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1
Natali, Paolo. « The United Kingdom and Italy, between Bretton Woods and European monetary integration ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/275251.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation describes the formation of support for monetary integration among European countries in the period between 1968 and 1973, claiming that there was a clear connection between the demise of the Bretton Woods monetary system and the rise of support for a European solution to the subsequent monetary turmoil. During the late 1960s, the US administration's attitude of financing the economy through budgetary deficit put the dollar's credibility into question until, in the summer of 1971, fears of a worldwide "bank run" convinced US President Nixon to revoke the gold backing of the currency, hence marking the transition from the Bretton Woods "gold exchange standard" to a pure "dollar standard". However, monetary stability was too important to the European Economic Community, which in 1972 decided to narrow the Bretton Woods exchange rate margins among its members, creating a de facto "snake" within the "tunnel" of Bretton Woods. Historians of the international monetary system described the former part of this story, while historians of European integration focused on the latter. Little has been said on the links between the two processes, and on how they contributed to change the views of the different actors in the policy-making arena over time. Tn order to undertake this exercise, two countries have been chosen, Italy and the United Kingdom, as they provide interesting viewpoints: the former being politically underdeveloped but very enthusiastic about the European project, while the latter enjoyed stronger institutions but has historically kept a certain distance from Europe. Policy-makers, a category composed of politicians, civil servants and central bankers, emerge as the core actors; in both cases, international cooperation had to deal with domestic issues, and in both cases fervent supporters and opponents of Europe were present at all levels, creating a seemingly unpredictable interaction. However, a certain pattern could be observed, whereby supporters of a worldwide fixed exchange rates system were fewer and fewer compared to supporters of the European link. The pivotal time of such shift has been identified in the few months spanning from Nixon's decision to close the gold window in August 1971 until the implementation of the European "monetary snake" in April 1972. Domestic events such as the devaluation of the British pound in 1967 or the "hot autumn" of 1969 in Italy had a less powerful effect. This conclusion also shows that, in both case studies, the monetary choice in favour of Europe was taken on the basis of the demise of Bretton Woods, and hence, of economic interest rather than on the basis of ideology.
2
Quaglia, Lucia. « Italy and economic and monetary union : domestic politics and European union policy-making ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390828.
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3
Cinnirella, Marco Goffredo. « Social identity perspectives on European integration : a comparative study of national and European identity construction in Britain and Italy ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1238/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Taking a comparative perspective, the current research examines national and European identities in Britain and Italy, using a multi-methodological approach. The aims of the research are twofold: firstly, to examine current limitations with psychological theorising on social identity, and secondly, to enhance social psychological knowledge of European integration and its effects upon national and European identities. The theoretical perspective adopted is a hybrid synthesis of social identity (Tajfel, 1974; Turner, 1987) and social representations (Moscovici, 1984) approaches. Evidence for a European identity amongst British respondents and interviewees proved to be minimal: few felt any sense of European pride, and most construed European integration in instrumental terms. Italian constructions of European identity were more robust than those of the British, and consisted of both instrumental and symbolic attachments to the European ideal. Some of the social psychological bases for such cross-national differences are explored, and the prospects for the development of a European identity examined. Applying social identity theory to questions of national and European identity construction, raises questions about the current applicability of the paradigm to large-scale social categories of this type. The social representational context of intergroup relations has often been ignored, and social influence processes in large-scale entities seem more complex than previously assumed. It becomes apparent that issues of key conceptual importance to the social identity and self-categorisation paradigms are in need of urgent clarification. These include: the differences between face-to-face groups and abstract social categories; the adequacy of motivational constructs within the paradigm; and the role of the wider ideological milieu in which identity construction takes place. Along with a discussion of these issues, some of the key features of social identity construction in large-scale social categories and groups are examined, and ways in which the social identity and social representations paradigms might be reconciled explored.
