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1
Delputte, Sarah, Cristina Fasone et Fabio Longo. « The Diplomatic Role of the European Parliament’s Standing Committees, Delegations and Assemblies : Insights from acp–eu Inter-Parliamentary Cooperation ». Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no 2-3 (11 mars 2016) : 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341338.
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This article focuses on the contribution that the European Parliament’s standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies make as diplomatic actors in the post-Lisbon Treaty period. These three types of bodies and institutions are grouped together, because in practice they work in complementary ways. The committees play a coordinating role, the delegations act as ‘embassies on the move’ and the participation of the European Parliament in inter-parliamentary assemblies represents the clearest institutional sign of the European Parliament’s external action. The article focuses on a case study: the involvement of the European Parliament in the eu’s partnership with the African, Caribbean and Pacific group of countries (acp) through the Development Committee (deve), the competent European Parliament delegation, and the activities within the Joint Parliamentary Assembly. The article aims to analyse whether and how the European Parliament is able to play a distinctive diplomatic role through its standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies.
2
Hurka, Steffen, et Constantin Kaplaner. « Are popular and powerful committees more representative ? Evidence from the ninth European Parliament ». Research & ; Politics 7, no 2 (avril 2020) : 205316802091445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020914453.
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The standing committees of the European Parliament perform crucial policy-making functions and, accordingly, the question of how they are composed assumes great relevance. Unlike previous studies, which primarily looked at committee assignments from the perspective of individual MEPs, we assess the representativeness of entire committees by comparing their preference distributions with those we find in the plenary on the left/right and pro/anti EU dimension. For our analysis, we combine new data on committee memberships in the ninth European Parliament with data on policy preferences of national parties from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey. In order to assess committee representativeness, we calculate the extent to which the preference distributions of committees and the plenary overlap. We show that committee representativeness is a function of committee popularity and power. Committee popularity provides party groups with a larger pool of applicants to choose from and since popular committees are often also quite large, the formation of representative committees is facilitated. Moreover, the party groups of the European Parliament have stronger incentives to form balanced committee contingents for powerful committees, resulting in higher committee representativeness. However, this latter finding is qualified by two outliers and we only find the hypothesized relationship to hold on the pro/anti EU dimension.
3
Wielgosz, Łukasz. « Funkcjonowanie międzypartyjnych porozumień wyborczych w formie koalicyjnych komitetów wyborczych oraz komitetów wyborczych partii w latach 2018–2019 ». Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 69, no 5 (31 octobre 2022) : 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.05.05.
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Election committees in Poland nominate candidates for elections and organize election campaigns for them. The legislator lists three types of committees that may take part in elections to the Sejm, Senate and the European Parliament: the election committee of a political party, a coalition election committee and an election committee of voters. Of these, the coalition committee is the most complicated formula – to organize it, an agreement between several parties is required. In 2019, Poland saw a consolidation of the political scene – at that time, in the elections to the European Parliament, only six committees put up lists of candidates across the country, while in the elections to the Sejm – only five committees. This was because multi- party electoral agreements formally took part in the elections as party rather than coalition election committees. So is the institution of a coalition election committee still useful?
4
Swacha, Piotr. « Zastosowanie analizy sieci społecznych w badaniach elit parlamentarnych (na przykładzie eurodeputowanych z Polski) ». Przegląd Europejski, no 2-2014 (28 septembre 2014) : 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.14.1.
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The purpose of this article is to present the possibilities of using social network analysis (SNA) in the study of the European Parliament elite. This study focuses on organisational connections between Polish members of the European Parliament (seventh term). Official organisational relationships of Polish MEPs include common membership in: political groups, authorities of parliamentary committees and delegations, Parliament’s Bureau, Conference of Presidents, Conference of Committee (and Delegation) Chairs. UCInet and Netdraw programmes were used to calculate SNA’s basic measures and to prepare graphical presentation of relational network created by the Polish MEPs. On this basis main characteristics of the network were presented and MEPs who had the best network locations were distinguished.
5
Jäckle, Sebastian, et Thomas Metz. « Oral Questions in the European Parliament : A Network Analysis ». Statistics, Politics and Policy 10, no 2 (18 décembre 2019) : 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2019-0004.
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Abstract Internal working structures within parliaments are notoriously hard to capture. While analyses based on bill co-sponsorship work for the US Congress, this approach is not feasible in many parliamentary systems. Drawing on data from the European Parliament’s legislative term of 2009–2014 this article shows that parliamentary questions can be another option. Members of the European Parliament may demand information from the Council or the Commission through oral questions. We take advantage of the fact that these questions are signed by their authors and construct a social network of members of the Parliament that support each other’s oral questions. This allows investigating how members and their groups and committees cooperate to control both Council and Commission. Our approach helps to map out the internal structure of the party groups and explore which forces shape the global network. We find that cooperation is mostly driven by party group membership with ALDE, Green/EFA, and GUENGL turning out as the most cohesive groups while SD is internally rather loosely connected. The second strongest clustering characteristic is a legislators’ native country.
6
Chiou, Fang-Yi, Silje SL Hermansen et Bjørn Høyland. « Delegation of committee reports in the European Parliament ». European Union Politics 21, no 2 (19 décembre 2019) : 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519894059.
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Committee coordinators face a classic delegation problem when assigning reports to their committee members. Although a few theoretical developments have focused on the effects of expertise on delegation, empirical studies have commonly assumed monotonic effects. Based on existing informational models, we argue that a more loyal committee member, everything else being equal, is more likely to be appointed as a rapporteur and that more expertise, holding preference divergence constant, has a non-monotonic effect because of informational credibility. Employing accumulated committee service as an expertise measure, these theoretical expectations are tested on all committee report delegations in the European Parliament from 1979 to 2014. Our empirical analysis with non-parametric and parametric hierarchical conditional logit models renders strong support for these expectations. The results hold across member states, political groups, procedures, committees and over time.
