability evaluation. So, the considerable attention is paid to the deepening of methodical aspects of public management effectiveness on the basis of multicriteria methods. The result of the study is the calculation of the Socio-Economic Viability Index of Public Management. The obtained results prove the relationship between the SocioEconomic Viability Index of Public Management and the progress of economic reforms in the EU, with the possibility of appropriate conclusions for countries to identify strengths and weaknesses, justify priorities and means to achieve them in the context of European integration. These conclusions can be used as a starting point to assess the relationship between the level of development of the European country and the quality of its public management. The study confirmed the thesis on the correlation between the SocioEconomic Viability Index of Public Management and Happy Planet Index, The Global Competitiveness Index, Corruption Perceptions Index, Fragile States Index and сonfirm the possibility of using this indicator to assess public management quality in EU countries.
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Trontl, Krešimir, Mario Matijević, Dubravko Pevec et Radomir Ječmenica. « Exploring the Factors Influencing Expansion of Nuclear Energy in Croatia ». Energies 14, no 23 (1 décembre 2021) : 8022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14238022.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nuclear energy is an option that enables a significant reduction of greenhouse gases emissions at the national and European Union (EU) level. However, it is also an option that is mostly influenced by public opinion and an option that has strong cross-border impact. Croatia does not consider nuclear options, but a possible future turn to nuclear might have an influence on other EU countries. The possibility for such a turn is analyzed, taking into account public opinion as well as historical and economic factors. Based on the results of a public opinion survey, it can be deduced that the Croatian public is not inclined to nuclear energy and considers it a risky option, although nuclear power plants in neighboring countries are not perceived as a high-risk threat. Trust in government as an information source is very low. Despite historical aspects that suggest scientific and expert knowledge capable of handling nuclear build, public opinion and the low economic framework indicate that a turn a to nuclear in Croatia is highly unlikely.
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Jovanovic, Mihailo. « Inter-state trade within the European Union ». Medjunarodni problemi 57, no 1-2 (2005) : 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0502058j.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Trade is the most important integration link in the overall world production. After the Second World War it induced the establishment of economic integrations. In the last three decades international trade has been more dynamic than the growth of the world production. The data show that the commodity trade is the strongest component of the world purchase and sale, although the international trade in services has grown a bit faster than the commodity trade. However, the share of services in the world trade does not exceed 20 per cent. International trade has most developed among developed countries, keeping up the mutual development of foreign direct investments and know-how and technology transfer. The empirical research shows that apart from the benefits gained by capitalisation of comparative advantages the trade growth is also influenced by benefits resulting from the impact of the economy of scale, competition and spreading of knowledge. Reduction of tariff and elimination of non-tariff barriers constantly opens new opportunities to benefit from international trade in commodities and services. Commodity trade of OECD countries confirms that the volume of trade does not depend only on liberalisation of tariff and non-tariff barriers, but growth to a certain degree reflects the size of the country, geographic elements and transport costs. Therefore, the empirical works predominantly analyse the power of trade as an indicator of the manifested commodity trade, embracing the characteristics such as competition pressures, but not including some deeper political meaning. The previously mentioned factor is significant, since given the policy and competition small countries are naturally more dependent on foreign trade, although competition pressures among big countries largely result from competition inside themselves. A significant change in the trade structure has been recorded in the period of over two years. At first, intra-industrial trade became equal to traditional inter- industrial production, and afterwards it has even exceeded it. For a long time the factors of foreign trade growth have been disputable. The works of Baier and Berstrand show that income growth and reduction of customs produce the main impact on foreign trade growth. In their opinion liberalisation of trade within GATT and WTO is one of the main driving forces in international trade. Reduction of trade costs also produces some impact on foreign trade growth, while approximation of incomes is less significant. Badlinger and Breuss have explored the elements that in the last four decades of the last century made an impact on faster growth of inter-trade of EU-15 member countries. They have estimated the relative impact of the income growth, income equalisation as well reduction of tariffs and trade costs on the intra-trade of EU-15 member countries. The results show that the income growth increases by 70 per cent the intra-trade of these countries. Also, the European integration and liberalisation of GATT and WTO increase by 25 per cent the commodity intra-trade of EU-15.
