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1
Cuttitta, Paolo. « Africa ad portas ? : Italiens Migrationspolitik ». Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4747/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Through police co-operation, re-admission agreements, and setting up of detention camps, Italy’s immigration policy tries to delocalise border controls between Europe and North Africa. Italian immigration quotas and development aid should induce countries of origin and transit of migrants to tighten their border controls and cooperate with Italy. Development aid is used by the EU in order to exert pressure on other countries, whereas Libya for instance uses transiting refugees as a diplomatic weapon. On the other hand, relations between Italy and North African countries do not focus on human rights violations taking place in some of these countries.
2
Piet, Remi. « Energy and Environment - The “Coal and Steel” of the Union for the Mediterranean : How Sustainable Development can Ensure Democratization in the Middle East and North Africa ». Scholarly Repository, 2012. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/709.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze the cooperation potential and institutional feasibility of a regional integration scheme in the Mediterranean region that would follow a similar pattern as the one proposed by the Schuman Declaration on May 9th 1950, establishing energy and environment (as the new “Coal and Steel”, the sectorial pillars of an ambitious Union for the Mediterranean. The argument defended in this dissertation is that both Europe and Mediterranean countries will face either environmental hazards or energy supply concerns in the coming years. First of all, the European Union is threatened today by a growing dependence on politically risky countries for its energy imports following the decrease of Norwegian reserves. Hence, Mediterranean countries and most of all oil-rich Libya and gas producer Algeria are among the priorities on the European Union foreign policy agenda. At the same time, Mediterranean countries suffer from growing environmental stresses that prevent their economies from reaching their potential while European Union could and should strongly invest in a Green new Deal together with its Mediterranean neighbors. As Mediterranean countries experience an historical and uncertain wave of democratization, political science theories have strongly underlined the importance of economic development to sustain democracy. A Union for the Mediterranean addressing the environmental concerns that hamper such a development would therefore be a key asset in ensuring stability and freedom in the region.
3
Svejda, Miroslav. « NATO's global role : to what extent will NATO pursue a global orientation ? / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FSvejda.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-93). Also available online.
4
Strolená, Lucie. « Vliv revolucí v arabských zemích na azylovou a imigrační politiku Evropské unie ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-191983.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The content of the thesis is an analysis of the impact of the revolutions in the countries of North Africa during the year 2011 on the immigration and asylum policy of the European Union. The aim of the paper is to evaluate the response of the European Union and its member states to the migration situation. The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first one describes the situation and migration during revolutions in the North Africa, the second chapter deals with the migration into the European Union. The third chapter analyzes the reaction of chosen member states and the institutions of the European Union. The last chapter finally evaluates the situation and identifies the opportunities and threats for the immigration and asylum policy of the European Union that emerged from the previous analysis.
5
Mujivane, Andrew Agufana. « European Union ». Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613834/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is to study the evolution of the EU - Africa relations, and how they have been shaped in the 21st Century. Bearing a historical perspective of the relations, the cornerstone of the study will cover the period between 2000 and 2010. It is at the turn of the century that the EU-Africa relations gained momentum with the adoption of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement and the first EU- Africa Summit in Cairo, 2000 that laid the foundation of the Joint Africa EU Strategy. This strategy epitomizes the desire of the EU and Africa to forge a close bond of relations towards achieving their shared interests based on a &lsquopartnership of equals&rsquo
. EU-Africa relations have been characterized on the basis of clientelism inherent from its colonial legacy in Africa. Thus the main question is whether the strategy adopted guarantees a relationship based on a &lsquo
partnership of equals&rsquo
or is it pure rhetoric? The thesis concludes that, Africa&rsquo
s importance on the international arena has been increasing in the last decade with a proportionate increase in competition for its resources especially from emerging powers. This has threatened the EU&rsquo
s position in Africa and with the EU&rsquo
s quest to enhance its global actorness, there has been a need for the EU to restructure its relations with Africa. Though the strategy is based on a mutual partnership, it is skewed to the EU&rsquo
s favour due to its superior power both economically and politically.
6
Kelemen, Tas. « Defense planning and NATO-European Union relations ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FKelemen.pdf.
Texte intégral
7
Rusingiza, Francis. « China and the European Union Africa : allies or challangers ? » Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-201490.
Texte intégral
8
Shepherd, Alistair J. K. « The European Security and Defence Policy : slow march to a military capability for the European Union ». Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252136.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union has declared that its ESDP has an initial operational capability. It has put new institutional structures in place to manage the political aspects of security and defence policy and the member states have pledged a range of military capabilities, which the EU may call upon to undertake a range of crisis management operations - the Petersberg tasks. However, there are a number of significant challenges that need to be overcome for the ESDP to become a fully operational and credible policy. These challenges are institutional, political, financial and military. However, the critical aspect, yet to be significantly enhanced, for a fully operational ESDP is actual military capability. Without investing in a number of critical military capabilities, ESDP risks falling short of the expectations set out at Cologne, Helsinki and beyond. The thesis moves beyond simply describing these shortfalls towards making an assessment of the progress made in the four years since ESDP was launched. This progress is measured at the national level, by examining the defence policies and military capabilities of a range of six EU states to assess their value to ESDP, and at the EU level by detailing the combined progress towards reaching a fully operational ESDP. Signs of convergence within these defence policies are required if a ‘common; EU policy is to be realised. There also needs to be development of a strategic concept, a requirement for an effective ESDP that is not yet acknowledged by the states. The influence of the US is also critical. While, the US supports improved military capabilities, it does so without acknowledging a parallel increase in decision-making and responsibility for the EU in international security. There needs to be clearer and more effective leadership in ESDP to overcome these challenges, particularly the military ones. If the EU does not make sacrifices and provide the resources required for ESDP, it will have created a policy without substance and its credibility as an international actor will be severely damaged.
