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1
RUIZ, SOLER Javier. « Is Twitter the new coffee house ? : the contribution of the European political Twittersphere to the European public sphere and European demos ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63305.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 12 June 2019Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor); Prof. Giovanni Sartor, European University Institute; Prof. Luigi Curini, University of Milan; Prof. Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Lund University
A Public Sphere and a demos are intrinsic key elements of any democratic society. The literature has pointed out that social media platforms can play an important role in developing direct interactions between users and creating a sense of community. Can Twitter contribute to the emergence of a transnational networked European Public Sphere and European demos? This thesis examines the contribution of the European Political Twittersphere to this question. I divide the question into three articles. In each I use a different theoretical framework and methodological approach to two datasets of two issue publics (the Schengen agreement and the transatlantic trade partnership, TTIP) collected through the public Twitter Streaming API from August 2016 to April 2017. In the first article I explore the actor level of the networks created from the Twitter data. I investigate whether these Twitter networks constitute networked publics where non-elite actors receive attention and play an important role by the number of mentions and retweets. In the second article I explore the question of the constitution of European transnational networks. To do so, I geolocate the accounts involved in the two networks to identify the type of interactions the users establish, whether national or transnational. In the third article I analyse the content of these networks by extracting what sentiments the users express for the topics, and whether they see themselves and the topics as national or European. The three articles capture three features of the European Political Twittersphere. First, the results indicate the presence of transnational European networks. Second, built from the bottom-up where non-elite actors receive most of the attention. And third, composed of a multilingual demoi where the users see themselves and the topics as European. However, although these mapped Twitter networks contribute to some extent to transnational interaction and a sense of community, the deliberative quality of these networks is low.
2
Mavrikiou, Petros Andreas. « Aspects of European economic integration : the single market and the single currency ». Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23724.
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This paper considers two major issues in the evolution of the European Union, the Single Market and the Single Currency. The first chapter deals with the projected effects of the 1992 Programme, and the second chapter deals with the collapse of the Exchange Rate Mechanism of the European Monetary System and examines the prospects for European Monetary Union given this collapse. The third chapter revolves around the concept of Central Banking under Monetary Union and focuses on the European Monetary Institute and the European System of Central Banks. Chapter four presents data regarding the progress of the European Union towards the target of the Single Currency, as well as other macroeconomic indicators.
3
Rasco, Clark Joseph. « Demographic trends in the European Union : political and strategic implicaitons / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FRasco.pdf.
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4
Krasniuk, S. O. « Adult learning technologies in the European Union countries ». Thesis, Київський національний університет технологій та дизайну, 2018. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/10707.
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5
Li, Xin. « European identity, a case study ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.
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6
Shi, Feng. « Principles of European Union water law ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2007. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1944040.
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7
Yucesan, Esin. « Stock Market Integration Between Turkey And European Union Countries ». Thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605686/index.pdf.
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The objective of the study is to analyze the effects of two breakpoints on the relationships of Istanbul Stock Exchange with the European stock markets and on the relationships among these European stock markets to increase the economic integration. The breakpoints are the execution of the Customs Union Agreement of Turkey with the European Union in 1/1/1996 and the introduction of the Euro in 1/1/1999. While both breakpoints have effects on Turkey&rsquos economic relations, the European Union countries are expected to be influenced by only the introduction of the Euro. Stock market indices provided by DataStream is utilized. The statistical techniques used include the correlation and cointegration analysis. Results indicate that when examined on pair wise basis Turkish stock market has more liaisons with the European stock markets, in general, after the Customs Union
but less liaisons after the conversion to Euro. However, when examined as a group, the cointegration result finds the Euro as influential as the Customs Union. Alternatively, the European stock markets have decreasing integrations as a result of correlation analysis after the Euro, but it is an influential breakpoint according to cointegrating structures.
8
Nezhyvenko, Oksana. « Informal employment in Ukraine and European Union transition countries ». Thesis, Paris Est, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PESC0047/document.
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L'emploi informel est devenu un sérieux défi pour l'économie ukrainienne et des pays en transition au cours de l'adaptation aux conditions du marché. La tendance du nombre de travailleurs qui participent au secteur informel est en hausse depuis les dernières années. Dans mes recherches, je vais présenter l'état actuel de l'emploi informel en Ukraine et les pays en transition. Une attention particulière est accordée à la répartition du travail entre les différentes catégories de population, en divisant les individus en cinq catégories (employés formels, employés informels, travailleurs indépendants formels, travailleurs indépendants informels et chômeurs) selon la définition de l'emploi informel de l'OIT. Nous examinons le marché du travail en utilisant les données de Ukrainian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey pour l'Ukraine et Survey on Living and Income Conditions pour les pays en transition et nous élaborons la fonction des gains du capital humain pour le marché du travail en appliquant la fonction de répartition des gains de Mincer, afin d'étudier les facteurs qui déterminent les revenus et le choix de l'emploi de l'individu en Ukraine et les pays en transitionInformal employment became a serious challenge for the Ukrainian economy and economy of transition countries during the adjustment to market conditions. Trends of the number of workers participating in the informal sector have been rising for the last years. In my research I will present the current state of informal employment of Ukraine and transition countries. Detailed attention is paid to labour distribution across different population categories by dividing the individuals into five categories (formal employee, informal employee, formal self-employed, informal self-employed and unemployed) following the definition of informal employment from the ILO. We examine labour market using the data of the Ukrainian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey for Ukraine and the Survey on Living and Income Conditions for transition countries and we design human capital earnings function for labour market by applying Mincer earnings distribution function in order to investigate the factors that determine the individual’s earnings and choice of the employment status both for Ukraine and transition countries
9
Etienne, Anne. « Towards European Integration : Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles ? » Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.
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In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.
10
BARANSKI, Marcin. « Constitutional pluralism in the European Union : a critical reassessment ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/72280.
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Defence date: 26 July 2021Examining Board: Professor Dennis M. Patterson (European University Institute); Professor Gábor Halmai (European University Institute); Professor Jan Komárek (University of Copenhagen); Professor Alexander Somek (University of Vienna)
The aim of this thesis is to offer a comprehensive and critical analysis of one of the most popular and prolific strands in European legal scholarship, i.e., constitutional pluralism. Specifically, the thesis seeks to challenge the central claim advanced by pluralist scholars with regard to the legal structure of the European Union: namely that the relationship between the EU and national legal orders is best conceptualized and understood as a heterarchical rather than hierarchical one. To that purpose, the thesis examines the work of leading scholars of pluralism– –Neil MacCormick, Kaarlo Tuori, Mattias Kumm, and Miguel Poiares Maduro–– all of whom advanced such heterarchical rather than hierarchical understandings of the aforesaid relationship. In so doing, the thesis attempts to address two main questions: first, does pluralism succeed in offering a descriptively and analytically sound account of the common European legal ordering; and second, how do the traditional, positivist, and hierarchical accounts of law fare in comparison with their pluralist contenders? The thesis concludes that while pluralist scholars should be given credit for bringing to light certain distinctive features of the European legal ordering, upon closer examination, their analyses appear to confirm (rather than deny) some crucial insights of said positivist theories, along with their allegedly outdated and distorting, hierarchical understanding of law and legality. Furthermore, it is argued that the pluralist attempts to set aside the positivist questions about the ultimate grounds of law, final authority and constitutional supremacy in the European Union prove unsuccessful in view of the growing constitutional disagreement therein. Finally, the thesis suggests that the nature of the current European legal or constitutional setting is better captured by the notion of national constitutional supremacy, rather than the core pluralist idea of heterarchy.