4
Cinnirella, Macro Goffredo. « Social identity perspectives on European integration : a comparative study of national and European identity construction in Britain and Italy ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1238/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Taking a comparative perspective, the current research examines national and European identities in Britain and Italy, using a multi-methodological approach. The aims of the research are twofold: firstly, to examine current limitations with psychological theorising on social identity, and secondly, to enhance social psychological knowledge of European integration and its effects upon national and European identities. The theoretical perspective adopted is a hybrid synthesis of social identity (Tajfel, 1974; Turner, 1987) and social representations (Moscovici, 1984) approaches. Evidence for a European identity amongst British respondents and interviewees proved to be minimal: few felt any sense of European pride, and most construed European integration in instrumental terms. Italian constructions of European identity were more robust than those of the British, and consisted of both instrumental and symbolic attachments to the European ideal. Some of the social psychological bases for such cross-national differences are explored, and the prospects for the development of a European identity examined. Applying social identity theory to questions of national and European identity construction, raises questions about the current applicability of the paradigm to large-scale social categories of this type. The social representational context of intergroup relations has often been ignored, and social influence processes in large-scale entities seem more complex than previously assumed. It becomes apparent that issues of key conceptual importance to the social identity and self-categorisation paradigms are in need of urgent clarification. These include: the differences between face-to-face groups and abstract social categories; the adequacy of motivational constructs within the paradigm; and the role of the wider ideological milieu in which identity construction takes place. Along with a discussion of these issues, some of the key features of social identity construction in large-scale social categories and groups are examined, and ways in which the social identity and social representations paradigms might be reconciled explored.
5
Dahm, Evelyn Pignatari. « National mentalities, European identities : the impact of defence on the construction of national and European identity : a comparative case study of Britain (1960 - February 1963), Italy and France (1956-1958) ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2001. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/national-mentalities-european-identities--the-impact-of-defence-on-the-construction-of-national-and-european-identity--a-comparative-case-study-of-britain-1960february-1963-italy-and-france-19561958(5a55a228-84d4-4174-aabc-6b35200a1872).html.
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6
Jaeger, Markus H. « Domestic institutions and European monetary integration : the politics of monetary and fiscal convergence in Italy, 1992-1998 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1617/.
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This thesis analyses how Italy succeeded in fulfilling the macroeconomic convergence criteria agreed upon at the Maastricht conference in late 1991. It is argued that economic policy reform in Italy between 1992 and 1998 has to be understood primarily as the result of two sets of factors: international financial and political pressure; and domestic political and socio-economic institutions. The institutionally grounded concept of 'executive strength' is regarded as particularly important, as 'weak' Italian governments had been the main reason for unsustainable economic policies in the past. Methodologically, the study uses an historical-institutionalist approach to explain institutional and policy reform. From both an empirical and theoretical perspective, successful macroeconomic convergence during the 1992-98 period represents an anomaly. Hence the study of successful policy reform can be regarded as a 'deviant case study' which is implicitly comparative in nature. The thesis analyses in a historically-detailed manner institutional and policy reforms in the four most relevant policy areas, that is, budgetary policy, pension reform, private and public sector wage policies, and monetary and exchange rate policy. It is argued that policy reforms in these four areas made an important contribution to monetary and fiscal convergence. The study finds that the obstructive character of domestic institutions - and especially executive weakness - was overcome thanks to international pressure. Nonetheless, domestic institutions continued to affect policy outcomes. By comparing the French and Italian macroeconomic policy regimes, the concluding chapter provides a second-line defence in favour of the domestic-institutional and 'executive strength' accounts.
7
Palazzetti, Valentina. « Italy in the EU : love affair or disillusionment ? Italian discontent with the European integration, past and present ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/42702.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedAfter 70 years, have democracy, prosperity, and unity finally reached Italy? Italians are still wondering since the European Union’s (EU’s) promises after World War II remain largely unfulfilled. This thesis analyzes parallels and continuities of Italian politics of disillusionment from the post-World War I period to today’s European crisis, highlighting Italy’s widespread discontent with the EU and its institutions. From the mutilated victory of the Treaty of Versailles to a destructive fascist regime to the promises of future prosperity and progress in the EU, today Italy is still waiting for its early aspirations to materialize. While other EU members and cofounders (notably France and Germany) arrange the EU to their advantage―frequently overlooking Italy’s interests and needs―Italy’s increasing disappointment with the EU has reached an all-time high. This thesis traces these developments through historical analysis of key turning points—the interwar period, fascism, and the postwar democratic transformation. It culminates in a discussion of the current European crisis and Italy’s frustration with the EU by exposing the reasons for the country’s serious consideration of abandoning participation in the EU project.