9
Aghrout, A. « The European Union and the Maghreb countries : assessing a north-south relationship ». Thesis, University of Salford, 1999. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/26500/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study is concerned with the relationship between the European Union(EU) and the Maghreb countries from its inception up to now. It sets out to examine the effects that the Union policy, in its different phases and proper instruments, appears to have had on the Maghreb countries. The claim of the thesis is that the outcome of this policy, in relation to its goals in the various areas during earlier phases, has been less than satisfactory. It further argues that if the present phase is not accompanied by a much more assertive presence of, and active role from, the EU in this region, it is most likely to prove highly costly to the Maghreb countries and may amount as a result to an additional disappointing attempt. To develop and illustrate these arguments, the study is divided into three parts. The first part, consisting of two chapters, surveys the major theoretical debate on North-South relations and attempts a definition of the nature and characteristic features of the Euro-Maghreb relationship along with an examination of certain determinant factors in its evolutionary process. The second part, composed of two chapters, takes stock of, and assesses the comparative achievements/shortcomings of former phases of the EU policy towards the Maghreb countries both initially in the area of trade, and later with the addition of issues of economic aid and migrant labour. The third part, made up of two chapters, considers the EU's present partnership approach that is essentially a European response to the implications arising from growing socio-economic dislocation and political instability in the Maghreb region. On the one hand, it reviews the sources of that potential instability and, on the other hand, attempts an evaluation of the partnership arrangements in their immediate effect and future prospects. Finally, a number of implications for a better approach to the future development of the relationship between both sides emerge from the summary and suggestions of the concluding chapter.
10
Falecki, Tomasz. « Poland and the European Union's security and defense Policy / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FFalecki.pdf.
Texte intégral
11
Assarsson, Johanna. « The Impacts of the European Union - South Africa Free Trade Agreement ». Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6380.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 2000 “the European Union and South Africa Free Trade Agreement” was established with
the aim to gradually increase the amount of duty-free agricultural and industrial products to
each market. The aim of this paper is to investigate if South Africa benefits from the EU-SA
Free Trade Agreement and also what impacts this agreement has on South Africa’s trade with
Southern Africa and the rest of the world. The result from the study indicates that South
Africa benefits from the agreement in terms of improve trade. The result also shows that
South Africa’s trade with some Southern African countries has been negative effected by the
agreement but it is difficult to state if this is caused by the agreement or not. The rest of the
world has not been negatively affected by the agreement.
12
Woolgar, Chris. « European Union Dairy Policy and the Least Developed Countries : Case Study - Africa ». Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, Sektionen för planering och mediedesign, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-1113.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Agricultural policy within the European Union (EU) is but one of the founding pillars upon which unification was developed. Negotiated out of a post-war Europe, the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) emphasized the protection of the domestic market, through government subsidies and payment programmes, artificially raising the price of domestic products while restricting access for the foreign agricultural producers. The objective of this paper is to explore the link between the agricultural decisions made by the EU and the effects on citizens in the Least Developed Countries (LDC). To develop a comprehensive understanding of the issue at hand a review of the existing literature will be necessary, as well as an analysis of the available quantitative data. The findings revealed that the CAP is but one factor that impacts development of agriculture in LDC’s, many other factors, such as international and bi-lateral trade agreements, government institutions, and political lobbying also influence the outcome.
13
Mema, Adriatik. « Democratization in Albania the OSCE, NATO and the European Union / ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FMema.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. ; Abenheim, Donald. "June 2010." Description based on title screeen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Democratization, international organizations, domestic politics, conditionality, membership criteria, accession. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-108). Also available in print.
14
Nowak, Rafal Artur. « Developing the modalities of cooperation between NATO and the European Union ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FNowak.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-85). Also available online.
15
Pichler, Lothar. « Comparison of the French and German approaches to ESDP and NATO ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FPichler.pdf.
Texte intégral
16
Mavura, Mike Tigere. « The European Union trade, development and cooperation agreement (TDCA) with South Africa : promoting development or self interest ? » Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007572.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research analyses development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and South Africa with the objective of determining which between the two entities, ultimately benefits more out of this arrangement The research goes beyond the altruistic reasons offered by the EU as the rationale for development cooperation to investigate whether South Africa's development is actually being promoted by this cooperation. Further, the research investigates whether there is also EU self-interest that informs this development cooperation. This research is conceptualised within the development aid debate framework. The research argues that this development cooperation is important to South Africa even though its impact is in real terms has not been extensive due to a number of factors. It further contends that there are EU political, security and economic interests amongst others that are being promoted by this development cooperation. The research concludes by asserting that this development cooperation promotes the mutual interests of the EU and South Africa. This conclusion challenges the paradigms of the debate on development aid which is premised in black and white terms of development aid promoting either donor or recipient interests.
17
Penzhorn, Niels. « The Impact of the EU free trade agreement on South African agriculture a general equilibrium analysis / ». Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2002. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-02212007-154604.