11
Slapin, Jonathan B. « Institutional design in the European Union how governments negotiated the Treaty of Amsterdam / ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1459915981&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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12
Shen, Yan Jia. « Understanding why China increases investment in European Union energy sector ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953581.
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13
Tan, Zu Jia. « Analysis on the integration of EU consumer credit markets : a co-integration analysis ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555572.
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14
Bjugan, Ketil. « Europe's divided north : a comparative analysis of the conflict over European Union membership in four Nordic countries ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1516/.
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This thesis is a comparative analysis of how the conflict over membership in the European Union (EU) affected people and parties in four Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden) between 1985 and 1997. The purpose of the thesis is to analyse how and why a) the people, and b) the political parties in these four countries have reacted to the prospect of membership - or, in the case of Denmark, continued membership - in the EU. The thesis is divided into two main sections. Section one consists of three theoretical chapters. Chapter one explains why European integration has conflict potential in the Nordic countries, and why this conflict has increased in salience since the mid-1980's. Chapter two outlines and develops a political cleavage model. This has two purposes; firstly, to explain the nature of the Nordic party systems; secondly, to outline social, ideological and institutional limitations to the effect of the conflict over EU membership on the party systems of these countries. Chapter three develops two models derived from rational choice theory. The first assesses how EU membership might be expected to affect the utility of individual citizens. The second focuses on how political parties might be expected to react to the prospect of (continued) EU-membership. Chapters four to seven (section two) assess the explanatory power of the models developed in chapters two and three for each of the countries concerned, by analysing the hypothesised effects of the EU-conflict on individual utility and on the party systems. Chapter eight compares the results of chapters four to seven. Finally, the conclusion assesses the heuristic value of the methods employed, and the implications for theory. In summary, it is argued that, firstly, expected consequences for individual economic utility and left-right ideological position are the most important variables for explaining differences in attitude to membership, both within each country and between the four countries. Secondly, for the majority of parties the increased salience of this conflict complicates their strategy, in particular with regard to the ability to pursue vote maximisation and office maximisation simultaneously. A partial solution is to off-load the EU-conflict away from national elections. This explains in large part why in each of the countries the EU-conflict has been off-loaded from the arena of national elections to that of referendums and elections to the European Parliament.
15
Liang, Zheng Yun. « The enviromental principles of the European Union ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2120095.
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Li, Qian. « European Union normative approaches to enviromental governance ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2120096.
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17
Galan, Andreea Elena. « The Impact of the Refugee Crisis on the European Union ». PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4253.
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The purpose of this thesis is to focus on the impact of the influx of refugees on the European Union taking into consideration the challenges, threats and opportunities that arise from this persistent crisis. The examination of the above-mentioned issue presents and analyzed pertinent findings derived from the relevant literature in the field, ranging from diverse case studies, public statistics, data of European Union institutions as well as NGO's, associations and other entities that have addressed issues of human rights and refugee integration in European Union countries. The thesis discloses how this complex matter, referred to as the "current European refugee crisis" gives rise to complex problems and divergent concerns ranging from Islamophobia, terrorist attacks and threats, economic challenges, cultural conflicts, and social clashes. It concludes that there is a need for new perspectives and strategies for better addressing the long and short term causes and challenges of the European refugee crisis.
18
Prosser, Christopher. « Rethinking representation and European integration ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f596c7e-bfb9-43ff-b3e8-2de716f234ec.
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In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.
19
Noordijk, Peter Andrew. « Building Bridges with Social Capital in the European Union ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1091.
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A culture of accommodation and tolerance is a necessary part of establishing and preserving a functional multi-national and multi-ethnic European Union. Civil society organizations and their associated social capital have been shown to foster civic capacity and achievement of public policy goals. However, social capital that is based on group identity can also contribute to a sense of intolerance towards out-groups, undermining the stated tolerance objectives of the social pillar of the European Union. States with a strong presence alongside civil society are expected to be curb the development of the exclusionary bonding form of social capital in favor of bridging social capital which will improve progress toward policy goals.
This study tests the link between government capacity, social capital and tolerance using data from the 1990-2009 waves of the World Values Survey and European Values Study. Using path analysis and multi-level models of the relationships between political capacity, social capital and intolerance, the model establishes that government capacity enhances bridging social capital and which increases social tolerance. The study fills a gap in understanding how government capacity and policy can result in improved social capital even with greater diversity. A proposed relationship between political capacity and bonding forms of social capital was not supported.
20
Dihel, Nora Carina. « Temporary movements of services providers from Central and Eastern European Countries into the European Union / ». [Bucureşti] : Ed. DBH, 2005. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013195171&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Morgan, Rebecca. « Enlargement 2007 : Romania, Bulgaria and the path to the European Union : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in European Studies in the University of Canterbury / ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3219.
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With the enlargement of the EU to 27 member states in 2007, this thesis considers the transition process of Romania and Bulgaria from the fall of communism in 1989 to accession to the European Union in 2007. The research focuses on the political and economic reforms of Romania and Bulgaria, using a chronological approach, to explore the concept of EU impact on countries in transition. The thesis focuses specifically on the ideas of European conditionality and leverage, in order to answer questions on the importance of the EU’s external influence on these two countries, as well as discussing future implications for candidate countries in transition.
22
Gürer, Cüneyt. « Divergence of discontent sociopolitical analysis of Turkoskepticism in the European Union enlargement / ». [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1208521474.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2008.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed May 21, 2009). Advisor: David A. Kessler. Keywords: Turkish EU Membership, European Union Enlargement, Turkoskeptcism. Includes bibliographical references (p. 218-229).
23
Fee, Emma. « 'A Europe without dividing lines' : the normative framework of the European neighbourhood policy - emergent jus gentium or consolidation of jus civile ? » Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83952.
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The primary focus of this work is Article 57 of the Draft European Constitution, concerning the constitutionalisation of a new aspect in EU external relations law, 'the European Neighbourhood Policy'. No comprehensive study of this constitutional article has yet been undertaken in EU legal research. Through the medium of the title of my thesis I wish to examine whether it amounts to an emergent jus gentium for the EU or its antithesis, the consolidation of jus civile. In parallel with the nature of the subject, this study is necessarily a legal-political one. Key points identified are the strategic use of human rights, extraterritoriality of law, foreign direct investment and legal imperialism. A number of recent developments, both judicial and legislative, have provoked this study.
