Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « European Union – Africa, North »

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "European Union – Africa, North"

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Zreik, Mohamad. « China and Europe in Africa : Competition or Cooperation ? » Malaysian Journal of International Relations 9, no 1 (30 décembre 2021) : 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.3.

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This paper presents the development strategies of the European Union and China towards Africa. European development aid has always been accompanied by political and economic conditions such as adopting neoliberalist policies, democracy and regime modification. As for China, its development policies have not been conditional because it adopts the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and a win-win strategy. The paper points to a great disparity between the Chinese and European development strategies. China represents the South-South development model, and the European Union provides the North-South development model. The development experience in Africa indicates the progress of the Chinese model and its attraction to the African governments and peoples.
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Metea, Ileana-Gentilia. « Cyprus, an Unresolved Issue of the European Union ». International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no 1 (1 juin 2018) : 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0021.

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Abstract The Republic of Cyprus is an island from the extreme north of the Mediterranean Sea, is situated at the intersection of Europe, Asia and Africa, 75 km south of Turkey, 105 km west of Syria, 300 km north of Egypt and 800 km east of Greece. As a state form, it is a presidential republic, and is part of the European Union (since May 2004) the Euro Zone (2008), the World Trade Organization - WTO (1995), the International Monetary Fund (1962) 1962), the Council of Europe (1961), the Commonwealth (1961). Cyprus has an unresolved internal situation for a long time
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Sviashchenko, Zinaida. « Migration Policy of the European Union on the Countries of Northern Africa ». European Historical Studies, no 13 (2019) : 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.67-83.

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The article is devoted to the actual issues of the European Union migration policy with regard to the countries of North Africa. Indeed, the intensive migration movement that has recently taken place in Europe has forced the EU to develop a new, adequate migration policy that would be able to effectively address the problems encountered in this area. The reasons and the current state of migration processes are investigated. The main directions and areas of regulation of migration processes in the European Union concerning the countries of North Africa are highlighted. In particular, attention is drawn to such an important direction of the EU migration policy as the fight against illegal migration. The main problems of regulation of migration processes, in particular, labor migrants and refugees, are outlined. The substantial quantitative and qualitative changes that have taken place in the migration processes from the countries of North Africa to Europe have been analyzed. The general economic consequences of migration from the countries of North Africa for donor countries and recipient countries are described. Attention is drawn to the issue of professional training of Africans for further employment in the EU. It is concluded that migration in the EU countries plays a special role due to the aging of the population in European countries and the need to attract labor from third countries. Migration flows between the countries of North Africa and the EU are particularly intense. This is due to the geographical proximity of these regions, as well as close economic, political and cultural ties. Among the priority areas of the EU migration policy, such as border management and the return of illegal migrants to their homeland, convergence of Member States practice in strengthening the common European regime, sharing responsibilities and ensuring the acceptance of refugees with their further resettlement among EU member states.
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Mizerska-Wrotkowska, Małgorzata. « Dylematy unijnej polityki sąsiedztwa oraz wyzwania dla polityki zewnętrznej UE na Bliskim Wschodzie, Afryce Północnej i Ameryce Łacińskiej ». Przegląd Europejski, no 1-2015 (28 juin 2015) : 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.15.5.

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The purpose of this article is to analyse the challenges for EU foreign policy in three of its geographical areas of interest, which I treat here as case studies: in North Africa, the Middle East and Latin America. The research challenge here is to answer the following questions: 1) How can the European Neighbourhood Policy be made more effective? 2) What lies behind the lack of consistency in EU policy towards the Arab states? 3) What are the challenges facing the European Union in North Africa? 4) What part does the European Union play in the Middle East peace process – and what part should it play? 5) What is the European Union’s role in resolving the crisis in Syria? 6) What are the limitations of EU policy in Latin America? The article undertakes a comparative analysis and is based on analysis and criticism of source material
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Romeo, Isabel. « The European union and North Africa : Keeping the Mediterranean ‘safe’ for Europe ». Mediterranean Politics 3, no 2 (septembre 1998) : 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629399808414652.