Texte intégral
18
Gustafsson, Hall Joel. « Discrepancies in European Union Pre-accession Evaluations : An Assessment of the European Commission’s Progress Reports ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-424288.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study investigated whether EU Progress Reports measured the Copenhagen political criteria in a biased manner compared to independent indices. At stake is the credibility of the EU accession process and whether countries in the Western Balkans will seek partnerships with the EU or state-actors beyond the European peninsula. This is a case study of how well Albania and North Macedonia fared regarding the political criteria during 2014 and 2017. Each country was ranked against one another in order to find potential discrepancies between measurements from Progress Reports and independent indices. This paper did find evidence that suggests the European Commission disfavored North Macedonia and favored Albania. However, other results were inconclusive. The finding supported accession literature that has called into question the objectivity of the EU accession process.
19
Musci, Angelica Maria <1996>. « The European Union as international actor : the case of the diplomatic engagement with North Korea ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/19707.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union is an organization that had and still has great power in the international context. The aim of this thesis is to observe how the EU chose to engage with the delicate case of North Korea and how It was able to start diplomatic ties with it.
The engagement of the EU went from an active one to a phase of “critical engagement”.
In order to understand how this happened there will be an accurate research about the history of EU-DPRK relations. Later on, the point of view of both North Korea and the European Union will be analyzed.
At the end there will be an explanation of why the EU decided to follow the U.S. and stepped back from an active engagement in the Korean peninsula but also in the East Asia peace-keeping problem. Finally, some strategies that the EU could follow will be explained.
20
Patsiaouras, Konstantinos. « Democratic Peace Theory and Greek-Turkish relations in the context of the European Union ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FPatsiaouras.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Master of Arts in Security Studies)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Siegel, Scott. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: European Union, Greece, Turkey, Democratic Peace Theory, economic interdependence, intergovernmental organizations, NATO. Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-116). Also available in print.
21
Pillay, Morgenie. « The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement : a case of reference for the south ? » Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
22
Trouille, Jean-Marc. « EU-Africa Relations, China, and the African Challenge ». Elipsa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17824.
Texte intégralRésumé :
yesThe African continent is a sleeping giant which will increasingly be a player to be reckoned with on the global stage. At the same time, its migration potential will be multiplied by Africa’s forthcoming demographic explosion. Consequently, the EU and Africa have a shared interest in working together towards making African development sustainable. African integration will be key towards speeding up this process. This paper first evaluates the stakes of the African challenge for the European Union. It considers the economic potential that can be unleashed by speeding up integration processes in Africa. Second, it argues that Africa will be ‘the China of the 21st Century’, and that any development, positive or negative, taking place there will have large repercussions in Europe, and that therefore the EU and Africa are communities of destiny in need of a joint approach towards African industrialisation. Finally, it provides a roadmap of important steps that Europe needs to consider in its endeavour to support African development.
23
Van, Wyk J. T. (Jacobus Tertius). « The EU-SA wine and spirits agreement : implications for South Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53111.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the negotiating stages of the TOCA, the EU and South Africa could not reach an agreement on the use of certain EU geographical indications related to wine products. The geographical indication issue threatened the signing of the entire TOCA. At the request of the EU, South Africa agreed to negotiate a separate Wine and Spirits Agreement, in order to finalise the TOCA. The EU-SA Wine and Spirits Agreement was eventually negotiated and came into effect on 1 January 2002. The initial issue relating to the geographical indications remained controversial throughout the negotiations and matters were made worst when the initial contentious denominations of Port and Sherry were expanded by the EU to include Grappa, Ouzo, Korn, Kornbrand, Jagertee, Jaqertee, Jagatee and Pacharan. South Africa eventually agreed to phase out the use of these denominations over specified time periods. The current wording of the agreement will also result in South Africa having to yield a variety of well known trade marks such as Nederburg and Roodeberg. Article 7(8) of the Wine Agreement implies that in the case of conflict between a South African wine trade mark and an EU geographical indication for wine, the South African trade mark will always have to yield to the EU geographical indication. The entire geographical indication matter is being contested by South Africa and is still under negotiation. South Africa and the EU agreed to allocate reciprocal duty free tariff quotas to wine products. These tariff quotas will remain effective until the FTA has been established, following the transitional periods as agreed upon in the TOGA. The duty free funds will however not have such a direct impact on the wine industry as have been envisaged initially, because the funds are in the hands of the EU importers. Various business plans are being implemented to allow the South African wine industry to benefit from these and any future funds. The EU offered financial assistance to the value of €15 million for the restructuring of the South African wine industry as well as for the marketing of the South African wine and spirits products. To date none of these funds have been allocated and various proposals have been made to the South African government in order to obtain these funds from the EU. The EU-SA Wine and Spirits Agreement is a continuous evolving agreement, where both parties are allowed to modify the existing agreement with the consent of the other party. Such modifications are allowed with the premise that it would contribute to the facilitation and promotion of trade in wine and spirits products between South Africa and the EU. South Africa must take cognisance of the implications of the EU-SA Wine and Spirits Agreement and ensure that they do not end up losing more than what they are gaining.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sien volteks vir opsomming
24
Guei, Kore Marc Antoine. « Revenue, welfare and trade effects of EU FTA on South Africa ». Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/6137.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The study used the partial equilibrium WITS-SMART Simulation Model to assess the impact of liberalization under the Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) of a free trade area between the EU and South Africa. The findings of the study reveal that total trade effects in South Africa are likely to surge by US$ 1.036 billion with a total welfare valued at US$ 134 million. Dismantling tariffs on all EU goods would be beneficial to consumers through net trade creation. Total trade creation would be US$ 782 million. However, South African producers are likely to contribute a trade diversion of US$ 254 million which has a negative impact on consumer welfare. The country might also experience a revenue loss amounting to US$ 562 million due to the removal of tariffs. On trade, the country’s export and import to the EU is expected to increase by US$ 12.419 million and US$ 1.266 million respectively. To mitigate revenue loss, the country should try to diversify its current tax base.