24
KARAGIANNIS, Yannis. « Preference heterogeneity and equilibrium institutions : The case of European competition policy ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15460.
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Defence date: 21 December 2007Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI, Law Department) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana (Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona) ; Prof. Hussein Kassim (Birkbeck College, University of London)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
One characteristic of European competition policy is its complex governance structure. On the one hand, the European competition regulator has always enjoyed a high degree of formal autonomy from national governments. On the other hand, that regulator has always been embedded in a multi-task and collegial organisation that mirrors intergovernmental politics. Although the literature has often disapprovingly noted this complexity, it has not been explained. Part I elaborates on the theoretical lens for understanding the governance structures of EC competition policy. Despite the prominence of principal-agent models, transaction cost economics seems to offer a more promising venue. The assumption that Member States maximise their total expected gains and postpone excessive bargaining costs leads to the following hypothesis: the greater the preference heterogeneity (homogeneity) between Member States, the higher (lower) the asset-specific investments involved, hence the higher (lower) the risk of post-contractual hold-ups, and hence the more (less) integrated the governance structures created to sustain future transactions. Alternatively, this logic leads to a deterministic hypothesis about the sufficiency of preference heterogeneities for the production of complex governance structures. Part II examines this deterministic hypothesis. Using various sources, and conducting both within- and comparative case- studies, it analyses three important cases: the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris (1951), of the Treaty of Rome (1957), and of the two implementing Council Regulations (1962 and 2003). The evidence shows that (a) the relevant actors do reason in terms of transaction cost-economising, and (b) in the presence of preference heterogeneity, actors create complex governance structures. Nevertheless, it is also found that (c) the transaction cost-economising logic is not as compelling as it may be in private market settings, as bargaining costs are not systematically postponed to the post-contractual stage, and (d) the transaction costs between Member States are not the only relevant costs.
25
WOŹNIAKOWSKI, Tomasz P. « Towards fiscalization of the European Union ? : the European and American fiscal unions in a comparative historical perspective ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/52565.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 15 March 2018Examining Board: Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, University of Luzern/European Univeristy Institute (Supervisor); Professor Sergio Fabbrini, LUISS Guido Carli, Rome; Professor Alojzy Z. Nowak, University of Warsaw; Professor Sven H. Steinmo, University of Colorado, Boulder
My original contribution to knowledge is a demonstration that fiscalization, a concept I defined as a process that leads to the emergence of a federal power to tax, is triggered by an internal threat. This dissertation focuses on the economic governance of the European Union (EU) from a comparative historical perspective and shows that the emergence of the federal fiscal union is the result of a sovereign debt crisis at the state level. More specifically, it analyzes the conditions under which a supranational power to tax is likely to emerge by investigating the emergence of the United States (US) fiscal union in the late 18th century. I analyze the fiscal history of the early US to demonstrate how the institutional flaws of the Articles of Confederation, mainly the central budget based on contributions from the states, so-called ‘requisitions’, led to a sovereign debt crisis at the state level, which triggered taxpayers’ revolts in 1786/1787. I argue that an endogenous threat, exemplified by this social unrest caused by the heavy taxation that the states imposed to pay off the debt from the War of Independence, constituted such a condition. Consequently, this threat paved the way for the ‘fiscal bargain’, which led to fiscalization of the federal government, i.e. the creation of a fiscal union with the federal power to tax (‘federal fiscal union’) based firmly in the new Constitution of 1789. I then confronted the US experience with the EU ‘post-crisis’ economic governance through the lens of two instruments of integration: fiscalization and regulation. A comparison can shed a different light on a polity such as the EU. In a classical fiscal union such as the US, the federal government has fiscal capacity, but it does not have the power to regulate the fiscal policies of the states. In the EU, we can observe the reverse situation: the European institutions in the last few years have acquired a good deal of power to regulate national economic policies. For instance, under the European Semester the EU can even impose sanctions on the member states if they fail to take ‘the corrective action’ on the excessive macroeconomic imbalances. Moreover, it was decided not to go forward with the fiscalization process. I argue that this is because a threat emerging from the Euro crisis was not perceived as large enough to trigger a ‘fiscal bargain’. Paradoxically, by not agreeing to give the EU fiscal capacity, so that they could protect their fiscal sovereignty, member states gave up more of this very fiscal sovereignty to the central institutions, than states in classical federations.
Chapters 1.1 'Introduction', 1.2 'The puzzle', 1.3 'Research question', 1.5 'Contribution', 2.1 'State of the art', 2.3 'The concept of fiscalization', 2.4 'Hypothesis', 3.1 'Case selection', 4.1 'Introduction', 4.2 'How did fiscalization of the us federal government emerge?' and 7 'The insights for the EU from the US federal experience' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Why the sovereign debt crisis could lead to a federal fiscal union : the paradoxical origins of fiscalization in the United States and insights for the European Union' (2017) in the journal 'Journal of European public policy' and an earlier version published as a working paper 'Towards fiscalization of the European Union? : the US and EU fiscal unions in a comparative historical perspective' (2016) in the University of California, Berkeley, Institute of European Studies Working Papers Series
26
ERNE, Roland. « Organised labour : an actor of euro-democratisation, euro-technocracy or re-nationalisation ? : trade-union strategies concerning the European integration process ». Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5175.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 28 June 2004Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Ulrich K. Pressus (Freie Universität Berlin) ; Prof. Dr. Franz Traxler (Universität Wien) ; Prof. Dr. Philippe C. Schmitter (EUI) ; Prof. Dr. Colin Crouch (EUI)(Supervisor)
Conferring date: 1 October 2004. First made available online on 6 December 2016
This thesis addresses two questions: first, has there emerged in Europe a system of industrial relations which crosses national boundaries? Secondly, does organised labour contribute to the process of democratisation of the European Union? Scholars have argued that the EU cannot be democratised because there is no European society as such, no European network of intermediate social institutions, no European public sphere, no European demos and no Euro-democratic citizens’ movement. This thesis has discovered evidence to the contrary.
27
VAN, DER SLUIS Marijn. « In law we trust : the role of EU constitutional law in European monetary integration ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46925.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 16 June 2017Examining Board: Professor Bruno De Witte, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Deirdre Curtin, EUI; Professor Fabian Amtenbrink, Erasmus University Rotterdam; Professor Mark Dawson, Hertie School of Governance Berlin
Prior to the euro, the topics of constitutional law and monetary policy rarely overlapped. Money was regulated, on the national level, through the ordinary legislative procedures. For European monetary union, the use of constitutional law was nevertheless attractive because it meant that the MS would be in control of the negotiation process, because it enabled a very independent central bank and because it kept the MS in control over the future of the euro. The lack of trust among MS to share a currency was overcome by an abundant trust in law. As the euro was negotiated as a constitutional currency, this created specific opportunities and obstacles for the different parts of the EMU. Once the euro finally came into existence, the constitutional framework of the euro proved remarkably stable for the first decade and a half. After the excitement of Maastricht, monetary policy very quickly became boring again, in no small part due to constitutional law. Unfortunately, EMU primary law was quite successful. During the euro-crisis, EMU primary law shaped the responses to the crisis by placing fewer obstacles on some routes to change than on others. As the crisis developed, some conflicts became the topic of much legal debate and even judicial decisions, whilst other parts of euro-crisis law met with few objections, despite some legally problematic aspects. The possibilities for further reform of the Eurozone without treaty change are then largely the result of the process of reform until now.