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Diawol, Anna. « Evolution of European Union’s policy towards the Mediterranean region ». Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, no 45 (2 mai 2012) : 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/45/2386.

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This paper examines some specific problem in Euro Mediterranean relation. Author decided to concentrate on two main issues: the characteristics of the institutions of the Union for the Mediterranean, indicating similarities and differences in the Euro-Mediterranean programs and the presentation of specific new initiatives. The author will also summarize the main possible positions in the ongoing debates about the need to reform the European Union addressed to the countries of North Africa and the Middle East.
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Boubaker, K., A. Colantoni et E. Allegrini. « Renewable Energy in Eastern North Africa in Terms of Patterns of Coupling to Czisch European HVDC Super Grid ». International Journal of Renewable Energy Development 2, no 2 (17 juin 2013) : 125–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ijred.2.2.125-129.

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In this study, wind energy potential and perspectives in the eastern North Africa region (Tunisia) have been investigated in terms of connectivity to the projected Czisch European HVDC super grid. A simplified extracted scheme of this grid has been used as a guide to optimize transportation efficiency through the whole net. Wind, as an available and easily exploitable renewable energy was showing to have a promising future for 2025 horizon in the context of a connected net with the European Union, despite local sub-grids disparities. This is also to emphasis HVDC technology adequacy for economical power transmission over very long distances andconnection between differently established grids.
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Khalifa, Mahmoud. « THE ROLE OF EUROPEAN UNION POLICIES TO COUNTER ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION IN NORTH AFRICA ». Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola 8, no 3 (2022) : 429–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47305/jlia2283429k.

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Piwowarska, Sara. « Unia Europejska wobec konfliktów i przemian społeczno-politycznych w regionie MENA w XX i XXI wieku ». Świat Idei i Polityki 17, no 1 (31 décembre 2018) : 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201801.

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The countries of the Middle East and North Africa are one of the main areas of interest of the European Union, and the main determinants of mutual relations are primarily the economy and security policy. The aim of the article is to show how the position of the European Union is shaped in relation to the main challenges and threats in this region, to which the Israeli-Arabic conflict, the Palestinian issue and the so-called Arab Spring, as well as the escalation of the conflict in Syria and the problem of international terrorism.
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Elbashir, Rania. « LIBYA'S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». MEST Journal 10, no 2 (15 juillet 2022) : 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12709/mest.10.10.02.07.

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The subject of this empirical and theoretical work is the exchange of foreign trade in Libya with the countries of the European Union. The scientific objective of the research is to make a scientific classification of the volume of foreign trade between Libya and the European Union countries and to discover the factors that hinder foreign trade and explain them scientifically. European countries also support this cooperation and contribute significantly to the formulation of future cooperation policies with Libya in various social, political, and economic fields. However, this cooperation takes place in light of objective difficulties arising from the conflicting interests of Western countries in North Africa and Libya. Since these relations are burdened with many problems of different nature, we started this paper from two assumptions: The first premise is that in the trade relations between Libya and the European Union, there are common interests for foreign trade that are more feasible. The second premise is that more encouragement and protection for investments by the countries of the European Union helps in new qualitative development and economic growth in Libya, which will significantly improve trade relations between Libya and the countries of the European Union.
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Thèses sur le sujet "European Union – Africa, North"

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Cuttitta, Paolo. « Africa ad portas ? : Italiens Migrationspolitik ». Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4747/.

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Through police co-operation, re-admission agreements, and setting up of detention camps, Italy’s immigration policy tries to delocalise border controls between Europe and North Africa. Italian immigration quotas and development aid should induce countries of origin and transit of migrants to tighten their border controls and cooperate with Italy. Development aid is used by the EU in order to exert pressure on other countries, whereas Libya for instance uses transiting refugees as a diplomatic weapon. On the other hand, relations between Italy and North African countries do not focus on human rights violations taking place in some of these countries.
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Piet, Remi. « Energy and Environment - The “Coal and Steel” of the Union for the Mediterranean : How Sustainable Development can Ensure Democratization in the Middle East and North Africa ». Scholarly Repository, 2012. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/709.