25
Osman, Rehab Osman Mohamed. « The EU Economic Partnership Agreements with Southern Africa : a computable general equilibrium analysis ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/38615/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the potential impacts of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the EU and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It provides a quantitative assessment of the prospective implications for welfare, output and trade structures, resource allocation, prices and fiscal revenue. The thesis undertakes country- and sector-specific analyses using the multi-region, multi-sector computable general equilibrium (CGE) GLOBE model. The model is calibrated to the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) Database- version 7 for 2004. Different scenarios are implemented in order to simulate the alternative EU-SADC EPA scenarios in addition to their WTO-compatible alternatives. The thesis aims to contribute novel insights to the ongoing debate on the EU-SADC EPAs. It provides detailed country- and sector-specific impact projections within an internally consistent modelling framework. Furthermore, it contemplates the other WTO-compatible arrangements for SADC-EU trade in the case of not signing final EPAs. The simulation results inform answers for several research questions, as follows. Who gains and who loses from the EU-SADC EPAs? Do the agreements help SADC to effectively integrate into the world economy? What type of structural change might SADC experience under the EU-SADC EPA scenarios? How significant are potential adjustment costs for the SADC members likely to be? Are the WTO-compatible alternatives preferable for SADC members compared to the EU-SADC EPAs scenario? The simulation results suggest that a comprehensive EPA scenario is welfare-improving for many SADC members. The agreements, however, do not serve as a stumbling block towards more integration for SADC members into the world markets. Overall, SADC production structures become more concentrated in export-oriented sectors. These structural changes are accompanied by a high degree of adjustment in factor markets and substantial fiscal losses. A comprehensive EPA scenario is the best option vis-à-vis the WTO-compatible alternatives for SADC non-LDCs, whereas the results for SADC LDCs are mixed.
26
Griffin, Liza. « Good governance, scale & ; power in the European Union : a case study of North Sea Fisheries ». Thesis, Open University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446287.
Texte intégral
27
Prokhorov, Sergiy, et Marta-Maria Denshchykova. « Efficient Normative Power ? EU's activity in Africa ». Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-2558.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines the European Union normative power in Sub-Saharan African countries. It is based upon theoretical researches on normative power and official publications about EU’s normative power in Africa. The aim of the thesis is to analyse the EU’s role in Africa as normative power. The following questions are posed: What are the reasons of exercising normative power by the EU in Africa? What are the main areas the EU acts as normative power in African continent? And what are the results of EU normative power activity in Africa? The theoretical approach assumes that the EU is no longer a normative power. But, nevertheless, it can exercise normative power. The study is conducted with a qualitative method research. The results show that the EU as a normative power pursues egoistic motives in Africa. But its normative power becomes limited by some factors: growing economic development of Africa, growing EU military power. This confirms the theory.Hope, You agree to use the thesis only for lawful purposes, and in a way that does not infringe the rights of, restrict or inhibit anyone else's use and enjoyment of the thesis. Remember you should ask authors' permission to use the thesis.
28
Schmidt-Nechl, Oliver. « Baltic security, NATO enlargement and defense reform : the challenges of overcommitments and overlaps / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FSchmidt-Nechl.pdf.
Texte intégral
29
Kramer, Bryan K. « NATO and forward defense : an analysis of expeditionary capabilities and out-of-area-security / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FKramer.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Hans-Eberhard Peters, Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-119). Also available online.
30
Grewlich, Jerome. « International trade in wine and geographical indications : common interests between the EU and South Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49995.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MScAgric)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: European-South African trade relations concerrnng wine and spirits are characterized by various opportunities and, at the same time, a range of conflicts. The latter notably relates to the dispute over geographical indications and designations of origin. Considering this confusing amalgamation of discord and harmony, it is the purpose of this study, entitled "International Trade in Wine and Geographical Indications - Common Interests between the EU and South Africa", to understand the rationale for trade in wine from both sides of the coin. Moreover, this research assesses possible multilateral and bilateral solutions for dealing with trade frictions between the EU and South Africa and identifies common interests with a view to establish a lasting foundation for blossoming trade in wine and sustained growth. The underlying methodology is a qualitative interpretative approach and bases on insights into modern marketing and international management theory. On this basis the "objective" interests of the EU and South Africa in trade in wine are analysed in order to assess the coming into existence of the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement as well as the Wine and Spirits Agreement. Pivot of these trade negotiations is the dispute on geographical indications, which is scrutinized by looking into relevant chapters of the WTO and its TR.IPS Agreement. With regards to the Wine and Spirits Agreement it is salient to ask whether it is economically and politically reasonable for South Africa to accept a financial package from the EU to secure the 'voluntary' phasing out of a number of trademarks and geographical indications. The study concludes with an outlook regarding the globalisation of the world's wine market, potential future investment flows between the EU and South Africa and the need for an effective marketing strategy in order to become or remain global player in an increasing competitiveness caused by globalisation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Europese en Suid-Afrikaanse handelsverhoudinge in wyn en spiritualieë word gekenmerk deur verskeie geleenthede en terselfdertyd 'n reeks konflikte. Laasgenoemde hou merkbaar verband met die twis oor geografiese indikatore en aanwysings van oorsprong. Gegewe hierdie verwarrende tweedrag en harmonie, is die doel van hierdie studie, getiteld "Internasionale Handel in Wyn en Geografiese Aanwysings - Gemeenskaplike belange tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika", om die 'rationale' agter die wynhandel van twee kante te beskou. Verder ondersoek hierdie navorsing moontlike multi- en bilaterale oplossings vir die handelswrywing tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika en identifiseer gemeenskaplike belange met die doelom 'n fondament te bou vir volhoubare groei in die wynhandel. Die onderliggende metodologie is 'n kwalitatiewe verklarende benadering, gebaseer op insigte uit moderne bemarkings- en bestuursteorie. Op hierdie vlak word die 'objektiewe' belange van die EU en Suid-Afrika in die wynhandel ontleed om gevolgtrekkings oor die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms en die Wyn- en Spiritualieë- Ooreenkoms te maak. Onderliggend aan hierdie onderhandelinge is die twis oor geografiese aanwysings, wat noukeurig ondersoek is deur relevante hoofstukke van die WHO Ooreenkoms en sy TRIPS-komponent te raadpleeg. Met verwysing na die Wyn- en Spiritualieë- Ooreenkoms is dit voor die hand liggend om te vra of dit ekonomies en polities verstandig vir Suid-Afrika is om 'n finansiële pakket van die EU te aanvaar in ruil vir die vrywillige uitfasering van 'n aantal handelsmerke en geografiese aanwysings. Die studie sluit af met '11" blik op globalisering van die wêreld se wynmarkte, die potensiële toekomstige vloei van beleggings tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika, en die behoefte aan 'n effektiewe bemarkingsstrategie om 'n globale speler te word.