Chapter 3 ‘The constitutional Euro' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as a working paper 'The variable geometry of the eurocrisis: a look at the non-euro area Member States' (2015), 2015/33 EUI Working Paper Law.
Chapter 1 ‘Monetary policy and constitutional law before the euro' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as a contribution 'Maastricht revisited: economic constitutionalism the ECB and the Bundesbank' (2014) in the book ‘The constitutionalization of European budgetary constraints’
The conclusion of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'EU law for a new generation?' (2016) in the journal ‘International journal of constitutional law’
28
Craycraft, Erin E. « European Union trade negotiations with developing countries ». 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/52278869.html.
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29
Balvan, Martin. « Tax system of chosen European Union countries ». Master's thesis, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-274910.
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SMISMANS, Stijn. « Functional participation in European occupational health and safety policy : democratic nightmare or additional source of legitimacy ? » Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4787.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 14 January 2002Examining Board: Prof. G. de Búrca (EUI Law Department), co-supervisor ; Prof. R. Dehousse (Institut d'Etudes Politiques, Paris/ former EUI Law Department), supervisor ; Judge K. Lenaerts (Court of First Instance/ and Katholieke Universiteit Leuven) ; Prof. P.C. Schmitter (EUI Department of Political and Social Sciences)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
31
ZUREK, Karolina. « European food regulation after enlargement : should Europe's modes of regulation provide for more flexibility ? » Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14530.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 25 June 2010Examining Board: Mads Andenas (University of Oslo); Marise Cremona (EUI); Christian Joerges (Supervisor, former EUI and University of Bremen); Ellen Vos (University of Maastricht)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis aims to present a critical legal perspective on the current direction of European Union (EU) food safety regulation. Through an analysis of three regulatory mechanismsmutual recognition, scientific risk analysis and standardisation-combined with a study of the evolution of food legislation in the EU, I seek to show how the current framework fails to face new challenges, such as the globalization of world trade and the last two enlargements. In particular, the thesis focuses upon the case of a newly acceded EU member state, namely Poland. The main argument presented in the thesis is that an enlarged and more diversified Europe must not disregard the numerous socio-economic implications of market regulation. If not properly acknowledged and reflected in the regulatory scheme, the mismatch between market regulation and socio-economic factors can lead to a kind of gradual "disembedding" of the regulatory framework, in the Polanyian sense of the term. This is of critical importance as the EU project is not one-dimensionally geared towards securing greater European unity, but equally concerned with preserving unique European diversity-in the field of food as well as in other aspects. I am thus suggesting that the existing regulatory approach can be opened up to include a wider set of relevant socio-economic implications, allowing for protection of diversity while aiming for greater homogeneity. The legal system for the regulation of food can be rebalanced to become more flexible and responsive by shifting the use of existing regulatory mechanisms, in order to diversify regulatory intervention. First, this would require improvement of application of the risk analysis model, in order to guarantee inclusion of valid socio-economic concerns in the decision-making process. Second, it would also entail reliance on managed mutual recognition in those areas where protection of diversity does not collide with protection of consumers (for example, where either longstanding trust has been available or national codes have provided sufficient safety guarantees), and where consequently imposition of strict standardization is not necessary. Due to legitimate concerns with crisis, the regulatory framework for food in Europe has generated a bias against diversity leading to unforeseen and unintended consequences. This thesis argues that this need not be so.
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DUBBINS, Simon. « Towards Euro-corporatism : a study of relations between trade unions and employers' organisations at the European sectoral level ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5256.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 22 March 2002Examining board: Prof. Colin Crouch (European University Institute - Supervisor) ; Prof. Richard Hyman (London School of Economics) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (European University Institute) ; Prof. Franz Traxler (University of Vienna)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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STEHMANN, Oliver. « Network competition for European telecommunications ». Doctoral thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5072.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Examining board: Jörn Kruse, University of Hohenheim ; Stephen Martin, EUI, supervisor ; Roger Noll, Stanford University ; Louis Phlips, EUI ; George Yarrow, Oxford UniversityDefence date: 7 June 1993
First made available online: 31 May 2016
The telecommunications industry is in the throes of rapid technological and regulatory change. Markets for terminals and services have been liberalized, and only the provision of networks has remained under the control of national operators. This book analyses from an economist's point of view the benefits which may be expected from the introduction of network competition in Europe, and describes how competition can be reconciled with social objectives. The author first looks at the latest technological developments and discusses the impact of new transmission systems such as mobile phones and satellites, and the convergence of broadcasting and telecommunications. He goes on to weigh up the arguments for and against network competition, looking in particular at the natural monopoly view and at universal service. The third part of the book compares policy in Europe and the USA, with a detailed analysis of the European Commission's approach, and an up-to-date view of the regulatory frameworks in five European member states. Finally, the author sets out a strategy for network competition in Europe which takes into account both the latest developments and the characteristics of the European environment.
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Patrício, Margarida da Silva. « Determinants of CO2 emissions in European Union countries ». Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.6/10868.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The economic growth is one of the main drivers of pollution. Climate change caused by the
increase in emissions has harmful and irreversible effects on economies as a whole.
Currently, climate change represents a challenging issue for policymakers. This research
intends to contribute to the current debate on the factors that contribute to reducing
emissions, supplying empirical evidence of the role of environmental regulation in this
process. In detail, this research aims to bridge a gap in the literature by giving special
attention to the effects of market-based regulation, regulatory incentive policies for
renewables deployment, and foreign direct investment on carbon dioxide emissions. To
accomplish this objective, it uses yearly data from 1995 to 2017 for 17 European Union (EU)
countries. To control for some possible endogeneity, and to study the short- and the longrun effects individually, an Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model was used with a
Driscoll-Kraay estimator. The main findings show that environmental regulation is effective
in cutting CO2 emissions in the long-run. Additionally, the policies supporting renewable
energy sources negatively affect CO2 emissions in both the short- and long-run. The
effectiveness of these policies is further demonstrated, with foreign direct investment
reducing carbon dioxide emissions, suggesting that the EU is managing to attract high
quality and innovative investment. The pollution halo hypothesis was validated for EU
countries.O crescimento económico é uma das principais causas da poluição. As alterações climáticas causadas pelo aumento das emissões têm efeitos prejudiciais e irreversíveis nas economias como um todo. Atualmente, as alterações climáticas representam um desafio para os formuladores de políticas. Esta pesquisa pretende contribuir para o debate atual sobre os fatores que contribuem para a redução das emissões, fornecendo evidências empíricas do papel da regulação ambiental nesse processo. Em detalhe, esta pesquisa visa preencher uma lacuna na literatura, dando especial atenção aos efeitos da regulação baseada no mercado, políticas regulatórias de incentivo à implementação de energias renováveis e investimento direto estrangeiro nas emissões de dióxido de carbono. Para atingir esse objetivo, foram utilizados dados anuais de 1995 a 2017 para 17 países da União Europeia (UE). Para controlar alguma possível endogeneidade e estudar os efeitos de curto e longo prazo individualmente, o modelo Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) foi usado com o estimador Driscoll-Kraay. As principais conclusões mostram que a regulação ambiental é eficaz no decréscimo as emissões de CO2 a longo prazo. Além disso, as políticas de apoio às fontes de energia renováveis afetam negativamente as emissões de CO2 no curto e no longo prazo. A eficácia dessas políticas é demonstrada ainda mais, uma vez que o investimento direto estrangeiro reduz as emissões de dióxido de carbono, sugerindo que a UE está a conseguir atrair investimento inovador e de alta qualidade. A hipótese pollution halo foi validada para os países da UE.