7
Skrzypiński, Dariusz. « Polityka ex cathedra. Naukowcy jako kandydaci w wyborach w 2019 roku ». Studia Politologiczne 2020, no 55 (21 mars 2020) : 277–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.55.12.
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An object of the article is the analysis of the presence of scientists on tickets registered by relevant electoral committees in elections to European Parliament and national Parliament in Poland in 2019. The author concentrated on the answer on questions concerning numbers of scientists on lists of candidates and to the differentiation of the representation of research workers on tickets of left-wing, right-wing and centrist committees. An effect of the analysis are conclusions showing differentiation of electoral registers in elections to European Parliament and the Senate and Seym.
8
Vukomanović, Dijana. « Gender sensitivity of the Serbian parliament : Mapping the power of women MPs ». Socioloski pregled 55, no 3 (2021) : 624–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg55-32434.
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Mapping the power of women MPs in the Serbian Parliament, through the analysis of the membership and the leadership of the Parliament and parliamentary committees, indicates that women MPs dominate the socio-cultural cluster of the committees, as well as foreign affairs and European integration committees. Women MPs are increasingly more visible in legislative-judiciary committees, while interior, defence and security affairs committees and minimally open to their membership. There is a growing trend of engaging women MPs in committees for ecology, then in trade and finance and, to a lesser extent, in infrastructure. Institutional gender sensitivity of the Serbian Parliament is still inadequate, and changes to the Rules of Procedure and the Code of Conduct are necessary in order to introduce gender-sensitive rules and procedures.
9
SETTEMBRI, PIERPAOLO, et CHRISTINE NEUHOLD. « Achieving Consensus Through Committees : Does the European Parliament Manage?* ». JCMS : Journal of Common Market Studies 47, no 1 (janvier 2009) : 127–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2008.01835.x.
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Kreilinger, Valentin. « From procedural disagreement to joint scrutiny ? The Interparliamentary Conference on Stability, Economic Coordination and Governance ». Perspectives on Federalism 10, no 3 (1 septembre 2018) : 155–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0035.
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Abstract The provision of Article 13 TSCG to create an Interparliamentary Conference was the starting point for long discussions after which national parliaments and the European Parliament eventually reached a compromise. This article pursues a two-fold objective: It first examines the different phases of interparliamentary negotiations from 2012 to 2015. On the basis of a distinction between three competing models for interparliamentary cooperation, the article shows that the two models of EP-led scrutiny and creating a collective parliamentary counterweight did not prevail: Parliaments agreed that the new Interparliamentary Conference on Stability, Economic Coordination and Governance (SECG) would follow the ‘standard’ interparliamentary conference (COSAC model). In terms of national parliaments’ actual participation, the lowest common denominator compromise has not changed the numbers of participating MPs: Attendance records are stable over time, the size of national delegations continues to vary and participating MPs are still twice as likely to be members of Budget or Finance committees than to be members of European affairs committees.
11
Boyron, Sophie. « Maastricht and the Codecision Procedure : A Success Story ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, no 2 (avril 1996) : 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300059005.
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The Maastricht Treaty aimed partly to close the democratic deficit that exists in the European decision-making process. Accordingly, the role and the powers of the European Parliament were increased: a right of initiative was created, 1 committees of inquiry were reinforced, 2 the right of petition3 was recognised, an Ombudsman was created4 and a new legislative procedure, 5 which attempted to put the Parliament on an equal footing with the Council, was also included in the Treaty.
12
Pau, Claudia, et Răzvan Văduva. « The Management of Conflict Prevention Actions - An Important Strategic Pillar of the European Parliament ». Robotica & ; Management 27, no 2 (2022) : 50–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/rm.2022.2.8.
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The European Parliament is a key institution in the institutional architecture of the European Union. The 20 permanent committees of the Parliament, although they report on different areas of activity, through the representatives and members who compose them, have a common goal: examine and manage the legislative process at the level of the Union, guarantee the legitimacy of the electoral process in the EU and beyond borders, as well as advise on the measures that the European Union can take in the context of the war in Ukraine.
13
Schweiger, Christian. « Parliamentary Scrutiny of the European Semester : The Case of Poland ». Politics and Governance 9, no 3 (13 août 2021) : 124–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4250.
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The European Semester became an essential part of the revised governance architecture of the Europe 2020 reform strategy for the Single European Market under the conditions of the global financial crisis and the emerging eurozone crisis a decade ago. The article examines to what extent the European Semester offers channels to establish <em>throughput legitimacy </em>by granting national parliaments the ability to effectively scrutinise executive decision-making in the annual policy cycle. Poland is chosen as the case study for parliamentary scrutiny of the EU’s system of multi-level governance in the East-Central European region. The analysis adopts a liberal intergovernmentalist two-level approach. On the domestic level it concentrates on the involvement of the Sejm, the lower house of parliament, on the drafting of the Polish National Reform Plans for the annual Semester policy cycle between 2015 and 2020. The basis for the analysis are official transcripts from the plenary debates in the relevant committees, the European Affairs Committee and the Public Finance and the Economic Committee. The Polish case study illustrates that the European Semester represents a predominantly elite-driven process of policy coordination, which is strongly geared towards EU-level executive bargaining processes between national governments and the European Commission at the expense of domestic parliamentary scrutiny.
14
Bowler, Shaun, et David M. Farrell. « The Organizing of the European Parliament : Committees, Specialization and Co-ordination ». British Journal of Political Science 25, no 2 (avril 1995) : 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007158.
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This article addresses the issue of specialization and committee formation in the European Parliament in the light of the largely US-centred debates on these issues. Clear evidence is found of specialization of behaviour, both with regard to committee assignment and the use of parliamentary questions. This is also accompanied by a trend towards a greater role for the party groups in co-ordinating and controlling behaviour across these specializations.