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Wroblewski, Joanna Makgorzata. « Assessment of the economic partnership agreement between South Africa and the European Union / Joanna Wroblewski ». Thesis, North-West University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/9867.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Trade agreements play a big part in international trade and have existed for as long as countries have been trading internationally. Countries often agree to sign a trade agreement with their trading partners because trade agreements can stimulate international trade by removing barriers. Trade agreements can also have a negative impact on a country, such as social injustice and economic inequality. South Africa has numerous trade agreements with various countries, one important agreement that South Africa is part of is the regional trade agreement between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries which originated in 1976.
The Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) is a preferential trade agreement which evolved from the Cotonou Agreement which came into force in 2000 and envisioned the creation of mutual trade agreements. When this agreement expired in 2007, the (EPA) was created. The main objective of the EPA’s is to integrate the ACP countries into the world economy. The EU aims to combine trade, politics and development and enhance the political dimension of ACP countries by addressing issues such as corruption, poverty and inadequate development policies. The EU is in favour of the EPA because it will reduce the number of negotiations with various countries, which it currently holds simultaneously.
South Africa had some reservations regarding the EPA. South Africa is currently governed by the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA), which was created with specific goals and also acts as a strategic partnership between the EU and South Africa. If the EPA is implemented in South Africa, it will replace certain elements of the TDCA agreement. South Africa has characteristics of both a developed and developing economy and will be excluded from several of the general trade arrangements of the EPA. The EU is offering duty-free and quota-free access for all the countries except for South Africa. This will result in two different SACU tariffs for imports from the EU. South Africa also argues that various discrepancies will arise between the EPA and TDCA which will cause various challenges regarding political, legal and technical aspects between Southern African countries and this will hinder regional integration amongst these countries.
There are various opinions as to which agreement will be more beneficial for South Africa. Where the EPA aims to create a single agreement for all ACP countries, the TDCA is an exclusive agreement between South Africa and the EU, and addresses issues specific to South Africa. The underlying problem is that South Africa has qualities of both a developed and a developing nation and is being excluded from some of the benefits that the EU is offering the other members. This rings some alarm bells, as South Africa and its neighbouring countries are working towards better regional integration. The EPA might have a negative influence on this regional integration because various African countries will benefit differently under the EPA.
This Study analyses the possible effects the EPA could have on South Africa’s trade with the EU and South Africa’s neighbouring countries by means of a literature study and an empirical analysis. The first part of literature study gives an overview on trade theories and trade agreements, advantages of free trade, trade barriers and the likeliness of countries to trade with each other. The second part provides an in depth overview of regional and preferential trade agreements and economic integration. The Third section of the literature study gives a complete overview of South Africa and the EU’s economic and trade situation. The Fourth and final section of the literature study provides an overview of the TDCA and the EPA and compares the two agreements.
The literature study is followed by an empirical analysis and an overview of the gravity model. The empirical analysis studied the impact of trade barriers on the historic trade between South Africa and the EU using a gravity model as a basis. The gravity model was used as a base for the regression models, because it has proven to give accurate estimations in previous studies done with similar trade data. This study used data for each variable for the time period 2000 to 2010 and was sourced from the World Bank and the International Trade Centre but there are data limitations. Separate models were estimated for exports from South Africa to the EU and imports to SA from the EU. From the import regression results, it was clear that the coefficients were very small and should all tariffs be eliminated, there will not be a significant increase in imports to South Africa from the EU.
The export regression results were similar to the results of imports and indicated that if all tariffs should be eliminated with the implementation of the EPA, there will not be a significant increase in exports from South Africa to the EU. However the EPA stretches beyond only trade benefits and because the EU remains one of South Africa’s biggest trade and development partners, it is vital to consider the effects of the EPA. It does appear that the EPA’s main motivator is not international trade, but that it is rather political and development orientated.Thesis (MCom (International Trade))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.