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Hsieh, Yi-Fong, et 謝衣鳯. « The money and inflation in European union countries ». Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/p8w7wr.
Texte intégralRésumé :
博士國立政治大學
經濟學系
107
After the 2008 global financial crisis beginning in the U.S., the major economies have been infected by the global systematic financial turmoil. In that case, major monetary authorities have taken preemptive unconventional monetary policies immediately after the interest rate policy fail to keep financial market functioning. Unconventional monetary policy is usually considered as balance sheet policy in peacetime. Recently, a vast of literatures concerning the effects of balance sheet policy shocks reveal that balance sheet policy shocks affected the output and price level positively. Rather, we find that the monetary base and broad money in European Union countries grew disproportionately after the crisis. In this paper, we apply two panel data models to estimate the inflation effects in European Union countries. We have several findings. First, ECB coordinated central banks to conduct large-scale assets purchase in the euro area, but balance sheet policy has affected these countries differently. Moreover, the Panel VAR results shows that the inflation effect of the mean group is smaller than the results of most empirical literatures. Besides, each individual European Union country responds to balance sheet policy shocks with heterogeneous inflation effects. In addition, some EU countries, such as Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark, Spain, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Poland, Slovenia, and Slovakia, even show deflation replies. Lastly, empirical results of panel data indicate that inflation and monetary base growth rate reveals a significant negative relation, while inflation and M3 growth rate has a positive relation.
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COUTTS, Stephen. « Citizenship, crime and community in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/37798.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 6 November 2015Examining Board: Professor Loïc Azoulai, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Marise Cremona, EUI; Professor Valsamis Mitsilegas, Queen Mary University, London; Professor Niamh Níc Shuibhne, University of Edinburgh
The aim of this thesis is to analyse the extent to which criminal law can contribute towards our understanding of Union citizenship and of the political community of the Union. In carrying out this task it adopts a particular perspective on both criminal law and Union citizenship. Firstly, it adopts the criminal law theory developed by RA Duff, premised on the notions of citizenship and community; crimes are viewed as public wrongs, committed against the community. Individuals are held responsible as citizens and are called to account before the community. Secondly, it adopts a particular account of Union citizenship based on a distinction between transnational dimensions and supranational dimensions. The transnational dimension is then broken into two sub-dimensions based on the concepts of social integration and autonomy or a space of free movement. The role of criminal law in these dimensions of Union Citizenship is analysed in the main body of the thesis. Two chapters consider the role of criminal law in social integration in the context of the acquisition of residence rights and the serving of sentences. Two chapters consider the parallels between the autonomy of Union citizens that results in a single space of movement, and the area of justice as it is constructed through the European Arrest Warrant and the operation of a transnational ne bis in idem principle. A final substantive chapter details the competence of the Union to adopt legislation criminalising certain conduct and the extent to which this can be said to contribute to the formation of a community at a supranational level. A conclusion brings together the findings of the thesis in relation to Union citizenship and considers the implications for the structure of the political community in the Union. It is suggested the national remains the main site for communities in the Union. However, transnational processes associated with Union citizenship trigger the emergence of certain supranational norms and ultimately a composite, complementary supranational community.
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BOUWEN, Pieter. « Gaining access to the European Union : a theoretical framework and empirical study of corporate lobbying in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5238.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 27 May 2002Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (Max Planck Project Group on Common Goods, co-supervisor) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI) ; Prof. Wolfgang Streeck (Max Planck Institute for the Studies of Societies) ; Prof. Daniel Verdier (EUI, supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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LAFFERTY, Michelle Martine. « European citizens' right to vote ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5451.
Texte intégral
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SCHINK, Gertrud. « Kompetenzerweiterung im Handlungssystem der Europäischen Gemeinschaft : Eigendynamik und policy-entrepreneure : Eine Analyse am Beispiel von Bildung und Ausbildung ». Doctoral thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4781.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 November 1992Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Bruno de Wittw, Rijsuniversiteit Limburg ; Prof. Dr. M. Rainer Lepsius (supervisor), Universität Heidelberg ; Prof. Dr. Giandomenico Majone, Europäisches Hochschulinstitut, Florenz ; Prof. Dr. Roger Morgan (co-supervisor), Europäisches Hochschulinstitut, Florenz ; Prof. Dr. Fritz W. Scharpf, Max-Planck Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung, Köln
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Tomás, Inês Maria Moreira. « Determinants of household debt in the European Union countries ». Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/20981.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Households’ indebtedness in the European Union countries has increasing, showing greater emphasis until the financial crisis in 2007-2008. Many of these countries showed lower values after this period, however, still high when compared to the pre-crisis period. Thus, this dissertation empirically tests the determinants of households’ indebtedness in the 28 countries of the European Union for the period between 1995 and 2017.
This is an econometric analysis using panel data. The seven hypotheses tested, taking into account the available literature on this topic, are house prices, financial asset prices, personal income inequality, households’ labour income, welfare state expenditures, working-age population and interest rates. The results obtained show that house prices, household’s labour income, welfare state expenditures and interest rates have a positive effect on households’ indebtedness. On the other hand, the financial asset prices and personal income inequality have a negative influence on households’ indebtedness.A dívida das famílias nos países da União Europeia tem vindo a aumentar, mostrando maior ênfase até à crise financeira em 2007-2008. Muitos destes países mostraram valores inferiores após este período contudo, ainda elevados quando comparados com o período pré-crise. Assim, esta dissertação testa empiricamente os determinantes da dívida das famílias nos 28 países da União Europeia para o período entre 1995 e 2017. Esta análise é uma análise econométrica utilizando dados em painel. As sete hipóteses testadas, tendo em conta a literatura disponível sobre este tema, são o preço das casas, o preço dos ativos financeiros, a desigualdade, o rendimento das famílias, os gastos do estado em saúde e bem-estar, a população ativa e as taxas de juro. Os resultados obtidos mostram que o preço das casas, rendimento das famílias, gastos do estado em saúde e bem-estar e taxas de juro exercem o efeito positivo na dívida das famílias. Por outro lado, o preço dos ativos financeiros e a desigualdade têm uma influência negativa na dívida das famílias.