8
Fortin, Laura <1995>. « Opt-out clauses as peculiar cases of differentiated integration in the European Union : political and public impact in Italy (1991-1993) ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/18330.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Lo scopo di questa tesi è quello di discutere il dibattito riguardante un peculiare fenomeno che caratterizza la natura non del tutto convenzionale dell'Unione Europea. Il fenomeno preso in considerazione è quello delle clausole di opt-out, come forma di manifestazione specifica di integrazione differenziata. Questo tipo di clausole è stato compreso per la prima volta nel Trattato di Maastricht (1992), legittimando così a livello istituzionale la possibilità di creare diversi livelli di integrazione all'interno della Comunità europea. Descriverò brevemente le fasi e i dibattiti principali che la Comunità ha affrontato nel cammino verso Maastricht per capire come la possibilità di legittimare tali clausole si sia concretizzata, e parallelamente il quadro economico, politico e sociale italiano. Data la posizione critica sviluppata nei confronti di questo provvedimento, è interessante prendere in considerazione l'evoluzione del dibattito all'interno di uno dei membri fondatori della CE, l'Italia, che all'epoca viveva una particolare situazione caotica, come conseguenza della sua instabilità economica ma soprattutto politica. L'analisi sarà condotta attraverso le discussioni parlamentari e gli articoli dei maggiori quotidiani dell'epoca, in modo da ricostruire una completa comprensione della percezione delle clausole di opt-out all'interno della classe politica italiana, così come dell'opinione pubblica italiana.
9
RAMÍREZ, PÉREZ Sigfrido M. « Public policies, European integration and multinational corporations in the automobile sector : the French and Italian cases in a comparative perspective 1945-1973 ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/25416.
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Defence date: 21 December 2007Examining board: Prof. Luciano Segreto, Università degli Studi di Firenze ; Prof. Patrick Fridenson, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris ; Prof. Giovanni Federico, EUI Department of History and Civilization (HEC) ; Prof. Bo Stråth (supervisor) EUI HEC/Robert Schuman Centre
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
10
Kotúčová, Michaela. « The Evolution of the Foreign Policy of Italy ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193892.
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This paper work analyses the foreign policy of Italy from its foundation in 1861 until nowadays. Its main aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of the Italian actions and its position within the international system as well as to examine core objectives, means and factors of the Italian foreign policy making. The country went through different stages during its 154-year existence and experienced various types of state organisation and ideologies which were all reflect in its foreign policy making. The analysis verifies that the approach to the foreign policy making, targets and means to achieve them in Italy differed in each phase. These phases were the Kingdom of Italy, the First Republic and the Second Republic. Hence, the foreign policy of Italy is examined in the framework of these stages and each chapter thus corresponds to one of them. A theoretical chapter is also incorporated into this paper work in order to facilitate the understanding of the forthcoming analysis further in the text.
11
LASCHI, Giuliana. « L'Italia e il processo di integrazione europea : Il caso dell'agricoltura, 1947-1958 ». Doctoral thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5876.
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Defence date: 3 November 1992Examining board: Prof. R. T. Griffiths (supervisor) ; Prof. V. Zamagni (seconda supervisor) ; Prof. A. Carreras ; Prof. P. Gerbet ; Prof. L. Morlino
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
12
FAURI, Francesca. « Negotiating for industrialization : Italy's commercial strategy and industrial expansion in the context of the attempts to further European integration ». Doctoral thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5755.
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Defence date: 14 December 1994Examining board: Prof. R.T. Griffiths, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. V. Zamagni, Università di Bologna (second supervisor) ; Prof. A. Carerras (EUI) ; Prof. M.L. Cavalcanti, Università di Napoli ; Prof. D.W. Ellwood, Università di Bologna
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
13
Trillò, Tommaso. « Constructing a European Culture of Gender Equality on Social Media : European and National (mis)Allignments ». Phd diss., 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11089/27041.