15
Carstensen, Franziska. « Mehrebenenparlamentarismus ? Das Beziehungsgeflecht deutscher Landesparlamente ». Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no 3 (2020) : 534–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-534.
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The term multi-level parliamentarism has been used to mark the position of German Land parliaments . To check the validity of this term, the relations between parliaments in regard to their parliamentary structure components, namely leadership, administration, committees, parliamentary party groups, and members of parliament within Germany are analyzed . The results show that Land parliaments generally engage in frequent exchanges with other Land parliaments, an exception being exchanges between committees . Exchanges and relationships with parliaments outside Germany are mainly found on the levels of parliamentary leadership and administration . In light of these findings, applying the term multi-level parliamentarism does not seem to adequately depict Land parliaments . The results also reveal that the relations are not only inter-parliamentary and that they do not only take place in the frame of the European Union . Hence, using the term institutional relations of parliaments, albeit less sparkling, seems to adequately describe the real relations, efforts, and contacts of German Land parliaments . Another advantage of the term institutional relations is that it can be assigned to Land parliaments’ self-organization function and can thus be integrated into a common catalogue of parliamentary functions .
16
Woźnicki, Tomasz. « Semestr europejski w Sejmie RP. Aspekty instytucjonalne i prawne ». Przegląd Europejski, no 1-2015 (28 juin 2015) : 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.15.6.
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The article analyses the first years of the functioning of the European semester mechanism in the Sejm of the Republic of Poland from the institutional and legal perspectives. The author shows the evolution of the procedure in the lower house of the Polish parliament since the first edition of the Semester in 2011 until the last one recently ended in 2014. The research concerns the participation of different committees in the process of examining documents of the Semester cycle, EU inter-parliamentary cooperation, as well as the legal aspects of the government-parliament relations according to the cooperation act. The article also contains recommendations.
17
Thomas, Stafford T. « Assessing MEP Influence on British EC Policy ». Government and Opposition 27, no 1 (1 janvier 1992) : 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1992.tb00761.x.
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THERE ARE 518 MEMBERS OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT(MEPs). Each of the twelve member states of the EuropeanCommunity (EC) has a specific number of MEPs, based onpopulation. As one of the larger member states, the UnitedKingdom, along with France, Germany, and Italy, has 81repre sent at ives.European Parliament (EP) elections are held every five yearsfor a fixed term. The Parliament is organized into blocs ofrepresentatives, which, in the traditional manner of multi-partyparliaments, span the ideological spectrum from left to right.There are continual adjustments in these coalitions, but generallythe 5 18 MEPs are divided into approximately ten groupings. The EP holds its plenary sessions in Strasbourg, and itsSecretariat is in Luxembourg. However, most of its substantivedeliberations are done by committees, which hold their sessions inBrussels. This, together with the ease of commuting andinherently greater appeal of Brussels, has made the Belgiancapital the usual reference point for the European Parliament,although the EP continues to have something akin to ageographical split personality.
18
Brack, Nathalie, Olivier Costa et Awenig Marié. « The European Parliament and Covid-19 : Organisational Adaptations and their Implications on Parliamentary Activity ». Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, no 4 (2021) : 844–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-4-844.
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As early as March 2020, the President of the European Parliament decided to shut down the assembly’s facilities in Brussels and to cancel the plenary sessions in Strasbourg . Important decisions were made to abandon in-person meetings, introduce teleworking for all staff, and implement remote deliberation and voting both in committees and in the plenary . The Rules of Procedure were adapted to formalize these organisational changes and make them ready for future crises . All in all, the European Parliament proved to be resilient and adaptive: it continued to discuss and adopt many legislative, budgetary, and non-legislative texts in the plenary . However, remote-work did have an impact on the political dynamics within Parliament . It was characterised by a very high level of consensus, as the result of a higher level of agreement between the two main party groups, the European People’s Party and the Socialists & Democrats . Those main groups also became much more cohesive .
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Roberts, Geoffrey K. « Selection, Voting and Adjudication : The Politics of Legislative Membership in the Federal Republic of Germany ». Government and Opposition 37, no 2 (avril 2002) : 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00096.
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There Has Been Much Concern In The Past Few Years About the ‘decline of parliament’ in West European democracies. In the United Kingdom, criticism of the New Labour government has included its apparent neglect of Parliament demonstrated by the style and strategies of the government, ranging from reduction in the time allotted to prime minister's question-time and the utilization of the mass media rather than Parliament as the forum for important policy statements, to the government's refusal to accept reforms to the method of appointments to House of Commons select committees, as recommended by the House of Commons Liaison Committee. Strong party discipline, coupled with sanctions which can affect the political careers of MPs for failure to obey the edicts of the party leadership, have limited the autonomy of MPs in Britain, and, to a varying degree, in other West European countries also. Certainly the German Bundestag has been criticized for being too much under the control of the leaderships of the political parties, in terms of voting on legislation, the stage-management of debates and the choice of leaders of the parliamentary parties (the removal by Chancellor Schröder of Scharping as leader of the SPD parliamentary party in 1998 at the instigation of Lafontaine, the then party chairman, is a notorious instance).
20
Fromage, Diane. « Increasing Inter-Parliamentary Cooperation in the European Union : Current Trends and Challenges ». European Public Law 22, Issue 4 (1 novembre 2016) : 749–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2016043.
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This article analyses the blossoming of the initiatives for inter-parliamentary cooperation currently observable in the European Union from a democratic legitimacy perspective. It shows that there exists numerous forms and settings for the cooperation among national parliaments (NPs) and with the European Parliament (EP) outside of the best-known and formalized inter-parliamentary conferences (Speakers’ Conference, Conference of Parliamentary Committees for Union Affairs of Parliaments of the European Union (COSAC), Common Foreign and Security Policy/Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) Conference and Article 13 Conference). There is, indeed, a rapidly growing number of formal and informal forums in which not necessarily all Member States parliaments, or the EP, are invited to participate. It is argued on this basis that while an increased participation of NPs especially to the European integration process can be positive and contribute to bringing ‘Brussels’ closer to the citizens, this evolution is not free of risk. If the number of inter-parliamentary initiatives continues to grow without order or control, their representativeness, legitimacy and in fine their impact is likely to become insignificant. Therefore, a re-recentralization and a strong reinforcement of their visibility and their clarity for the public in general are in order so that the benefits of such an increased parliamentary participation can be preserved.