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OLSEN, Espen D. H. « Transnational European citizenship. Tracing conceptions of citizenship in the European integration process ». Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/8141.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 08 February 2008Examining Board: Rainer Bauböck (EUI), Richard Bellamy (University College, London), Fritz Kratochwil (EUI) (Supervisor), Antje Wiener (Univ. Bath)
This thesis asks what kind of conception(s) of citizenship that have emerged over time within the European integration process. The starting point for this research aim is a critique of the existing literature on European citizenship. Research on European citizenship has tended to fall into a sceptical strand relying on the nation-state model of citizenship (often called the no demos position) or a more visionary strand which interprets the developments of rights on the EU level as a postnational disconnection of citizenship from nationality. These normative strands have tended to translate the question of 'what should it be?' into factual statements on what citizenship in the EU actually is. This thesis has sought to overcome this through a theoretically informed, yet empirically oriented study of how conceptions of European citizenship have developed. Theoretically, the thesis eschews the typical model approach of citizenship studies. It does so by focusing on citizenship as a status of individuals constituted through four analytically distinct, yet potentially inter-related dimensions: membership, rights, participation and identity. This provides a dynamic theory of citizenship where the appearance of and relationship between dimensions is not settled a priori, but rather needs to be scrutinised in practice. Empirically, therefore, these dimensions are utilised in order to ascertain how citizenship has been conceived on two levels of EU integrative politics. The first level is practices of policy- and law-making, starting with the founding treaties of the 1950s and ending with the post-Maastricht debates on Union citizenship. The second level is three instances of constitution-making importance within European integration: the Spinelli Project of the European Parliament, the Maastricht Process and the Convention on the Future of Europe. Methodologically, the analytical assessment of European citizenship discourse is provided on the basis of a process tracing exercise geared towards highlighting the crucial junctures of appearance, consolidation, and/or change with regard to the concept of citizenship. The main conclusion is that European citizenship discourse has created a conception of transnational citizenship, rather than postnational membership. This is visible on both empirical levels. The inherent transnationalism of European citizenship is found to have been initiated already in the founding ECSC and Rome Treaties. Citizenship elements in early European integration, such as free movement, market participation and, later, membership based on nationality in a Member State, created a frame upon which ensuing conceptions of citizenship developed. There were proposals for alternative conceptions based on a stronger notion of a more free-standing European status, for instance in elections to the EP, and more radical ideas of membership through dual European and national citizenship within constitution-making instances. Such proposals did, however, not significantly alter the conception of European citizenship as articulated around the border-crossing of Member State citizens. As much as this has highlighted - against the no demos view - that issues of citizenship are not incompatible with institution building and policy-making 'beyond the nation-state', it is also clear that one cannot detect a significant dissociation of citizenship and rights from nationality, as professed by postnationalists. Citizenship has evolved - mainly within policy practices - as a significant status of individuals within European integration through a transnational 'right to have rights' in second countries. Constitution-making instances have on the whole contributed to a consolidation of the basic tenets emanating from policy practices, rather than producing radical 'constitutional moments' of EU citizenship politics. The conceptual path of European citizenship discourse has, therefore, brought forward a conception based on a core principle of 'no rights without movement'; where elements such as political rights on the European and Member State levels, personhood as an additional condition for access to rights, and residence rights have been added as a consequence of evolving policies and practices of European integration.
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Watanabe, Lisa. « Securing Europe : European security in an American epoch / ». 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR40434.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2008. Graduate Programme in Political Science.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 306-335). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR40434
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BUSCA, Alessandro. « A legal and economic assessment of the EMU’s common principles and alternative routes of budget constraints ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/57525.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 July 2018Examining Board: Professor Stefan Grundmann, European University Institute; Professor Klaus Heine, Erasmus University Rotterdam; Professor Giorgio Monti, European University Institute; Professor Pietro Sirena, Università commerciale Luigi Bocconi
In the past 20 years, the European integration process has been mostly successful at establishing a single European market. However, no such success can be attributed to the establishment of an economic and monetary union. The recent financial and sovereign debt crisis dramatically exposed all the flaws and weaknesses of this ambitious project, which led the European Union into a deep economic and political crisis. In this context, the task of scholars and academics should be to explore new effective and efficient alternative in order to strengthen and create “a more perfect union”. On these premises and considerations, the present research will analyze the current legal framework of the European Monetary Union in order to assess and understand its success, and explore possible alternative institutional designs which could be more effective in achieving its objectives and, at the same time, be potentially more efficient and legittimate. More in details, after examining in the first chapter, the origin and evolution of the economic and monetary integration from its very foundation, and, in the second chapter, the current legal structure of the economic union; the last and third chapter represents the normative claim of thesis. In an attempt to reconcile both law and economics, this normative part will involve a balancing exercise between the economic concepts of effectiveness and efficiency, and the legal concepts of legitimacy. The analysis will first understand and assess the effectiveness of the present governance structure. We will argue that the fundamental problem of the present governance structure is given by its many internal inconsistencies. On these premises, we will claim that it is possible to design an alternative regime which could potentially solve such issues and thus be more effective. The resulting three different alternative regimes will then be compared and evaluated in terms of their efficiency, according to the new institutional economics approach. The purpose of the efficiency evaluation is not to identify the single most efficient system of governance, but rather to understand the distinctive strenghts and weaknesses of the various alternatives in comparison with the current structure. Ultimately, the chapter will also evaluate the current EMU structure under a legitimacy standpoint. In particular, it will try to assess and understand whether these potentially more effective and efficient alternative arrangements would also improve the EMU under a legitimacy standpoint.
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MARZO, Claire. « La dimension sociale de la citoyenneté européenne ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12703.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 25/09/2009Examining board: Bruno De Witte (EUI); Rostane Mehdi (Université Paul Cézanne, Aix-Marseille III); Marie-Ange Moreau (Supervisor, EUI); Pierre Rodière (Université Panthéon-Sorbonne, Paris 1 )
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
La dimension sociale de la citoyenneté européenne correspond à une nouvelle tendance de la Cour de justice des Communautés européennes permettant à des citoyens européens d'obtenir des prestations sociales du simple fait de leur statut. Cette innovation jurisprudentielle interroge à deux niveaux. Dans un premier temps, les transformations de la citoyenneté européenne par l'ajout d'une dimension sociale sont envisagées. Cette incongruité est permise par une nature particulière La multiplicité des droits attachés à la citoyenneté européenne par l'article 17 CE et son rapprochement des droits fondamentaux créent un statut doté d'un ensemble de droits dont le citoyen peut se prévaloir. Cette habilitation a été concrétisée par une mise en oeuvre par le législateur et le juge. Le premier a adjoint à la citoyenneté européenne la liberté de circulation des citoyens de l'article 18 CE. Le second lui a associé la principe de non-discrimination en vertu de la nationalité créant une nouvelle méthode de jugement rattachée à à ces deux principes. Dans un second temps, les développements de la politique sociale européenne par la citoyenneté européenne sont pris en compte. La politique sociale a connu plusieurs renouvellements récemment et la citoyenneté européenne n'y est pas étrangère. Elle a trouvé deux manifestations. La première passe par l'application des arrêts relatifs à la citoyenneté européenne. Il s'agit d'accorder au citoyen européen migrant les mêmes droits que les nationaux des Etats membres. C'est ainsi que les domaines nationaux de l'éducation et la sécurité sociale, principalement, se voient modifiés par une approche toujours plus large de l'égalité communautaire. La seconde passe par l'identification d'une nouvelle citoyenneté sociale, distincte de la citoyenneté européenne. C'est alors surtout l'oeuvre du législateur communautaire. En matière de services économiques d'intérêt général comme en matière d'égalité sur les autres fondements que celui de la nationalité, il a conçu une citoyenneté ouverte à tous et ayant pour objet une meilleure inclusion et une meilleure participation des personnes. Cette nouvelle tendance conduit à repenser la politique sociale et à s'interroger sur l'éventuelle ouverture de la citoyenneté européenne à d'autres que les citoyens européens.