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Ryzhov, Valerii Borisovich. « Prospects for consolidation of the Ukrainians as a civil nations based on integration with the European Union ». Международное право, no 3 (mars 2020) : 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2644-5514.2020.3.33368.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research is dedicated to the prospects for consolidation of the Ukrainians as a civil nation based on such resource as the European Integration. The author describes the theoretical aspects of national and state identity. Methodology leans on the parallel use of descriptive, comparative, and structural forms of analysis. The conclusion is made that European Integration currently manifests as one of the potential steps, which would allow eliminating the “retrospective orientation” of national and state identity of the Ukrainians, regulating the existing memorial conflicts, and forming a positive image of the future by alleviation of tension in the relations between the representatives of different ethnoses, regions and political orientations. Deepening of European Integration would contribute to not only consolidation of the European citizens as a nation, but also improve relationships of the official Kiev with the neighboring countries. Attention is focused on the analysis of attractiveness of European Integration for the Ukrainian citizens. A thought is advanced that one of the ways for enhancing integration processes with regards to Ukraine and the European Union is the creation of effective institutional mediation instruments on the national level. The author discusses the role of propaganda upon Ukrainian population against enhancement of the processes of European Integration. The article analyzes public opinion on political and socioeconomic policy of modern Ukraine.
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Atakishieva, Dzhamilya Gunduz Kyzy, et Natal'ya Nikolaevna Naumova. « The evolution of integration policy of Charles de Gaulle (mid 1950s – late 1960s) ». Genesis : исторические исследования, no 8 (août 2021) : 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.8.36041.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article traces the evolution of the Western European policy of the General Charles de Gaulle during his presidency. In the early 1950s, he willingly cooperated with the European countries in terms of creating the economic union; however, in the course of solution of decolonization issues and, namely the Algerian problem that constrained the implementation of the key vectors of state policy, the president began focused on advancing the concept of national mightiness of France and commitment to the principles of intergovernmental cooperation in the development of integration. Charles de Gaulle fought for the foundation of the political union “Europe of the Homelands”, in which France would be assigned a significant role. The article analyzes de Gaulle’s failures in negotiations with the “P5+1” countries, which once again demonstrated to the Europeans that building integration is a long and complex process that does not tolerate rapid decisions and requires the ability to compromise. Special attention is turned to the development of integration policy of the General Charles de Gaulle based on his formal speeches, correspondence, and memoirs. De Gaulle's efforts in the sphere of integration policy of the Fifth Republic yielded certain results. First and foremost, he was able to establish the superiority of national principles in addressing the general policy issues in the European Community. Secondly, he prevented the Great Britain from joining the Common Market, as from his opinion it was an economic and political competitor of France. Thirdly, de Gaulle strengthened the international reputation of France as the country that was at the dawn and in the lead of the integration processes in Europe.
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Szőcs, Csongor-Ernő. « Public Attitudes towards Monetary Integration in Seven New Member States of the EU ». Politics in Central Europe 11, no 1 (1 avril 2015) : 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2015-0006.
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Abstract Existing work on euro support has provided insights into the dynamics of preferences, but most of these studies focus on older member states that already form an integral part of the Eurozone. This article inquires into public attitudes towards monetary integration in new member states of the EU: Poland, the Czech Republic, Romania, Hungary, Croatia, Bulgaria and Lithuania. Focusing on the cross-sectional variation of preferences, it applies multilevel logit regression to test three perspectives – economic, conceptual and political – using individual-level survey data and NUTS-2 regional statistical data from seven countries for 2013. One of its novel findings is that beliefs such as the one that European Monetary Union (EMU) adherence will cause a spiral in economic inflation are powerful disincentives to euro support in these countries.
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Borovsky, Y. V., et O. V. Shishkina. « Securitization of Energy Supply within the European Integration ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no 3 (27 juin 2021) : 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-3-78-57-81.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article uses the constructivist securitization concept to analyze the European Economic Community (EEC), and the European Union (EU) approaches to ensuring energy security. It seeks to establish whether the energy supply has been securitized within the European integration process and if so when it happened. The literature review does not give a definitive and comprehensive answer to this question which is essential for all the history of the EEC and the EU. The authors of this study use an extensive documentary database available on the EU websites. They established that for the EEC/EU the energy policy securitization is a long-lasting ongoing process that came into being in 1973. Within the European integration, the securitization is justified by the dependency of the member states on the imported energy resources, which is regarded through the prism of securing reliable, affordable, and (since 2000s) environmentally sustainable supply. The authors identified two waves of energy supply securitization in the EEC/EU. The first wave was triggered by the oil embargo of the OPEC Arab countries and, generally, the world oil crisis of 1973-1974. The second wave of the 2000s and 2010s was triggered by the Russian-Ukrainian gas conflicts of 2006 and 2009 and the sharp deterioration of Russian-Ukrainian relations in 2014. For both waves, the Commission was the main ‘securitizing actor’. However, during the second wave, the European Parliament, some EU countries, and even the United States made their own ‘securitizing moves’. The ‘audience’ (EEC/EU countries) expressed its opinion towards the ‘securitizing moves’ through the European Council and the Council decisions. The research conclusions can be useful for a profound scientific explanation of the EU energy policy as well as for the operationalization of the securitization concept.