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Kreuzer, Nicola. « Convergence legislation and its impact in the European Union, the United Kingdom and South Africa ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/4649.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After broadly defining convergence and giving examples of converging technologies this paper will examine how selected forms of convergent technologies work. An examination of how the different countries, South Africa in particular and the European Union, have responded on a legislative level to the convergence phenomenon is consequently preceded by some insight into the underlying techniques of convergence. Some benefits and disadvantages of the two different approaches will also be examined. This might be of interest to countries that have not yet decided on which approach to follow. Is convergence legislation really required and how far would it benefit the country? Has the South African convergence legislation been intelligently thought through? A large part of the telecommunications industry feels that the answer to these questions is in the negative.12 This paper seeks to give some guidelines in pondering on these issues.
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Steiler, Ilona. « The European Union and China in Africa : explaining conflict and cooperation with international relations theory / ». Hamburg : Kovač, 2009. http://d-nb.info/997222115/04.
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Bjugan, Ketil. « Europe's divided north : a comparative analysis of the conflict over European Union membership in four Nordic countries ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1516/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is a comparative analysis of how the conflict over membership in the European Union (EU) affected people and parties in four Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden) between 1985 and 1997. The purpose of the thesis is to analyse how and why a) the people, and b) the political parties in these four countries have reacted to the prospect of membership - or, in the case of Denmark, continued membership - in the EU. The thesis is divided into two main sections. Section one consists of three theoretical chapters. Chapter one explains why European integration has conflict potential in the Nordic countries, and why this conflict has increased in salience since the mid-1980's. Chapter two outlines and develops a political cleavage model. This has two purposes; firstly, to explain the nature of the Nordic party systems; secondly, to outline social, ideological and institutional limitations to the effect of the conflict over EU membership on the party systems of these countries. Chapter three develops two models derived from rational choice theory. The first assesses how EU membership might be expected to affect the utility of individual citizens. The second focuses on how political parties might be expected to react to the prospect of (continued) EU-membership. Chapters four to seven (section two) assess the explanatory power of the models developed in chapters two and three for each of the countries concerned, by analysing the hypothesised effects of the EU-conflict on individual utility and on the party systems. Chapter eight compares the results of chapters four to seven. Finally, the conclusion assesses the heuristic value of the methods employed, and the implications for theory. In summary, it is argued that, firstly, expected consequences for individual economic utility and left-right ideological position are the most important variables for explaining differences in attitude to membership, both within each country and between the four countries. Secondly, for the majority of parties the increased salience of this conflict complicates their strategy, in particular with regard to the ability to pursue vote maximisation and office maximisation simultaneously. A partial solution is to off-load the EU-conflict away from national elections. This explains in large part why in each of the countries the EU-conflict has been off-loaded from the arena of national elections to that of referendums and elections to the European Parliament.
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Hügens, Jonathan. « A Comparative Analysis of Legal Frameworks for Investments in Africa by China and the European Union ». Master's thesis, Faculty of Law, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32752.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis presents a comparative analysis of the legal investment frameworks of the European Union and China in African countries. The thesis reviewed financial instruments of foreign direct investments, official development assistance and other official flows. The legal analysis focus on the demand on political conditions to access the financial assistance; under which conditions are the projects tendered; and which labor standards set the parties while the project is implemented. All reflected under the aspect of the fairest condition for African countries. The comparison figured out that the European Union with its demands for the implementation of human rights, democracy and the rule of law facing certain reluctance of most African governments for a full implementation while contrary to that the OneChina principle is broadly acknowledge by African governments to gain investments. When projects are tendered the research presents that the European Union searches for local and regional providers to strengthen African businesses. This with guidelines for core labor laws based on human rights when it comes to the implementation. While China tenders with a strong commercial self-interest and does not set any labor standards relaying on local laws and showing limited interest and understanding when it comes to implementation.
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Cross, Peter John. « Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union : from free trade to trade and development ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
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Klostermann, Eva Amelie. « "A comparison of the Cotonou Agreement and the AGOA : trade creating or trade diverting?" ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_2196_1254400820.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis has attempted to provide an analysis of two legal instruments
the Cotonou Agreement and the AGOA. Specific attention was directed to these instruments impact on trade between the European Union and the United States, respectively, and beneficiary African countries.
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Garrett, Bryan A. « Missionary Millennium : The American West ; North and West Africa in the Christian Imagination ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11043/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the 1890s in the United States, Midwestern YMCA missionaries challenged the nexus of power between Northeastern Protestant denominations, industrialists, politicians, and the Association's International Committee. Under Kansas YMCA secretary George Fisher, this movement shook the Northeastern alliance's underpinnings, eventually establishing the Gospel Missionary Union. The YMCA and the GMU mutually defined foreign and domestic missionary work discursively. Whereas Fisher's pre-millennial movement promoted world conversion generally, the YMCA primarily reached out to college students in the United States and abroad. Moreover, the GMU challenged social and gender roles among Moroccan Berbers. Fisher's movements have not been historically analyzed since 1975. Missionary Millennium is a reanalysis and critical reading of religious fictions about GMU missionaries, following the organization to its current incarnation as Avant Ministries.
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Dalecka, Magdalena [Verfasser]. « Great Britain's political attitude towards Poland's admission to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union / Magdalena Dalecka ». Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2008. http://d-nb.info/1023023555/34.