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The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze the cooperation potential and institutional feasibility of a regional integration scheme in the Mediterranean region that would follow a similar pattern as the one proposed by the Schuman Declaration on May 9th 1950, establishing energy and environment (as the new “Coal and Steel”, the sectorial pillars of an ambitious Union for the Mediterranean. The argument defended in this dissertation is that both Europe and Mediterranean countries will face either environmental hazards or energy supply concerns in the coming years. First of all, the European Union is threatened today by a growing dependence on politically risky countries for its energy imports following the decrease of Norwegian reserves. Hence, Mediterranean countries and most of all oil-rich Libya and gas producer Algeria are among the priorities on the European Union foreign policy agenda. At the same time, Mediterranean countries suffer from growing environmental stresses that prevent their economies from reaching their potential while European Union could and should strongly invest in a Green new Deal together with its Mediterranean neighbors. As Mediterranean countries experience an historical and uncertain wave of democratization, political science theories have strongly underlined the importance of economic development to sustain democracy. A Union for the Mediterranean addressing the environmental concerns that hamper such a development would therefore be a key asset in ensuring stability and freedom in the region.
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Svejda, Miroslav. « NATO's global role : to what extent will NATO pursue a global orientation ? / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FSvejda.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-93). Also available online.
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Strolená, Lucie. « Vliv revolucí v arabských zemích na azylovou a imigrační politiku Evropské unie ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-191983.

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The content of the thesis is an analysis of the impact of the revolutions in the countries of North Africa during the year 2011 on the immigration and asylum policy of the European Union. The aim of the paper is to evaluate the response of the European Union and its member states to the migration situation. The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first one describes the situation and migration during revolutions in the North Africa, the second chapter deals with the migration into the European Union. The third chapter analyzes the reaction of chosen member states and the institutions of the European Union. The last chapter finally evaluates the situation and identifies the opportunities and threats for the immigration and asylum policy of the European Union that emerged from the previous analysis.
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Mujivane, Andrew Agufana. « European Union ». Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613834/index.pdf.

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This thesis is to study the evolution of the EU - Africa relations, and how they have been shaped in the 21st Century. Bearing a historical perspective of the relations, the cornerstone of the study will cover the period between 2000 and 2010. It is at the turn of the century that the EU-Africa relations gained momentum with the adoption of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement and the first EU- Africa Summit in Cairo, 2000 that laid the foundation of the Joint Africa EU Strategy. This strategy epitomizes the desire of the EU and Africa to forge a close bond of relations towards achieving their shared interests based on a &lsquo
partnership of equals&rsquo
. EU-Africa relations have been characterized on the basis of clientelism inherent from its colonial legacy in Africa. Thus the main question is whether the strategy adopted guarantees a relationship based on a &lsquo
partnership of equals&rsquo
or is it pure rhetoric? The thesis concludes that, Africa&rsquo
s importance on the international arena has been increasing in the last decade with a proportionate increase in competition for its resources especially from emerging powers. This has threatened the EU&rsquo
s position in Africa and with the EU&rsquo
s quest to enhance its global actorness, there has been a need for the EU to restructure its relations with Africa. Though the strategy is based on a mutual partnership, it is skewed to the EU&rsquo
s favour due to its superior power both economically and politically.
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Kelemen, Tas. « Defense planning and NATO-European Union relations ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FKelemen.pdf.

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Rusingiza, Francis. « China and the European Union Africa : allies or challangers ? » Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-201490.

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Shepherd, Alistair J. K. « The European Security and Defence Policy : slow march to a military capability for the European Union ». Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252136.