21
Newman, Karl, et Sophie Boyron. « I. Constitutional Aspects ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 46, no 3 (juillet 1997) : 701–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300060917.
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Although these last two years have been relatively quiet in terms of institutional developments, a number of important inter-institutional agreements have been negotiated in order to facilitate the working of some of the powers granted by the Maastricht Treaty, while some other powers were used for the first time: the European Ombudsman has issued his first report, the European Parliament has set up two Committees of Inquiry. Lastly, the European Court of Justice delivered an important opinion as regards the European Convention on Human Rights.
22
Ciżyńska-Pałosz, Angelika. « Participation of the Polish Parliament in the Execution of Judgments of the European Court of Human Rights* ». Teisė 123 (5 juillet 2022) : 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/teise.2022.123.10.
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The main aim of this paper is to present the role of parliament in the process of implementation of European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) judgments in Poland. Firstly, the structure of the Polish parliament and the activity of two parliamentary committees dealing with the issue of the execution of ECHR judgments are presented. Then, the implementation by the Polish parliament of two basic tasks in this area is described: (1) participation in the enactment of laws aimed at removing regulations incompatible with the Convention from domestic law; (2) control of draft laws in terms of compliance with the Convention. Other activities undertaken by the Polish parliament to supervise the execution of judgments of the ECHR issued in cases against Poland are also shown. Finally, the actions taken by the Polish parliament are juxtaposed with the recommendations of the Council of Europe bodies. This allows the development of proposals to modify the Polish model and make it more effective in implementing the recommendations of the Council of Europe.
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COLLINS, K., C. BURNS et A. WARLEIGH. « Policy Entrepreneurs : The Role of European Parliament Committees in the Making of EU Policy ». Statute Law Review 19, no 1 (1 janvier 1998) : 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/slr/19.1.1.
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Waddington, Lisa. « 9 Article 13 EC : Mere Rhetoric or a Harbinger of Change ? » Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 1 (1998) : 175–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802820981.
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Since the signing of the Treaty on European Union in Maastricht in 1992, calls have gradually been increasing for a greater recognition of, and firmer foundation for, fundamental (social) rights within the European Union. These calls naturally became louder following the Opinion of the European Court of Justice excluding the possibility of EC accession to the European Convention of Human Rights and during the lead up to the Amsterdam Intergovernmental Conference. Academics, independent EU Advisory Committees, groups representing the interests of EU citizens and residents and the European Parliament lamented the almost complete absence of fundamental social rights in the Treaty, and called for an ambitious revision of the Treaty. To a large extent these calls went unheard in Amsterdam, and the new Treaty does not incorporate a comprehensive list of social fundamental rights.
25
Waddington, Lisa. « Article 13 EC : Mere Rhetoric or a Harbinger of Change ? » Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 1 (1998) : 175–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000001130.
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Since the signing of the Treaty on European Union in Maastricht in 1992, calls have gradually been increasing for a greater recognition of, and firmer foundation for, fundamental (social) rights within the European Union. These calls naturally became louder following the Opinion of the European Court of Justice excluding the possibility of EC accession to the European Convention of Human Rights and during the lead up to the Amsterdam Intergovernmental Conference. Academics, independent EU Advisory Committees, groups representing the interests of EU citizens and residents and the European Parliament lamented the almost complete absence of fundamental social rights in the Treaty, and called for an ambitious revision of the Treaty. To a large extent these calls went unheard in Amsterdam, and the new Treaty does not incorporate a comprehensive list of social fundamental rights.
26
Marshall, David. « Who to lobby and when : Institutional determinants of interest group strategies in European Parliament committees ». European Union Politics 11, no 4 (décembre 2010) : 553–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116510382462.
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Shahin, Jamal, et Christine Neuhold. « ‘Connecting Europe’ : The Use of ‘New’ Information and Communication Technologies within European Parliament Standing Committees ». Journal of Legislative Studies 13, no 3 (septembre 2007) : 388–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330701500854.
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Roger, Léa, et Gary S. Schaal. « The Quality of Deliberation in Two Committees of the European Parliament : The Neglected Influence of the Situational Context and the Policymaking Stage ». Politics and Governance 1, no 2 (9 octobre 2013) : 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v1i2.101.
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In our paper we try to answer two empirical research questions. First, we assess the deliberative quality of discussions in two committees of the EU Parliament. In order to do so, we use a slightly revised version of the DQI. Second, we identify and empirically measure those variables that systematically influence the quality of deliberation in interviews with debate actors. We argue that the quality of deliberation in EU committees is influenced by two normative values: deliberation (common good orientation) and responsiveness (particular interest orientation), with the guiding value determined by the particular situation. Using a multidimensional concept of deliberation, we empirically test the impact of situational variables on specific aspects of deliberative quality. In addition, we take into account the temporal dimension of deliberation.
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Georgiev, Vihar. « Comitology and Parliamentarisation : Strong Causality and Weak Interaction ». Journal of Contemporary European Research 8, no 1 (3 décembre 2011) : 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v8i1.299.
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The comitology procedures have been an integral part of the European Union legislative decision-making process. The negotiation of the legal framework of the comitology procedures, as well as the administrative practice of the European Commission in drafting implementing acts, is relevant to the legal research on the evolution of European integration. This article studies the dynamic relationship between the process of regulation and implementation of comitology procedures, and the process of parliamentarisation of the European Communities and later of the European Union. Two hypotheses are tested. The first hypothesis claims that there is a clear causal link between the use of newly acquired budgetary and legislative powers of the European Parliament, and the limitation of control by Member States on the Commission by the comitology committees. The second hypothesis claims that a weak system interaction exists between the notion of parliamentarisation and the reform of the comitology system.