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Rupp, Vendela. « Fall in Line or Fall Behind ? : Cooperation in cyberspace between the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the European Union ». Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8357.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study explores the relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the European Union in cyberspace. The two organisations have differing approaches to combat threats from cyberspace but are continuously deepening their cooperative efforts. The former is arguably militarising the domain and is less inclined to share information with outside parties, while the latter is more willing in this respect but is struggling to balance a free and open Internet with a secure one. NATO’s focus on cyber defence and the EU’s focus on cyber security is connected to the organisations’ different identities as security actors. The difference is identifiable in the Joint Declaration on EU-NATO Cooperation established in 2016. While cyber defence and cyber security are notable in texts, it is yet to be determined how the respective organisations’ differing focus impacts their cooperation in cyberspace. The purpose of this study is thus to investigate the continuation of the Joint-Declaration given NATO and the EU’s different frameworks to combat cyberthreats. The study will use Michel Foucault’s Security Dispositive theory by looking at normalising discourses within the organisations’ respective agendas influenced by various cyberattacks in the 21st century. NATO focuses on developing offensive as well as defensive cyber capabilities while the EU primarily presents a more passive strategy. Considering the Alliance’s ability to set demands on partner actors, results suggested that the Joint Declaration is able to continue if the EU falls in line with the precedent set by NATO as the organisation continues to expand its militarising discourse of cyberspace.
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Bierbass, Joerg. « TAFTA : a proposal for a Transatlantic Free Trade Area / ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22739.pdf.
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Chauke, J. Thabo. « The impact of the European Union-South Africa free trade area agreement on factor returns in South Africa : much ado about nothing ? » Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/5769.
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Lysina, Miroslav. « Security policy of the Czech Republic in light of the integration into the European Union ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FLysina.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Edwin R. Micewski. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-68). Also available online.
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Jahnel, Carsten H. « Transatlantic relations : are alliances a funcion [i.e. function] of an external threat ? / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FJahnel.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans-Eberhardt Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-98). Also available online.
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Burger, Pieter Francois Theron. « The trade and development agreement between SA and the EU : implications for SACU ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52029.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.The Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) will create competitive challenges, threats and opportunities, driving out less efficient performers while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This is in line with the general principles of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which promotes the reduction of trade barriers in order to liberate trade on a global basis. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of the European Union - South Africa Free Trade Agreement ( EU-SA FTA) which is the main component of the TDCA. The European Union (EU) has historically been Southern Africa's most important trading partner. The main reason why South Africa entered into a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the EU was to enhance exports to South Africa's largest export market, attract higher levels of investment from the EU, and gradually expose the South African industry to competition to ensure that it is restructured to become globally competitive. Since 1910 South Africa has been part of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), which also comprises Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BlNS). The EU-SA FTA will accordingly impact on trade relations between South Africa, the EU and the BLNS countries. Not only will SACU face increased competition from cheaper EU imports, but BLNS countries will also face reduced income from the common revenue pool. South Africa will have to remove a higher level of tariffs from a greater volume of imports than is the case for the EU. For the BLNS, the relative adjustment effort is even greater. The BLNS will have to adjust to the elimination of tariffs on 30% of goods currently imported from the EU, while the TDCA will bring about no improvement in their current terms of access to the EU market. The BLNS products currently exported to the EU which are most likely to be affected by the EU-SA FTA are: clothing (Lesotho), preserved fish and flowers (Namibia), and grapefruit, processed pineapples, corned fruit and grapes (Swaziland). These products are under threat from South African products which can, as a result of the FTA, be exported to the EU at reduced tariffs. BLNS products which could be affected as a result of cheaper EU imports are: grain (Botswana, Namibia and Lesotho), chicken production (Swaziland), sugar (Swaziland), beef (Namibia and Botswana), and the small wheat-farming sector in Namibia and Botswana. The EU-SA FTA is further likely to have a substantial impact on South Africa's exports to the EU. The total increase in exports as a result of the FTA is estimated between 1.3% and 1.4% of the 1996 value of South Africa's exports to the EU. The main drive will come from industrial products which are less protected than agricultural products. The South African government, further, concluded that the negative effects of the direct costs to SACU would be outweighed, in the long term, by the dynamic and geopolitical benefits of an FTA with the EU. The signal that the South African government has given with signing the TDCA with the EU indicates that the Southern African economy should restructure itself to become internationally competitive. This is the only way to survive in a global trade arena which is under WTO principles becoming increasïngly more liberated.
46
Madaleno, Jose Miguel Ferreira. « The European Union and the Organization for the Harmonization of Business Law in Africa : comparative perspectives on their institutional frameworks and legal orders ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2586421.
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47
Cardosa, Carla Isabel de Moura Pinto. « An analysis of the perceived effects of European Economic Monetary Union upon the hotel industry in the north of Portugal ». Thesis, Bournemouth University, 2007. http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/10302/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As a catalyst for a closer economic integration through a single currency, Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) held out the promise of welfare gains for the participating countries and their respective industries. Among the potential benefits of monetary union, EMU was expected to enhance business competition through a stability-oriented macroeconomic policy framework, including greater transparency, reduced exchange rate uncertainty, greater credibility to the policy regime and lower transactions costs, among others. Whether the hotel stakeholders perceived, or did not perceive, significant changes brought about by EMU for Portugal, and the hotel business environment in the north of Portugal in particular, was the central aim of this study. To meet this aim the following was done: First, based on a literature review focussing on the economics of integration, business management and competitiveness theories the underpinning framework of the primary research were identified and developed. In particular, this research focused on the perceptions of the hotel stakeholders towards the implications of EMU using and adapting three of Porter's models: the Diamond, Five Forces, and Value Chain models. By combining Porter's models together in an all-encompassing framework, it was possible to confirm that there are advantages in merging more than one business environment level into an integrated study procedure. Second, three sets of surveys were conducted based on the underlying analytical frameworks and knowledge of EMU and tourism/hotel industry. one survey for each of the three target groups. Together, these three surveys provided a multi-stakeholder perspective - the national, the industry and the businesses perspective - using people involved directly at each level of the business environment (the Portuguese national authorities, the hotel industry associations and the hotel businesses in the North of Portugal). Finally, the data analysis was structured into two parts based on the type of questionnaire used: structured and semi-structured. The semi-structured questionnaires were analysed using two types of content analysis, summation and explanation, using QSR NUD*IST 6 software programme. The structured questionnaires were analysed using basic descriptive methods, such as frequencies and cross tabulations. The quantitative data was analysed using the Statistical Packagefo r SocialS cience(sS PSS). One of the main conclusions the study reached through the conceptual framework used was that, EMU not only changed the business environment at a national level, but also changed the competitive and operational environment of the hotels. However, the effects expected in literature were greater than the effects observed by the hotel stakeholders and, in particular, by the business respondents.