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The European Union has declared that its ESDP has an initial operational capability.  It has put new institutional structures in place to manage the political aspects of security and defence policy and the member states have pledged a range of military capabilities, which the EU may call upon to undertake a range of crisis management operations - the Petersberg tasks.  However, there are a number of significant challenges that need to be overcome for the ESDP to become a fully operational and credible policy.  These challenges are institutional, political, financial and military.  However, the critical aspect, yet to be significantly enhanced, for a fully operational ESDP is actual military capability. Without investing in a number of critical military capabilities, ESDP risks falling short of the expectations set out at Cologne, Helsinki and beyond. The thesis moves beyond simply describing these shortfalls towards making an assessment of the progress made in the four years since ESDP was launched.  This progress is measured at the national level, by examining the defence policies and military capabilities of a range of six EU states to assess their value to ESDP, and at the EU level by detailing the combined progress towards reaching a fully operational ESDP.  Signs of convergence within these defence policies are required if a ‘common; EU policy is to be realised.  There also needs to be development of a strategic concept, a requirement for an effective ESDP that is not yet acknowledged by the states.  The influence of the US is also critical.  While, the US supports improved military capabilities, it does so without acknowledging a parallel increase in decision-making and responsibility for the EU in international security. There needs to be clearer and more effective leadership in ESDP to overcome these challenges, particularly the military ones.  If the EU does not make sacrifices and provide the resources required for ESDP, it will have created a policy without substance and its credibility as an international actor will be severely damaged.
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Aghrout, A. « The European Union and the Maghreb countries : assessing a north-south relationship ». Thesis, University of Salford, 1999. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/26500/.

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This study is concerned with the relationship between the European Union(EU) and the Maghreb countries from its inception up to now. It sets out to examine the effects that the Union policy, in its different phases and proper instruments, appears to have had on the Maghreb countries. The claim of the thesis is that the outcome of this policy, in relation to its goals in the various areas during earlier phases, has been less than satisfactory. It further argues that if the present phase is not accompanied by a much more assertive presence of, and active role from, the EU in this region, it is most likely to prove highly costly to the Maghreb countries and may amount as a result to an additional disappointing attempt. To develop and illustrate these arguments, the study is divided into three parts. The first part, consisting of two chapters, surveys the major theoretical debate on North-South relations and attempts a definition of the nature and characteristic features of the Euro-Maghreb relationship along with an examination of certain determinant factors in its evolutionary process. The second part, composed of two chapters, takes stock of, and assesses the comparative achievements/shortcomings of former phases of the EU policy towards the Maghreb countries both initially in the area of trade, and later with the addition of issues of economic aid and migrant labour. The third part, made up of two chapters, considers the EU's present partnership approach that is essentially a European response to the implications arising from growing socio-economic dislocation and political instability in the Maghreb region. On the one hand, it reviews the sources of that potential instability and, on the other hand, attempts an evaluation of the partnership arrangements in their immediate effect and future prospects. Finally, a number of implications for a better approach to the future development of the relationship between both sides emerge from the summary and suggestions of the concluding chapter.
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Falecki, Tomasz. « Poland and the European Union's security and defense Policy / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FFalecki.pdf.

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Livres sur le sujet "European Union – Africa, North"

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Green, Jerrold D. Towards NAFTA : A North African Free Trade Agreement ? Santa Monica, CA : Rand, 1995.

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Malki, Mhammed. Le Maghreb et l'Union européenne à l'aube du 21ème siècle : Actes du colloque international organisé par le Centre d'études constitutionnelles et politiques (CECOP) de la Faculté en collaboration avec Le British Council : Marrakech, les 26-27 novembre 1999. Marrakech : Université Cadi Ayyad, Faculté des sciences juridiques, economiques et sociales, Centre d'études constitutionnelles, 2001.

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Stolfi, R. H. S. German Panzers on the offensive : Russian Front, North Africa, 1941-1942. Atglen, PA : Schiffer Military History, 2003.

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The European Union's broader neighbourhood : Challenges and opportunities for co-operation beyond the European neighbourhood policy. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2015.

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Mangala, Jack, dir. Africa and the European Union. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137269478.

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Louis, Michel. European Union strategy for Africa. Luxembourg : European Communities, 2006.

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Commission, European, et Commission of the European Communities. Directorate-General Development., dir. Southern Africa & the European Union. Luxembourg : Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1994.