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Tusiński, Piotr A. « Kontrola parlamentarna rządu w systemach ustrojowych II Rzeczypospolitej w dyskursie polskiej doktryny przedwojennej i współczesnej ». Rocznik Administracji Publicznej 8 (30 décembre 2022) : 125–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/24497800rap.22.008.16784.
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The Second Republic of Poland implemented in the first years of independence a significant part of the achievements of Western European parliamentarism with regard to the control function of the executive (government). While in the West the parliament’s powers of scrutiny over the government were mostly subject to regulation by ordinary law, in Poland and other states revived or established in Europe after World War I, the bulk of them became the subject of legal regulation at the level of constitutions, ordinary laws and/or parliamentary rules of procedure. In Poland, law and customs shaped through parliamentary practice played a relatively large role in this regard. During the Second Republic, there were three consecutive constitutional systems in force – the so-called Little Constitution of 1919, the March Constitution of 1921. (since December 1922) and the April Constitution of 1935.The control of the government by parliament was developed to the fullest extent during the period of so-called parliamentary rule, i.e. in the years 1919–1926. After the May coup began, visible mainly in the area of political and parliamentary practice, the process of gradual reduction of the control function of parliament, which found its final legal definition in the provisions of the Basic Law of April 1935. The control function of parliament was exercised at first by the Legislative Sejm, and then, from the end of 1922, by the Sejm and the Senate (the latter to a relatively modest extent). With regard to the criterion of the timing of control activities, parliamentary control of the government was divided in pre-war doctrine into preliminary and subsequent (follow-up). The post-war doctrine, following the position formulated in German science in the second half of the 19th century, also distinguished current control. Implementation of the parliament’s control function in the Second Republic included a very rich catalog of tools (means) of influencing the government. The pre-war doctrine organized them according to the criterion of the timing of control measures or their expediency. After World War II, based on the systemic criterion, ordinary (plenary debate on government policy, parliamentary inquiries and interpellations) and extended (appointment of stand- ing and extraordinary parliamentary committees with, among other things, controlling or investigative powers) means of control were distinguished, as well as statutory preliminary control (passing the budget, giving consent to the ratification of international agreements and issuing certain administrative acts), which tools are characteristic of parliamentary systems assuming the supremacy of parliament over the government. In another view, the instruments of parliamentary control were divided (on the basis of the March Constitution) into traditional means of control (interpellations, committees of inquiry, discharge, control of state debts, approval of temporary restrictions on civil rights and freedoms) and those arising from the principles of the parliamentary-cabinet form of government (debate on the prime minister’s exposé, asking questions, hearing government representatives in plenary and in committees, passing resolutions), as well as sanctions applied as a result of control (such as holding the government and individual ministers politically and constitutionally accountable). In doctrine and parliamentary practice, the greatest differences of opinion with regard to the characterized issues arose and continue to this day, in addition to systematizing issues, such issues as the scope and tools of preliminary parliamentary control, the control of decree legislation, the scope and effects of parliamentary interpellations and questions, extraordinary committees of inquiry, political and parliamentary and constitutional responsibility of the executive branch.
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MEYER, Jan-Henrik. « Pushing for a Greener Europe : The European Parliament and Environmental Policy in the 1970s and 1980s ». Journal of European Integration History 27, no 1 (2021) : 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2021-1-57.
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The European Parliament (EP) has long been derided as a powerless talking shop, notably before the 1979 elections and the granting of new co-legislative powers with the Single European Act. This article argues instead that already in the 1970s and early 1980s, the EP was a decisive player not only in initiating, but also in defining - and refining - European policy. Drawing on the case of the nascent environmental policy, the analysis demonstrates how the EP, its committees and members (MEPs), skilfully utilised the limited range of instruments available to them. In the early 1970s, the EP pushed for the inclusion of environmental policy into the EC policy portfolio and tried to influence its contents. In the early 1980s, after a decade of environmental legislation, the EP was an important advocate of making the already existing environmental law work and of adding new European laws. Their arguments and practices illustrate that MEPs were clearly aware of the limits but also of the opportunities the EC institutional system provided. Before as well as after direct elections, the EP exploited environmental scandals in the European public sphere - Rhine pollution, Seveso - to push for a greener, more environmentally friendly Europe. In a federalist spirit, the EP pursued institutional objectives at the same time: the strengthening of EC-level policy making and legal instruments, along with its own self-strengthening.
32
Laloux, Thomas, et Damien Pennetreau. « Policies with and without Politics : Committees and the Differentiated Politicization of Legislative Debates in the European Parliament ». Politique européenne N°64, no 2 (2019) : 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/poeu.064.0086.
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Winzen, Thomas. « Technical or Political ? An Exploration of the Work of Officials in the Committees of the European Parliament ». Journal of Legislative Studies 17, no 1 (mars 2011) : 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2011.545177.
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Dziurdzia, Tomasz. « Projekt ustawy o książce z 2015 roku ». Roczniki Biblioteczne 61 (4 juin 2018) : 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0080-3626.61.12.
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THE FIXED BOOK PRICE BILL OF 2015Fixed book prices are applied in some European countries. A fi xed book price is the price, set by the publisher, at which the book is to be sold. This solution is to limit price competition among the sellers in order to protect traditional bookshops and promote non-price competition on the book market. In Poland the book market is not regulated in such a way. In 2015 a fi xed book price bill, prepared by the Polish Chamber of Books, was submitted to the parliament. However, the bill was not adopted, because the parliament’s term ended. The author of the article examines the work of publishers and booksellers on the bill on the basis of the available reports by professionals and journalists, the contents of the bill as well as the course of the legislative process, drawing on records of meetings of parliamentary committees. In addition, the author presents opinions about the bill expressed from early 2013 until late 2015. The opinions come from interviews and articles written by journalists.