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Levermore, Roger John. « The European Union/South Africa Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement : decision-making, participation and perceived economic impacts ». Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/391.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union-South Africa Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (EU/SA TDCA), signed in October 1999, is viewed by some in South Africa as not only one of the most important trade and development agreements entered into by the 'new' South African goverrunent, but also a significant agreement for setting precedents for other bi-lateral trade and development pacts between the EU and African, Caribbean and Pacific group of states. This thesis considers two major issues related to the EU/SA TDCA. First, it describes and evaluates the structures that supported the South African side of the TDCA decision-making process. Second, it discusses the potential economic impact of the agreement on South Africa and part of southern African. Prior to the election of the 'new' South African government in 1994, the majority of South Africa's population was excluded - both in terms of access to decision-making structures and from economic prosperity. By exploring the TDCA, the thesis provides a window through wl-dch to examine contemporary access to decision-making processes in South Africa and the likelihood of the TDCA promoting economic prosperity for sections of southern African society, particularly the 'traditionally excluded'. Interviews with key actors who helped formulate the TDCA provide information that enabled the evaluation of the TDCA decision-making process and highlighted potential economic 'winners' and 'losers'. Interviewing representatives of the South African wine and textile sectors provided an opportunity to examine in more detail the likely impact of the agreement and decision-making processes, associated to the TDCA, within South Africa. The results indicate that an overriding message of this thesis is one of complexity. The description of the structures that underpinned the EU/SA TDCA portrayed complex relationships between decision-making 'actors'. In evaluating the inclusivity of the policy formulation process, there was a lack of consensus over who had been included or excluded. Likewise, the identification of potential economic 'winners' and 'losers' proved to be somewhat problematic.
49
Bouwer, Philip. « An analysis of the approaches used for establishing dominance in the United States European Union and South Africa ». Diss., University of Pretoria, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/53195.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When an allegation is made against a firm that it has engaged in conduct that is detrimental to
consumers and competition as a whole within the particular market, it will first need to be
established whether or not that firm can be said to be dominant in the market. Only a firm that is
dominant within the market can act to an appreciable extent independently of its competitors
and consumers. However, how is dominance established, especially within the American,
European and South African markets?
In order to answer this question, this dissertation will first seek to define the terms of
dominance and market power in the context of the above markets. This enquiry will also
focus on how the concepts of dominance and market power are related to each other. After
these concepts have been defined and expanded, the process of establishing dominance in the
United States, European Union and South Africa will be explored. The means of establishing
market laid down in each market will then be critically compared with one another and the
specific advantages and disadvantages of each will be expanded upon.
South Africa is unique due to the fact that the establishment of dominance has been codified in
the Competition Act and is dependent on the possession of certain prescribed market shares.
The aim of this paper will be to determine whether the establishment of dominance can simply
be linked to the possession and maintenance of large market shares or, does an accurate
inquiry into dominance require taking into account a variety of factors, such as the barriers to
entry or expansion the countervailing power of consumers.
Once the deficiencies of the approach laid down by the Act have been established, and the
specific goals which the Act seeks to achieve have been highlighted, a new alternative
approach for the establishment of dominance will be proposed. This will be a less structured
approach taking into account a variety of factors relevant to the case at hand. In this way the
process of establishing dominance will be done on a case by case basis which will hopefully
lead to more accurate determinations of dominance.Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2015.
Mercantile Law
LLM
Unrestricted
50
Virta, Jasmin-Leyla. « From Development Cooperation to Partnership of Equals : How does the EU construct Africa as an equal partner ? » Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-44743.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union and Africa have sought to establish tight economic and political relations after the era of colonialism. However, European colonialism in the African continent has left behind colonial legacies that are still present in the postcolonial world. Contemporary EU- Africa relations have aimed to transcend the conventional donor-recipient relationship shaped by colonial legacies, towards a more equal and mutually beneficial partnership. Such a partnership of equals has been a declared goal of the current European Commission outlined in the EU-Africa Strategy “Towards a comprehensive Strategy with Africa”. This thesis aims to examine the partnership and power relations between the EU and the AU, seeking to answer the question of how the EU constructs Africa as an equal partner in the EU- Africa Strategy. This thesis entails theoretical and analytical frameworks combining two critical approaches, postcolonial theory and the WPR method. By applying these frameworks to the thesis, the findings reveal that the EU constructs Africa as a dependent partner through pragmatic discourse on partnership, due to the deep-seated remnants of colonial structures within the EU-Africa Strategy. These colonial structures position the EU as a dominant actor providing support for the dependent actor, Africa, implying that the partnership is based on asymmetrical power relations between the two actors. This research attempts to contribute to the somewhat underdeveloped canon of postcolonial approaches to EU-Africa relations and highlight the suitability of a postcolonial approach for this type of research.