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WENTZEL, Joachim. « An Imperative to Adjust ? : skill formation in England and Germany ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13283.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence Date: 05/12/2009Examining Board: Adrienne Héritier (EUI/RSCAS); Ewart Keep (Cardiff University); Martin Kohli (EUI) (Supervisor); Vivien A. Schmidt (Boston University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation deals with education systems and the change observed within them alongside changes in the wider political economy. The research is conducted by way of a comparative case study of England and Germany, two countries which in the Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) literature represent two very different types of economic coordination (thereby making the study conform to a 'most different research design'). Extending the VoC approach, not only vocational education and training but also school education and higher education are analysed, since these two areas contribute decisively to national skill formation. The point of departure is the puzzling fact that the current reforms of the education systems of both countries are departing from the paths predicted by the VoC approach. The thesis thus argues against institutional path-dependency in the two countries, and in favour of an ideational approach based on discursive institutionalism. First, the theoretical chapter (second chapter) of the thesis includes discussions of discursive institutionalism, policy diffusion, and conceptual mechanisms of institutional change, and provides a framework which accounts for path-deviant discourses and reforms. Secondly, a description of the three educational areas in both countries sketches the paths the systems should have pursued if they were to evolve path-dependently. Thereby this chapter serves as a reference point against which recent developments are assessed (fourth chapter). Thirdly, a textual discourse analysis of various White Papers of the British Government formulating policies on skill formation serves to identify visions and aims. The same procedure is applied for relevant policy papers in Germany (fifth chapter). Finally, the translation of visions into concrete policy measures is analysed by focusing on three important reform measures in each country (sixth chapter). On the basis of the policy cycle stages these measures are traced back to their original intentions and are contrasted with the implemented initiatives. This procedure elucidates how reforms match and potentially alter the existing institutional design, how ideas drive educational reforms, and how they resist, 'bend', or even vanish, once they are employed in concrete policy initiatives.
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SCHLOSSER, Pierre. « Resisting a European fiscal union : the centralized fragmentation of fiscal powers during the euro crisis ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/44566.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 December 2016Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, (EUI - Supervisor); Professor Renaud Dehousse (EUI - formerly at Sciences Po Paris - Co-Supervisor); Professor Henrik Enderlein (Hertie School of Governance); Professor Adrienne Héritier (EUI)
The euro crisis has been an existential crisis for Europe and for its stateless currency. It substantially impacted the institutional evolution of Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), making EMU’s rules-based logic tumble and triggering an institutional capacitybuilding. The euro crisis period should therefore be regarded as the most constitutionally relevant post-Maastricht European integration moment. This dissertation claims that the euro crisis management, because it involved the adoption of an array of significant fiscal rules, instruments, mechanisms and bodies, has resulted in the institutionalization of a distinctive fiscal authority in Europe. The convoluted process through which this authority has emerged was characterised by a tension between countervailing forces of centralization and fragmentation. This dissertation hence conceptualizes, documents and interprets the logic of a singular institutionalization process in which new fiscal powers became concomitantly centralized, fragmented and delegated to a series of ad hoc bodies operating in the shadow of newly empowered EMU executive institutions. The centrifugal delegation pattern at play is intriguing because it runs against the classic, pre-Maastricht delegation trend that entrusted the European Commission with newly centralized tasks. The new fiscal centre is instead fundamentally fragmented among three key actors: the Eurogroup, the European Central Bank and the Commission. Indeed, the dissertation has found that despite the emergence of a fiscal centre, the European Union still does not dispose of a formalized and settled fiscal power structure. The main puzzle uncovered by this examination is that while a fiscal authority has been institutionalized, no political EU actor has been able to formally embody and exclusively claim this authority. Going forward, formalizing such a political authority would require some form of constitutional settlement to clarify who is Europe’s fiscal primus inter pares.
Chapter 3 ‘Enhancing EMU’s fiscal arm: towards stronger regulatory surveillance' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Public finances in Europe: fortifying EU economic governance in the shadow of the crisis' (2016) in the journal ‘Journal of European integration’
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PICCOLI, Lorenzo. « The politics of regional citizenship : explaining variation in the right to health care for undocumented immigrants across Italian regions, Spanish autonomous communities, and Swiss cantons ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53404.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 11 April 2018Examining Board: Prof. Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Maurizio Ferrera, University of Milan; Prof. Andrew Geddes, European University Institute; Prof. Liesbet Hooghe, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Over the last forty years, regions in Europe have acquired an increasingly important role in the provision of rights that were traditionally used by states to define the boundaries of national citizenship. Despite this trend, there are still few comparative examinations of what citizenship means for subnational actors, how these affect the provision of rights, and what the consequences of this process are for internal solidarity, the democratic process, and ultimately the constitutional integrity of modern states. These are important questions at a time when ideas about membership and rights within multilevel polities are vigorously contested in courts, legislative chambers, and election booths. Instances of these contestations are the Spanish Constitutional Court’s decision on the legality of subsequent referendums on Catalan secession in 2014 and 2017; the ongoing standoff between the state of California and the American federal government over who ought to regulate the rights of undocumented immigrants; and the Scottish and UK referendums on independence and exit from the European Union, respectively. This dissertation sets out to explain under what conditions, how, and with what kind of consequences some regions are more inclusionary than others in their approach to what citizenship entails and to whom it applies. This is what I refer to as the politics of regional citizenship. The empirical analysis focuses on subnational variations in the realisation of the right to health care for undocumented immigrants in three multilevel states where regional governments have some control over health care and, within these, on pairs of regions that have been governed by either left- or right-wing parties and coalitions: Lombardy (Italy, conservative government from 1995), Tuscany (Italy, progressive government from 1970), Andalusia (Spain, progressive government from 1980), Madrid (Spain conservative government from 1995), Vaud (Switzerland, progressive government from 2002) and Zürich (Switzerland, conservative government from 1991). Evidence is collected via the analysis of over 31 legislative documents and 62 interviews with policy-makers, health care professionals, and members of NGOs. The comparison shows that the interaction of political ideologies at different territorial levels leads to the emergence of contested ideas about citizenship through the use that regional governments make of the distinct traditions of regional protection of vulnerable individuals like minor children, the disabled, and the homeless. The comparison also shows that the structure of the territorial system of the state plays an important role in determining the direction of the politics of regional citizenship. The value assigned to territorial pluralism within a country, in particular, determines whether regional citizenship is developed against the state, as a strategy to manifest dissent and mark the difference—as is the case in Spain and, to some extent, in Italy—or, instead, together with the state, as an expression of multilevel differentiation—as in Switzerland. Importantly, however, regional citizenship does never develop in complete isolation from the state because it always represents an attempt to weaken or reinforce the policies of the central government.