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This project analyzes the narratives of gender equality circulated on the social media platform Twitter by a sample of gender equality institutions, women’s rights activists, LGBTI rights activists, and private users over a year-long timespan (1 September 2016 – 31 August 2017). My aim is to analyze ‘gender equality’ as an object of knowledge constructed in the sampled discourses. The data is sampled across the supranational-national divide, with part of the sample referring to the supranational level of ‘Europe’ and part of the sample referring to a national case study on Italy. My analysis adopts the framework of Social Media – Critical Discourse Studies and takes inspiration from different (de)constructivist approaches across the social sciences. Findings are as follows. I interpret Twitter users as subjects of discourses and practices that take place beyond Twitter as a platform and shape their narratives and subject position therein. Gender equality emerges as an object of knowledge in the discursive contestation between their narratives. Gender equality is often defined in ‘neoliberalized’ terms that make it a non-political goal that is instrumental for the achievement of economic growth. This vision is resisted by a more progressive counter-narrative that defines gender equality through a set of value-based arguments for its achievement. In this contexts, ‘Europe’ is constructed as a socio-political space characterized by a commitment to gender equality that is, however, grounded in market-based justifications. By comparison, gender equality seems to be far more politicized at the Italian national level.This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 675378
14
TOSCANI, Gerd. « Integrazione europea e interesse nazionale : I repubblicani italiani nei confronti degli inizi del processo d'unificazione europea nel secondo dopoguerra ». Doctoral thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6004.
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Defence date: 14 October 1986Examining board: Prof. Ennio Di Nolfo, Università di Firenze ; Prof. Peter Hertner, Istituto Universitario Europeo ; Prof. Sergio Pistone, Università di Torino ; Prof. Pierre Guillen, Università di Grenoble II
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
15
MORATA, Francesc. « Autonomie regionale et integration européenne : L'Espagne face aux experiences italienne et allemande ». Doctoral thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4716.
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16
RAMPELLO, STEFANIA. « Il rapporto bilaterale Gran Bretagna-Italia durante gli anni Sessanta, in relazione al primo allargamento della Comunità Europea ». Doctoral thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/1492268.
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My PhD dissertation focuses on the relations between Italy and Great Britain in the Sixties, regarding the first enlargement of the European Community. In order to clarify how these relations have evolved, the research drew on a variety of archival sources, both British and Italian, such as documents held at the National Archives in London, at the “Archivio Centrale di Stato”, the “Archivio Storico del Senato” and the “Archivio Storico Diplomatico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri e della Cooperazione Internazionale” in Rome. My work tries to clarify how the initial lack of interest shown by Her Majesty’s Government towards the Italians and their «uncalled, unhelpful and generally tiresome» determination to participate in international affairs (National Archives, Foreign Office 371/145029, British Embassy, Rome, 21 July 1959) gradually abated, up to bring the United Kingdom and Italy to sign a Declaration on Europe in April 1969. Combining British, Italian, European and international history, the thesis sheds new light on some significant moments of the Anglo-Italian relations, for instance, in March 1958, when the Italian Minister of Foreign Trade, Guido Carli, suggested a Plan to overcome the French opposition to the British proposal to create a Free Trade Area among the members of the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation (OEEC). The research analyses also the idea of an Anglo-Italian Axis suggested by the Italian Minister of the Budget, Ugo La Malfa in December 1962- idea reiterated both in 1965 and in 1968- with the aim to stand against the opposition of General de Gaulle to the British request of joining the European Communities. Finally, the dissertation reserves a proper space to the commitment of Pietro Nenni and Altiero Spinelli in involving the British Government in the project a European political Community
17
BARBULESCU, Roxana. « The politics of immigrant integration in post-enlargement Europe migrants : co-ethnics and European citizens in Italy and Spain ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28027.