35
Maguś, Wojciech. « Twitter jako narzędzie zarządzania wizerunkiem ». Zarządzanie Mediami 9, no 3 (2021) : 507–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23540214zm.21.027.13758.
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Twitter as an Image Management Tool Twitter is becoming an increasingly popular tool used for political communication, especially in election campaigns. It is also an important element of image creation. Due to its functionalities, it allows for quick, low-cost reaching of recipients. As part of the article, over 130,000 entries from the period of the 2019 European Parliament election campaign in Poland were subject to quantitative analysis. The activity of 397 people running from six national election committees was analyzed. Every second candidate applying for a mandate as an MEP used this service. The article is an attempt to answer whether and to what extent popularity on Twitter translated into the electoral result.
36
Cordier, door Geert. « Het Conflict van de Westelijke Sahara : Een Muur van Zand en Een Muur van Stilte ». Afrika Focus 2, no 3-4 (12 janvier 1986) : 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0020304003.
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The Conflict of the Western Sahara: A Wall of Sand and a Wall of Silence. For more than a decade the Saharawi people have been fighting for their independence, first against the Spanish colonialists then against Morocco and Mauretania. Although Mauretania has withdrawn from the conflict, the POLISARIO-front, the liberation organisation of the Saharawi people, remains at war with Morocco. The Western Sahara, thus still forms a pole of tension in Northern Africa but the European Press does not pay it much attention. However committees to support the Saharawi people have been trying to break clown this wall of silence. An “intergroupe de solidarité avec le peuple sahraoui”, set up in the European parliament in May 1986, may constitute a major step towards mobilizing public opinion on the Saharawi case. This article, which gives a chronology of the conflict in its regional context, seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the problems of the Saharawi.
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Fomina, H. Yu. « EUROPEAN UNION INSTITUTIONS IN THE AREA OF SOCIAL POLICY : TASKS AND SYSTEM AT THE PRESENT STAGE OF DEVELOPMENT ». Actual problems of native jurisprudence, no 4 (30 août 2019) : 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/391921.
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The article investigates the current tasks and system of European Union’s institutions in the area of social policy. It is noted that the importance of enhancing social integration at the present stage of European Union development has been steadily increasing, since it is necessary to ensure a high level of employment and social protection, as well as a good education and quality of health, thus overcoming poverty and inequality. It has been established that the emergence of new threats to society, in particular such as international terrorism, uncontrolled and illegal migration, etc. are social in their nature. The aforementioned requires substantial changes in the European Union social policy in order not to collapse under the scope of undertaken obligations. The author identifies the crucial task of European Union and its Member-States, among which are: preservation of the achievements of past years, ensuring social rights and, at the same time, dynamic economic development in the present. Specifically, these tasks determine the European Union’s social agenda, and they can be resolved only with the appropriate coordination of the efforts between European Union institutions and its Member-States. To implement the tasks of the European Union social policy, an extensive system of institutions has been established. Basically, such institutions are divided into two major groups – those that are based on treaties and those that are established by secondary law. The first includes such institutions as the European Council, the European Parliament, the Council of the European Union, the European Commission, the Court of Justice, the Economic and Social Committee. The second group includes supporting institutions, since they were founded for activities on specific social issues. These are agencies, committees and foundations that are accountable to the European Commission or the Council of the European Union. The distribution of powers in the social sphere between European Union institutions allows the author to conclude that at the present moment Union has sufficiently developed social infrastructure. The absence of a single body concerned with social issues at the pan- European level obliges all European Union institutions to deal with social issues, as well as participate in shaping a unified social space.
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Bast, Jürgen. « New Categories of Acts after the Lisbon Reform : Dynamics of Parliamentarization in EU Law ». Common Market Law Review 49, Issue 3 (1 juin 2012) : 885–927. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2012034.
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The Lisbon Treaty has introduced new categories of acts that cut across the familiar typology of instruments provided for in Article 288 TFEU. The three main innovations are "legislative acts", "regulatory acts" and "delegated acts". The article critically analyses these legal concepts in the light of the institutional practice recently developed under the EU Treaties. It includes the first generation of "special" legislative acts adopted by the Council, the landmark rulings of the General Court in Inuit and Microban, the Comitology Regulation of February 2011 and the "Common Understanding on delegated acts" concluded in March 2011. The theme common to the three studies is the progressive parliamentarization of the Union. The Lisbon Treaty's re-arrangements in the system of legal acts are part of the difficult process of reworking the EU's constitutional settlement in view of a powerful European Parliament and the demand to translate this new political reality into the operations of the legal order. For instance, Parliament's persistent objection to the previous regime of supervising the Commission's law-making powers through a system of committees was the driving force behind the new rules of Articles 290 and 291 TFEU. In the case of "regulatory acts", however, the parliamentarization of the Union has provoked a dysfunctional spillover into EU procedural law.
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Fasone, Cristina, et Nicola Lupo. « Transparency vs. Informality in Legislative Committees : Comparing the US House of Representatives, the Italian Chamber of Deputies and the European Parliament ». Journal of Legislative Studies 21, no 3 (14 janvier 2015) : 342–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2014.999533.
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Rotar, Nataliia. « Procedural Aspects of Using the Dialogue Model of Political Participation in the EU : Level of the European Parliament ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 44 (15 décembre 2021) : 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.78-90.