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SCHMIDT-KESSEN, Maria José. « IP competition conflicts in EU law through five judicial lenses ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/55264.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 May 2018Examining Board: Prof. Giorgio Monti, EUI (EUI Supervisor) ; Prof. Urska Šadl, EUI ; Prof. Inge Govaere, College of Europe, Bruges ; Prof. Alison Jones, King's College, London
This PhD thesis deals with IP-competition conflicts and how the EU Courts have addressed them over time. It seeks to answer the question of how the reasoning of EU Courts in these cases has been affected by three crucial evolutionary moments in EU law: (1) the Europeanization of IP law (2) the modernization of EU competition law and (3) the elevation of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union to a primary source of EU law. The first two chapters provide the theoretical framework of the thesis. The first chapter provides a detailed overview of the three crucial evolutionary moments in EU law mentioned above. The second chapter provides an overview of theories about the legal reasoning of EU Courts and about the different approaches that the courts have adopted when deciding IP-competition conflicts. Five such approaches, or judicial lenses, are identified: an economics, a conflict of laws, a conflict of competences, a constitutional and a private law approach. It is shown that these five different approaches can be linked to the three evolutionary moments at the IP-competition interface in EU law. Chapters three to five trace the theoretical insights from the first two chapters in three case studies on specific business methods having given rise to IP-competition conflicts before EU Courts: (i) selective distribution systems, (ii) digital platforms and restrictions of access, and (iii) lock-in strategies on aftermarkets, in particular in the online environment. The case studies analyse how these comparable factual situations of IP-competition conflicts have been treated on the one hand under EU competition law and on the other under EU IP law. In each case study, the legal reasoning is identified and compared between EU competition and IP law. The main finding in the case studies is that EU Courts treat the spheres of EU competition law and IP law as wholly separate. This has led to quite diverging approaches in comparable cases of IP-competition conflicts depending on whether the cases are brought under EU competition law or IP law, jeopardizing the systemic coherence of EU law and disturbing the CJEU’s dialogue with national ii courts. This situation is not sustainable. In an economic environment where the EU’s economies are increasingly depending on e-commerce and digital assets often protected by IP, IP-competition conflicts are bound to increase. To ensure a legal environment that provides legal certainty and equal conditions for firms to thrive across EU Member States without hurting consumers, a more coherent and improved methodological guidance on how to address IP-competition conflicts is needed. The aim of this thesis is to provide a first step in this direction.
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ÖBERG, Marja-Liisa. « Expanding the EU internal market without enlarging the Union : constitutional limitations ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/36998.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 17 September 2015Examining Board: Professor Marise Cremona, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Professor Loïc Azoulai, European University Institute ; Professor Christophe Hillion, University of Leiden ; Professor Stephen Weatherill, University of Oxford.
One of the most significant roles of the EU in the world is that of being a norms exporter. The EU has concluded numerous agreements with countries in its neighbourhood with the aim of encouraging third countries to adopt EU acquis in exchange for access to the internal market. The most ambitious of these agreements are the three multilateral agreements establishing the European Economic Area, the Energy Community and the European Common Aviation Area, respectively. The common feature of these agreements is the aim of extending to third countries either the entire internal market or a sector thereof. Achieving this objective is, however, challenged by the difficulty of circumscribing precisely the scope of the internal market and delimiting it from other EU policies, the sui generis nature of the EU legal order and the proclaimed need to protect its autonomy. An analysis of the concept of the internal market, the EU’s foundational principles and the institutions and procedures in place in the EU and in the three agreements for achieving and maintaining homogeneity within the expanded internal market reveals that it is, indeed, possible to extend the internal market to third countries. However, the level of homogeneity in the expanded market depends heavily on the goodwill of third country decision--makers, national administrators and, especially, courts to adopt and give the same effect to rules of EU origin outside the EU as within the Union. The objective of full homogeneity within an expanded internal market inevitably requires a certain transfer of supranational characteristics also to the agreements exporting the acquis.
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DE, ANGELIS Andrea. « Bridging troubled water : electoral availability in European party systems in the aftermath of the Great Recession (2009-2014) : an application of Bayesian ideal point estimation ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46986.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 June 2017Examining Board: Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute; Professor Russell J. Dalton, University of California, Irvine; Professor David Farrell, University College Dublin
How is electoral competition structured in Europe? This fundamental problem lies at the core of democracy, as popular sovereignty depends on the existence of a real policy choice, and requires the most preferred alternative being selected and implemented (Dahl 1956). However, there is no consensus yet regarding the actual occurrence of this mechanism of responsive electoral competition (Schumpeter 1942). I develop a new empirical design to test whether a structure of electoral competition in Europe actually exists, based on the idea that greater party system polarization should be associated with a smaller propensity for voters to switch between electoral blocks. To do so, I identify two potential loci of electoral competition in Europe: the left-right dimension (Downs 1957; Bartolini and Mair 1990), and the more recently introduced integration-demarcation cleavage (Kriesi 1998; Kriesi et al. 2006). Data from the European Election Survey (2009, 2014) allow the implementation of the novel design in order to study electoral competition in 27 EU member states. For this thesis to empirically address the question of electoral competition in Europe a preliminary, methodological development has to be made. Indices of political polarization are generally produced using survey respondents’ average perceptions of party positions. I show that this approach leads to systematic measurement error: the problem, known as Differential Item Functioning (DIF), depends on the fact that voter perceptions are subjective and cannot be directly compared, neither within nor between countries. To separate the actual polarization from perceptual bias, I develop a two-stage Bayesian Aldrich-McKelvey (2S-BAM) scaling procedure and apply Dalton’s index on DIF-corrected measures of party positions (ideal points) on both dimensions. Results show that when standard DIF-inflated polarization indices are used, left-right ideology seems to be still structuring European electoral competition. However, once the indices are optimized, using party ideal points, the integration-demarcation cleavage gains the upper hand over the left-right dimension in structuring electoral competition in contemporary Europe. Thus, this thesis makes both a methodological and theoretical, as well as an empirical contribution to the literature in this field.