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Commission, European, dir. Africa and the European Union. Luxembourg : Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2003.

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Apap, Joanna. The rights of immigrant workers in the European Union : An evaluation of the EU public policy process and the legal status of labour immigrants from the Maghreb countries in the new receiving states. Boston : Kluwer Law International, 2002.

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European Union and NATO expansion. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "European Union – Africa, North"

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Ceccorulli, Michela. « ‘Securitizing’ Migration Crises : The European Union, North Africa and Transatlantic Regional Cooperation ». Dans Regions and Crises, 126–44. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137028327_8.

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Diwan, Ishac, Chang–Po Yang et Zhi Wang. « The Arab Economies, the Uruguay Round Predicament, and the European Union Wildcard ». Dans Prospects for Middle Eastern and North African Economies, 47–95. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26137-6_3.

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Hoekman, Bernard. « The World Trade Organization, the European Union, and the Arab World : Trade Policy Priorities and Pitfalls ». Dans Prospects for Middle Eastern and North African Economies, 96–129. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26137-6_4.

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Deutsch, Karl W. « Political Community and the North Atlantic Area ». Dans The European Union, 115–37. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14817-2_14.

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Mendlinger, Sheryl E. « Researcher’s Reflection : Learning About Menstruation Across Time and Culture ». Dans The Palgrave Handbook of Critical Menstruation Studies, 441–47. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-0614-7_34.

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Abstract Mendlinger looks at the ethnically pluralistic society of Israel to explore how young women acquire the knowledge informing their health behaviors including those related to menstruation. Beginning with the origin story of her research agenda at a time of mass immigration to Israel, she then offers the main findings from 48 in-depth interviews with mothers and daughters that fall into several categories of mother-and-daughter dyads: native-born Israelis and those composed of immigrants from North Africa, Europe, the Former Soviet Union (FSU), United States or Canada, and Ethiopia, each bringing traditional knowledge and practices to bear on what it means to menstruate. Mendlinger’s work, anchored by the voices of women, vividly demonstrates that four types of knowledge: traditional, embodied, technical, and authoritative that are passed generationally from mother to daughter change through the immigration process.
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Mangala, Jack. « Africa and the European Union ». Dans Contemporary Issues in African Society, 197–238. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49772-3_8.

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Ipek, Volkan. « The King’s European ». Dans North Africa, Colonialism and the EU, 53–86. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29589-9_4.

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Charles, Michael B., et Benjamin Mwanzia Mulili. « Africa-EU Partnership on Energy ». Dans Africa and the European Union, 171–93. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137269478_8.

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Olsen, Gorm Rye. « Bureaucratic Interests and European Aid to Sub-Saharan Africa ». Dans European Union Development Policy, 64–96. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26858-0_7.

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Mangala, Jack. « Africa-EU Strategic Partnership : Significance and Implications ». Dans Africa and the European Union, 3–13. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137269478_1.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "European Union – Africa, North"

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Almshnanah, Abdulkarem, Azzam Radman et Amer Al-Badarneh. « A Statistical View toward Cardiovascular and Diabetes & ; Kidney Diseases in the Middle East and North Africa Compared to the United States and the European Union ». Dans 2022 International Conference on Engineering & MIS (ICEMIS). IEEE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icemis56295.2022.9914140.

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Bouarakia, Oussama. « Conservation values and threats in the Mediterranean North Africa ». Dans 5th European Congress of Conservation Biology. Jyväskylä : Jyvaskyla University Open Science Centre, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.17011/conference/eccb2018/107502.

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Gauthier, B. D. M., A. M. Zellou, A. Toublanc, M. Garcia et J.-M. Daniel. « Integrated Fractured Reservoir Characterization : a Case Study in a North Africa Field ». Dans SPE European Petroleum Conference. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/65118-ms.