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The article provides a comprehensive study of the procedural aspects of the use of petitions to the European Parliament as a tool for the dialogue model of political participation of EU citizens indicates that it is an integral element of participatory democracy, which creates such institutional conditions that allow the formation of subject-subject relations in the field of politics. Methodological support formed on the political science discourse of the functional tools of participatory democracy, which revolves around the definition of standards for measuring and evaluating participatory democracy in the context of the idea of Good Democracy; determining the place of the dialogue model of political participation in the space of post-democracy and online democracy; characteristics of the prospects for participatory democracy in conditions of permanent crises and global risks; concretization of the role and functions of petitions in the processes of modernization of the coordination of citizens' interests in the period between elections, made it possible to prove that the right to appeal belongs to the range of tools of participatory democracy, which is designated at the EU level as an opportunity for citizens to use a clear and transparent way of interacting with EU institutions and to participate in democratic political process, influencing the formation of the political agenda. It was found that certain features of the procedural aspects of filing petitions to the European Parliament indicate that the EU has formed a clear and understandable procedure for filing and considering petitions, which is systematically updated towards expanding the boundaries of participation of EU citizens at each stage of consideration of a petition. It is important for Ukrainian political practice that a number of rules for considering petitions, primarily those related to deadlines, have an informal status. However, the absence of formal rules does not provide for the practice of delaying the process of considering petitions both at the level of the European Parliament and during the involvement of other EU institutions. It is substantiated that the main functions of internal parliamentary discussions in the process of considering petitions reveal the discursive nature of policy-making in the EU and free access to relevant instruments. PETI, as a coordinating committee, initiates and facilitates collaboration with other parliamentary committees to create the basis for an internal parliamentary discussion of a petition or group of petitions. The main principle of participation in it is the principle of granting the right to participate to all interested parties. It is proved that a statistical cut of the interest of EU citizens in the use of petitions indicates a consistently reproducible interest in petitions, which in the context of EU member states demonstrates its importance both for citizens of the founding countries and for citizens of the EU member states of the third wave of enlargement. It has been substantiated that one should not idealize the tool of petitions as functional for articulating and representing the interests of citizens. However, it is precisely with its help that it is possible to measure the dynamics of the participatory democracy process and monitor those interests on which the European policy is not sufficiently focused, but which are important for the population of the EU member states.
41
Grzeszczak, Robert. « Europeanisation of Polish Law Following Poland’s Accession to the European Union ». Studia Iuridica 71 (20 novembre 2017) : 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.5814.
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The article concerns primarily the effects of the membership of the European Union on national (Polish) law and, to a limited extent, on the political system of a state. The conclusions presented in the article are of universal value. Although the article deals with Polish affairs, the principles, tendencies and consequences identified are typical of the relationship state – the EU, both before and after accession, regardless of the state concerned. It should be, however, noted that the path to membership and the membership itself are different in each case. The practice of the Polish membership of the European Union, its systemic dimension and the changes in the national legal system (Europeanisation) do not differ significantly than in the case of other Member States. Europeanisation of Polish law, politics, economy, culture and society has been in progress since the 1990s. One can differentiate between two stages of Europeanisation: before and after Poland’s EU accession, each characterised by different conditions. Over time, this process, on the whole, has been undergoing numerous changes but it has never weakened in importance. Poland faces issues such as poor legitimation of integration processes, supremacy of the government over the parliament, passivity of parliamentary committees in controlling the government and EU institutions in the decision making process, as well as dilution of responsibility for decisions taken within the EU. The process of Europeanisation relies mostly on direct application of the standards of EU law in the national legal system, implementation of directives into national law and harmonisation or standardisation of national legal solutions so that they comply with the EU framework. It is also reception of a common, European (Union) axiology.
42
Predmestnikov, Oleh, et Vitaliy Gumenyuk. « HARMONIZATION OF ECONOMIC AND LEGAL MECHANISMS FOR DEEPENING EU-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS ». Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no 1 (22 mars 2019) : 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-1-174-181.
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The policy of Ukraine for the establishment and development of relations with the European Union began in 1993, was carried out all the years of Ukraine’s existence, and received intensive deepening with the beginning of the formation of an international treaty – the Association Agreement, which includes a list of legal, social, economic, and technical regulations, and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), in 2014 and its final signing in 2017. Political and economic objectives of the Agreement are of fundamental importance to the future of both Ukraine and the whole European region. The political goal is to implement European standards on the territory of Ukraine. This implies the introduction of fundamental European values, namely democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and the standards of the European security system. The Agreement does not foresee membership in the European Union, however, does not exclude such an opportunity in the future. The economic goal is to help to modernize the Ukrainian economy by expanding trade volumes with the EU and other countries, as well as reforming economic regulation mechanisms in line with the best European practices. Subject to the improvement of the business climate, Ukraine will become attractive for foreign and domestic investment for further production for export to the EU and other markets of the world. Harmonization of standards and European regulations has become a much more important process than the fulfilment of strictly technical requirements and underlies the introduction of effective governance without corruption. In the process of harmonization of interaction, an adaptive institutional mechanism was formed (the highest level – annual Summits; the key coordinator is the Association Council, consisting of members of the Council of the European Union and members of the European Commission, and members of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine; the level of operational coordination – the Association Parliamentary Committee, which includes members of the European Parliament, representatives of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the Civil Society Platform; in order to coordinate processes on the territory of Ukraine, the Ukrainian government has introduced a few supervisory committees and commissions). The harmonization of the economic aspect of the mechanism has been determined in solving issues of openness of markets for duty-free import from Ukraine in April 2014, obtaining a visa-free regime with the EU, abolishing export-import tariffs, implementing European technical standards for food safety, phytosanitary norms, competition policy, service provision, and public procurement policy. The issues of further deepening of relations include a review of the terms for the introduction of regulations and legislative provisions before their actual implementation, stabilization of financial and economic processes in the country, and further development of democratic values and social institutions.
43
Burns, Charlotte. « Consensus and compromise become ordinary – but at what cost ? A critical analysis of the impact of the changing norms of codecision upon European Parliament committees ». Journal of European Public Policy 20, no 7 (août 2013) : 988–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2013.795389.
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Scotti, Valentina Rita. « The eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee and Turkey’s eu Accession Process ». Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no 2-3 (11 mars 2016) : 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341337.