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Defence date: 11 June 2013Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (EUI Supervisor) Professor Kitty C. Calavita, University of California, Irvine Professor Andrew Geddes, University of Sheffield Professor Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In migration studies, it is taken for granted that states do not only attempt to control overall numbers of immigrants, but also establish different regulatory regimes for refugees, labour migrants, family reunification, co-ethnics and many other categories of migrants. In studies of immigrant integration, however, most analyses have assumed that each state pursues a single and coherent national approach. The aim of this dissertation is to challenge this assumption by examining how states pursue integration differently for different categories of migrants in post-enlargement Europe. In addition to third country nationals I consider also migrants who have a special cultural and historical bond with their host countries, such as emigrants and descendants of emigrants or migrants from the former colonies (co-ethnics), as well as European Union citizens from old and new member states. The dissertation builds on empirical evidence collected from 1985 to 2012 at national, regional and city levels in two new countries of immigration in Western Europe: Italy and Spain. The first main finding is that both Italy and Spain chose to distance themselves from the integration policies of the more traditional countries of immigration in Europe, which they classify as failures. Instead, the new immigration countries searched for their "own" integration strategy, which they consider a token of sovereignty just as much as immigration control. Secondly, both states have introduced different integration policies and integration requirements for different categories of migrants. Rather than pursuing only one integration strategy, the states examined use their resources and abilities to simultaneously pursue different integration strategies for European citizens, co-ethnics and third country nationals. These strategies range from less to more restrictive (from laissez-faire to mandatory, sanction-based policies, such as the Italian integration agreement and language test). European Union citizens enjoy many rights in when residing in other member states without being included in their integration programmes, while third country nationals enjoy far fewer rights which they risk to lose if they do not comply with demanding integration programmes. Co-ethnics in turn are included in integration programmes but have more rights than other third country nationals and, in some areas such as access to citizenship and enrolment in the army, they have even more rights than European citizens. Finally, this dissertation finds a negative correlation between immigrants' social class in the host society and their rights and integration requirements: the lower the socio-economic position of the immigrant group, the fewer its rights and the more demanding the integration requirements it faces.
18
PAPARUSSO, ANGELA. « Studying immigrant integration in Europe : civic rhetoric, citizenship policies and self-reported life satisfaction ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/915670.
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Aim of this work has been to understand if integration policies help immigrants to enhance their long-term success and parity with natives. Immigrant integration has been conceived as the process aimed at reducing gaps with natives, therefore at providing to immigrants the same opportunities of native-born citizens, in the main domains of life. The first paper of the thesis has offered a comparative overview of civic integration programmes adopted by European countries in recent years. I have argued that civic integration produces a ‘stratification’ of the immigrant population in receiving countries, because it exacerbates the gap between high-skilled and low-skilled immigrants, therefore between wanted and unwanted migration. Moreover, civic integration is strongly embedded into citizenship, since it establishes under what conditions eligible immigrants can obtain the citizenship status of the new residence country. Therefore, the second paper has examined the effect of both individual-level characteristics and measures of national citizenship policies on the likelihood of having citizenship status among immigrants living in selected European countries. As individual level data I have used the Immigrant Citizens Survey (ICS), conducted by the King Baudouin Foundation and the Migration Policy Group, from October 2011 to January 2012. For the country-level data, a systematic review of national citizenship policies, academic literature and the Eurostat database have been used. Results have highlighted the strong effect of individual characteristics on citizenship status among young and adult immigrants and, therefore, the positive effect of higher family stability, educational attainment, current economic situation, perceived financial well-being, duration of residence and cultural similarity between the country of residence and the country of origin. Nevertheless, policy factors intervene to produce this effect. In particular, a low number of years of residence needed for naturalization, the dual citizenship toleration and relatively high naturalization rates and proportions of foreign citizens positively influence citizenship status among immigrants. Finally, self-reported life satisfaction has been used in the third paper to assess immigrants’ subjective integration. Self-reported life satisfaction has allowed taking into account not only objective forms of integration, but also immigrants’ perceptions about their life into the residence country. This is also in line with the idea that integration is a multidimensional and two-way process, which implies the contribution and the point of view of both newcomers and hosting societies. The positive linkage existing between citizenship status and life satisfaction in the residence country provides evidence for the objective character of naturalization in shaping integration, which, although made more demanding by civic requirements, represents, to this day, the best way for immigrants to acquire parity with natives.