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Acil, Nezha, Faiza Khebour Allouche, Rayane Saifi, Oussama Bouarakia, Hadjer Saifi, Massaouda Benabdelkader et Francisco Moreira. « CANCELLED : A joint SCB-Europe and SCB-Africa initiative : The 100 questions for biodiversity conservation in Mediterranean North Africa ». Dans 5th European Congress of Conservation Biology. Jyväskylä : Jyvaskyla University Open Science Centre, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.17011/conference/eccb2018/107263.

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Ding, Feng, Yanzhang Wang et Xin Ye. « E-government for the People : Learn from North America and European Union ». Dans 2008 IEEE/WIC/ACM International Conference on Web Intelligence and Intelligent Agent Technology. IEEE, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/wiiat.2008.144.

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Radu, Loredana, et Paul Dobrescu. « THE NORTH AND THE REST ? THE INNOVATION GAP IN THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Dans International Technology, Education and Development Conference. IATED, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/inted.2016.0807.

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Burns, Christopher, Adrian Paul Topham et Ramin Lakani. « The Challenges of Shale Gas Exploration and Appraisal in Europe and North Africa ». Dans SPE/EAGE European Unconventional Resources Conference and Exhibition. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/151868-ms.

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Petrishchev, Vyacheslav. « ETHNO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF GLOBALIZATION : EXPERIENCE OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES ». Dans Globalistics-2020 : Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-340-349.

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The article deals with the ethno-cultural aspects of globalization on the example of European countries, members of the European Union. The influence of the ethno-cultural factor on political, economic and cultural relations within the EU member-states, between the EU member-states and relations with immigrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East is shown. The forecast for the further development of the European Union as a major factor of globalization is given.
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Khebour Allouche, Faiza. « Trade-offs between resource exploitation and biodiversity conservation in North Africa. Case study of Hammamet Protected Area (Tunisia) ». Dans 5th European Congress of Conservation Biology. Jyväskylä : Jyvaskyla University Open Science Centre, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.17011/conference/eccb2018/107439.

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Kuşcu, Sinan. « European Union, Eurasian Transportation Policies and Prospective Effects on Region Economies ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00504.

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Accessibility is assumed as one of the most important indicators of a modern and advanced society. EU has structuring and development models in issues like transportation, informatics, politics, education, justice etc. The EU member states conduct intensive studies in fields of importance in line with a state’s individual priorities. The fundamental purpose of these studies is to bolster social welfare of member states, to improve trade and to attain commercial advantages over the competitors like Pacific Nations and North America. EU’s Transportation Policies reflect the EU transportation sector’s standards in general. In this study, we will discuss EU’s transportation policies, as a significant actor in the global economy, intended to attain some advantages in the international competition and particularly against Pacific nations as well as the effects of these policies on regional economies.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "European Union – Africa, North"

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Wakefield, Benjamin. Opportunities for the European Union to Strengthen Biosecurity in Africa. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/hbpq5439.

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The European Union (EU) has a long history of commitment to improving biological security and supporting multilateral approaches to arms controls and non-proliferation. It has supported various biosecurity programmes in recent years and continues to increase its financial support towards these, with a focus on the universalization of the Biological and Toxins Weapons Convention and United Nations Security Council Resolution 1540. More recently, through Council Decision 2021/2072/ CFSP, the EU has committed even further to strengthening biosafety and biosecurity capabilities in Africa, with more meaningful collaboration and an increase in the local and regional ownership of projects. This provides an opportunity for the EU to continue to broaden its approach and improve coordination with international partners. In particular focus is the newly formed European Health Emergency Preparedness and Response Authority (HERA), as it develops its international activities. However, there is still a demonstrated need to strengthen biosecurity-related capacities and capabilities across Africa. This paper highlights the significant opportunities for EU engagement and coordination with international initiatives, such as the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) Biosafety and Biosecurity Initiative (BBI) 2021–2025 Strategic Plan and the Global Partnership Signature Initiative to Mitigate Biological Threats in Africa.
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Didier, Kurt A. The European Union in the Horn of Africa : Operationalizing the Human Security Strategy. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, février 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada540054.