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After the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Turkey started negotiations with the European Communities to define a framework for cooperation. The result was the Ankara Agreement (1965), which established economic cooperation and provided for an eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (jpc), conceived as a discussion forum to encourage the democratic transition of Turkey. This article analyses the main phases and obstacles in Turkey’s accession process, focusing on relations between the European Parliament and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and on the effectiveness of European Parliament and jpc activities. The analysis particularly considers the respect for the Copenhagen political criteria with regard to minorities’ rights, the Cyprus dispute, and the role of religion in Turkey. The concluding remarks discuss the European Parliament’s role in overcoming the current deadlock in the Turkish accession process.
45
Unwin, Patrick R., et Robert W. Unwin. « Humphry Davy and the Royal Institution of Great Britain ». Notes and Records of the Royal Society 63, no 1 (28 juillet 2008) : 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2008.0010.
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The abortive attempts of Sir Humphry Davy to introduce modest reforms at the Royal Society of London during his Presidency (1820–27) contrast with his (largely unstudied) earlier experience of administration at the Royal Institution of Great Britain (RI). Davy's attempts to combat the systemic weaknesses in governance and funding, and his role in effecting changes at the RI, in association with a core group of reformers, merit consideration. This paper analyses important aspects of the early management and social structure of the RI and examines the inner workings of the institution. It shows how and why the Library, its most valuable financial asset, and its celebrated Laboratory, developed along distinctive lines, each with its own support structures and intra-institutional interests. While acknowledging the roles traditionally ascribed to Count Rumford and Sir Joseph Banks, the paper highlights the contributions of other early patrons such as Thomas Bernard, son of a colonial governor of Massachusetts, and Earl Spencer, a leading European bibliophile and RI President from 1813 to 1825. The promotion of a Bill in Parliament in 1810, designed to transform the RI from a proprietary body politic into a corporation of members, and the subsequent framing of the bye-laws, provided opportunities to establish a more democratic structure of elected committees for the conduct of science.
46
Hartlapp, Miriam. « Integrating across policy sectors : how the wider public impacts on the drafting process of EU trans-border healthcare ». International Review of Administrative Sciences 84, no 3 (5 août 2016) : 486–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852316648225.
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Policy-making in the EU has been depicted as being starkly fragmented: initiatives are drafted in separate Directorates-General of the EU Commission, discussed in specific policy communities and decided upon in sectoral European Parliament Committees and Council formations. At the same time, we see growing numbers of complex policy problems that require cross-sectorally integrated solutions. This article argues that there are good grounds to expect policy-making in the EU Commission to favour fragmented solutions, while diffuse public interests will tend to push for integrated policies. However, it is only under specific constellations that the EU Commission will respond to these interests. The argument will be demonstrated using case study material on three policy instruments that address trans-border healthcare policy. While the Coordination of Social Security Systems Regulation and the Services in the Internal Market Directive favour largely fragmented solutions, the Patient Mobility Directive takes a more integrated approach. Points for practitioners Today, complex policy problems often demand integrated policy solutions that cut across organizational borders and areas of responsibility. At the same time, decision-making is often easier if policy solutions remain fragmented. Internal coordination is an important means for public administrations to reach integrated instead of fragmented policy solutions. Periods with high public attention are more likely to lead to more integrated policy solutions, since policy-makers will seize internal coordination to anticipate the interests of a wider public that is following the policy-making process. Evidence is provided from drafting processes inside the EU Commission on trans-border healthcare acts.
47
McElroy, Gail. « Committee Representation in the European Parliament ». European Union Politics 7, no 1 (mars 2006) : 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116506060910.
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Vinciguerra, Maria Chiara. « Punching Below Its Weight : The Role of the European Parliament in Politicised Consultation Procedures ». Politics and Governance 9, no 3 (30 juillet 2021) : 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4069.
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With Lisbon, the European Parliament formally acquired an equal standing to that of the Council of the EU in the making of policies in the AFSJ (area of freedom, security and justice). However, the growing political salience of policy issues at stake and bottom-up politicisation in the AFSJ has had the unintended effect of undermining the European Parliament’s internal unity even under consultation procedures. To show how this played out in practice during Europe’s migration and refugee crisis, this article analyses the European Parliament’s role, preferences, and bargaining position in the making of two Refugee Relocation Decisions (Council Decisions 2015/1523 and 2015/1601) under consultation procedure. To do so, this article exploits Putnam’s two-level framework (level I and II politics throughout the policy-making process) to explore early agenda-setting attempts and groups’ positions on issues of refugee relocation and burden-sharing, as they were formally stated in their position papers and expressed at the LIBE Committee and at plenary. This article shows that the high domestic salience and politicization of the issues at stake left MEPs torn between competing principals at home and within their European Parliament political groups and had the effect of weakening overall unity on the issue of refugee relocation.
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Harrington, Joanna. « Scrutiny and Approval : The Role for Westminster-Style Parliaments in Treaty-Making ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 55, no 1 (janvier 2006) : 121–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei069.
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In December 2004, Parliament's Joint Committee on Human Rights added its voice to the call for a greater parliamentary role in the making of treaties. In its report on Protocol No. 14 to the European Convention on Human Rights, the Joint Committee included a one-page chapter on ‘Increasing Parliament's involvement in the adoption of human rights treaties’, expressing the view that it was desirable for Parliament to become more involved prior to ratification on the grounds that effective parliamentary scrutiny would serve to ‘enhance the democratic legitimacy of human rights obligations incurred… by the Executive pursuant to the prerogative power.’1 Motivated by this concern, the Committee has undertaken, on its own initiative, an extensive review of the UK's treaty commitments in the human rights field with a view to securing greater parliamentary support for these obligations through the mechanism of public scrutiny.2
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Judge, David, et David Earnshaw. « Weak European Parliament Influence ? A Study of the Environment Committee of the European Parliament ». Government and Opposition 29, no 2 (1 avril 1994) : 262–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1994.tb01255.x.
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