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Martin, Matthew, Jo Walker, Kwesi W. Obeng et Christian Hallum. The West Africa Inequality Crisis : Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Development Finance International, Oxfam, octobre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2021.8045.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed and worsened the depth of inequality in West Africa. It has pushed millions into poverty. There is no end in sight due to the obscene global vaccine inequality, which means that less than 4% of West Africans had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19 as at September 2021, compared with 52% in the United States and 57% in the European Union. In 2021, when COVID-19 infections are rising in West Africa, the critical support health and socioeconomic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 are being rolled back and replaced with austerity. Many governments are following advice from the IMF and World Bank, reminiscent of the severe cuts in spending imposed under the structural adjustment policies of the 1980s and 1990s. However, as this paper argues, the pandemic offers West African governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to invest heavily in inequality-busting policies by boosting public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), making tax systems more progressive, and tackling joblessness and precarious work. This report uses the Commitment to Reducing Inequality Index (CRII) framework devised by Oxfam and Development Finance International to assess the policies of West African governments. Visit the CRI Index website to learn more: www.inequalityindex.org.
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Lažetić, Marina. Migration, Extremism, & ; Dangerous Blame Games : Developments & ; Dynamics in Serbia. RESOLVE Network, novembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/wb2021.1.

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The rapid arrival of hundreds of thousands of migrants into the European Union (EU) from the Middle East, South Asia, and Africa beginning in 2015 coincided with an increase in support for anti-immigrant rhetoric and the far-right in many European countries. A substantial number of these migrants came to the EU through what became known as the “Balkan Route” a major transit land route cutting through the Western Balkans. In 2016, however, the Route officially “closed,” leaving many of those people attempting to reach Europe effectively stranded within the Balkans. In 2020, for example, approximately 7,000 migrants and refugees were present within the borders of Serbia at any given time. This presence of migrants within the Balkans did not go unnoticed and, in some cases, even spurred increased activity within and mobilization among far-right actors opposed to their presence in the region. Exploring this phenomenon, this report focuses on dynamics surrounding migration and responses to it from the far-right in Serbia, one of the countries on the Balkan Route.
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Kira, Beatriz, Rutendo Tavengerwei et Valary Mumbo. Points à examiner à l'approche des négociations de Phase II de la ZLECAf : enjeux de la politique commerciale numérique dans quatre pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Digital Pathways at Oxford, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2022/01.

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Realities such as the COVID-19 pandemic have expedited the move to online operations, highlighting the undeniable fact that the world is continuing to go digital. This emphasises the need for policymakers to regulate in a manner that allows them to harness digital trade benefits while also avoiding associated risk. However, given that digital trade remains unco-ordinated globally, with countries adopting different approaches to policy issues, national regulatory divergence on the matter continues, placing limits on the benefits that countries can obtain from digital trade. Given these disparities, ahead of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Phase II Negotiations, African countries have been considering the best way to harmonise regulations on issues related to digital trade. To do this effectively, AfCFTA members need to identify where divergencies exist in their domestic regulatory systems. This will allow AfCFTA members to determine where harmonisation is possible, as well as what is needed to achieve such harmonisation. This report analyses the domestic regulations and policies of four focus countries – South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Senegal – comparing their regulatory approaches to five policy issues: i) regulation of online transactions; ii) cross-border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection; iii) access to source code and technology transfer; iv) intermediary liability; and v) customs duties on electronic transmissions. The study highlights where divergencies exist in adopted approaches, indicating the need for the four countries – and AfCFTA members in general – to carefully consider the implications of the divergences, and determine where it is possible and beneficial to harmonise approaches. This was intended to encourage AfCFTA member states to take ownership of these issues and reflect on the reforms needed. As seen in Table 1 below, the study shows that the four countries diverge on most of the five policy issues. There are differences in how all four countries regulate online transactions – that is, e-signatures and online consumer protection. Nigeria was the only country out of the four to recognise all types of e-signatures as legally equivalent. Kenya and Senegal only recognise specific e-signatures, which are either issued or validated by a recognised institution, while South Africa adopts a mixed approach, where it recognises all e-signatures as legally valid, but provides higher evidentiary weight to certain types of e-signatures. Only South Africa and Senegal have specific regulations relating to online consumer protection, while Nigeria and Kenya do not have any clear rules. With regards to cross border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection, the study shows that all four focus countries have regulations that consist of elements borrowed from the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). In particular, this was regarding the need for the data subject's consent, and also the adequacy requirement. Interestingly, the study also shows that South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria also adopt data localisation measures, although at different levels of strictness. South Africa’s data localisation laws are mostly imposed on data that is considered critical – which is then required to be processed within South African borders – while Nigeria requires all data to be processed and stored locally, using local servers. Kenya imposes data localisation measures that are mostly linked to its priority for data privacy. Out of the four focus countries, Senegal is the only country that does not impose any data localisation laws. Although the study shows that all four countries share a position on customs duties on electronic transmissions, it is also interesting to note that none of the four countries currently have domestic regulations or policies on the subject. The report concludes by highlighting that, as the AfCFTA Phase II Negotiations aim to arrive at harmonisation and to improve intra-African trade and international trade, AfCFTA members should reflect on their national policies and domestic regulations to determine where harmonisation is needed, and whether AfCFTA is the right platform for achieving this efficiently.
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Dudoit, Alain, Molivann Panot et Thierry Warin. Towards a multi-stakeholder Intermodal Trade-Transportation Data-Sharing and Knowledge Exchange Network. CIRANO, décembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54932/mvne7282.

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The performance of supply chains used to be mainly the concern of academics and professionals who studied the potential efficiencies and risks associated with this aspect of globalisation. In 2021, major disruptions in this critical sector of our economies are making headlines and attracting the attention of policy makers around the world. Supply chain bottlenecks create shortages, fuel inflation, and undermine economic recovery. This report provides a transversal and multidisciplinary analysis of the challenges and opportunities regarding data interoperability and data sharing as they relate to the ‘Great Lakes - St. Lawrence Seaway Trade Corridor’ (GLSLTC)’s intermodal transportation and trade data strategy. The size and scope of this trade corridor are only matched by the complexity of its multimodal freight transportation systems and growing urbanization on both sides of the Canada-US border. This complexity is exacerbated by the lack of data interoperability and effective collaborations between the different stakeholders within the various jurisdictions and amongst them. Our analytical work relies on : 1) A review of the relevant documentation on the latest challenges to supply chains (SC), intermodal freight transport and international trade, identifying any databases that are to be used.; 2) A comparative review of selected relevant initiatives to give insights into the best practices in digital supply chains implemented in Canada, the United States, and the European Union.; 3) Interviews and discussions with experts from Transport Canada, Statistics Canada, the Canadian Centre on Transportation Data (CCTD) and Global Affairs Canada, as well as with CIRANO’s research community and four partner institutions to identify databases and data that they use in their research related to transportation and trade relevant data availabilities and methodologies as well as joint research opportunities. Its main findings can be summarized as follow: GLSLTC is characterized by its critical scale, complexity, and strategic impact as North America’s most vital trade corridor in the foreseeable further intensification of continental trade. 4% of Canadian GDP is attributed to the Transportation and Logistics sector (2018): $1 trillion of goods moved every year: Goods and services imports are equivalent to 33% of Canada’s GDP and goods and services exports equivalent to 32%. The transportation sector is a key contributor to the achievement of net-zero emissions commitment by 2050. All sectors of the Canadian economy are affected by global supply chain disruptions. Uncertainty and threats extend well beyond the COVID-19 Pandemic. “De-globalization” and increasing supply chains regionalization pressures are mounting. Innovation and thus economic performance—increasingly hinges on the quantity and quality of data. Data is transforming Canada’s economy/society and is now at the center of global trade “Transport data is becoming less available: Canada needs to make data a priority for a national transportation strategy.” * “How the Government of Canada collects, manages, and governs data—and how it accesses and shares data with other governments, sectors, and Canadians—must change.”
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