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1
Kybich, Yana. « Peculiarities of the British Approach to the European Integration Process ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 40 (15 décembre 2019) : 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.58-66.
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The article examines the prerequisites for Britainʼs participation in European integration processes since the 1950ʼs. The evolution of the “special” policy of the British governments regarding the countryʼs participation in the system of political and military-political cooperation of the European Union, the nature of its influence on the processes of European integration in the sphere of foreign policy and security are considered. The peculiarities of the UKʼs participation in European political integration are analyzed in terms of balancing the two main strands of its foreign policy – the traditional Atlantic course, which underlies the Anglo-American “special relations” and the European course (deepening participation in European regional policy). The most common concepts of differentiated European integration are outlined, such as Europe à la carte (sectoral, selective integration) or the concepts of European Menu, Europe of Different Speeds and Variable Geometries, which have been successfully used by UK governments to counteract federalization and deepen integration of the United Kingdom, avoiding full integration, for example, in currency issues or applying restrictions on the free movement of labor (limited Schengen agreement). In general, the complex of conditions and peculiarities of historical, socio-political, economic and socio-psychological nature have been investigated, which have had their specific influence on the formation of the unique political attitude and behavior of Great Britain and became the basis of the “special” position of Great Britain in European integration processes, and as a consequence transformations of the present geopolitical position of Great Britain.
Keywords: Great Britain, European integration, EEC, European Union, concept, “special” position.
2
Andreeva, T. « Great Britain and Processes of the European Integration after Euro Crisis ». World Economy and International Relations, no 11 (2014) : 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-40-47.
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The paper is devoted to the Great Britain's stance on the promoting of European integration towards creation of a federal state, after the euro crisis. It focuses on advantages and losses of the British policy in the EU. There are standpoints and views of four main political parties of Great Britain on the country's secession from the EU as well as the results of both local elections and elections for the European Parliament which reveal the rise of the right secessionist and anti-European moods in British society. The author also considers the European nations' present views and attitudes to the European idea. The following questions are answered in the article: Do the anti-European moods exert the crucial and lasting effect on British European policy? Is it better and more profitable for Britain to stay within the organization taking an active part in the integration process, or to withdraw from it?
3
Atapin, Evgenii. « Evolution of British Euroscepticism in the Second Half of the 20th Century ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 5 (décembre 2022) : 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.13.
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Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. A study of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entry of Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionally called “Labour”; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom’s participation in the “common market”, conventionally called “Conservative”; 3) the stage of Britain’s participation in the European Union, conventionally called “Right-wing populist”. Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.
4
Atapin, E. A. « Historical Perception of Europe as “the Other” as the Basis of British Euroscepticism ». Izvestiya of Altai State University, no 5(121) (19 novembre 2021) : 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)5-08.
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This paper proves that British Euroscepticism is not just a consequence of the peculiarities of the current political situation but the result of the centuries-old specific attitude of Great Britain to Europe as the other sociocultural space different in many senses from the United Kingdom. The roots of this attitude can be found in the English Reformation of the 16th century which rigidly opposed “British” Protestantism to “European” Catholicism. Several examples of historical events that have aggravated this religious and cultural rift are given. As a result, the British vision of Europeans shared by political elites as people with a different way of life, habits and traditions resulted in a sceptical attitude towards European integration and Britain's participation in it. The statements of famous British politicians regarding European integration and participation of Great Britain in it are cited to confirm the vision of Europe as “the Other” by the political elites of the United Kingdom. It is argued that British Euroscepticism is largely determined and inspired by cultural exceptionalism. Therefore, special attention is paid to the analysis of the British version of cultural Euroscepticism.
5
Rausch, Fabian. « «Constitutional Fever» ? Constitutional Integration in Post-Revolutionary France, Great Britain and Germany, 1814–c.1835 ». Journal of Modern European History 15, no 2 (mai 2017) : 221–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-2-221.
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«Constitutional Fever»? Constitutional Integration in Post-Revolutionary France, Great Britain and Germany, 1814–c.1835 This article proposes a comparative perspective on the role of constitutions in European political cultures from 1814 to c.1835. Through its analysis of constitutions first as a means to legitimising post-revolutionary monarchies, and secondly as a means to integrating the divided societies in France, Great Britain as well as the German states, this article suggests two major results: 1) Constitutions were a central instrument that was imagined by post-revolutionary European societies in order to open up an «evolutionary» path to political progress and thereby finally «end» or «prevent» further revolutionary changes. 2) The major challenges to constitutional integration were posed by the emergence of competing political groups that often demanded a strengthening of certain parts of the constitutions or their further reform. The problems, which were faced by almost all political actors regarding the acceptance of these new imperatives of party politics and the different constitutional «solutions» that they had developed to meet these challenges, provide explanations for the different constitutional paths that were taken by Great Britain, the German states and France during the early 1830s. In Great Britain, a common constitutionalist language enabled a precarious understanding amongst the competing groups, whereas anti-pluralist constitutional conceptions led to constitutional instability in France and even damaged the very idea of constitutional integration in Germany thus benefitting a «unification first»-approach in the German states.
6
Samoilova, Olha. « The process of British integration with European Union ». Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no 2 (29 mai 2017) : 161–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2017-02-161-170.
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The relations with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland are of the great importance for the European Union as well as for the United Kingdom, since the latter is dependent on the EU policies to some extent. As British nation has formally started the process of leaving the organization, it is important to investigate the process that led to the current state of affairs. To understand the current problem between sides, the history and process of establishing the relations should be studied. The problems appearing throughout the time still remain unresolved and prove the mutual interdependence and importance of their addressing for both the United Kingdom and the European Union. The article researches the main stages of British integration with the EU and their influence on the international relations within the European community. Since the first failed application to join the EEC in 1961 and later accession in 1973, the UK managed to occupy the leading position in the European Community with a number of beneficial rights. However, within the state the European integration provoked conflicts, i.e. between those who believe that Britain's future lies with Europe and those who believe it does not. In 1980-s the UK politicians stressed that the state paid a lot more into the EC budget than other members due to its relative lack of farms. The situation was worsened by J. Delors’ policy towards a more federal Europe and a single currency. T. Blair’s government was more European in its outlook than its predecessor, as he actively advocated the expansion of the European Union. However, Blair’s desire to get closer with the US dissatisfied Europeans. In 2011 D. Cameron became the first UK prime minister to veto a EU treaty. After winning reelection in May 2015, D. Cameron started the process of renegotiating the UK-EU relationship, putting on the list such issues as changes in migrant welfare payments, financial safeguards and easier ways for Britain to block EU regulations. On 23 June 2016 UK voters, inspired by Cameron, elected to withdraw from the European Union. The consequences of Brexit caused serious challenges the UK has to overcome in the nearest future.
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Hrubinko, Andrii. « Great Britain in European External and Security Policy : Review of Western Historiography ». European Historical Studies, no 8 (2017) : 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.08.8-38.
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The article analyzes the achievements of Western historical science in research of the problem of Britain’s participation in the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author classified scientific publications into three groups: 1) general works on the history of formation the EU’s CFSP; 2) publications on the history of participation the United Kingdom in European integration as a direction of European foreign policy of the state; 3) works, which devoted specifically to the topic of British participation in European foreign and security policy. The results of monitoring the leading foreign scientific publications, the most frequently published materials on European integration and European policy of the United Kingdom are presented. A list of leading scientific centers for the research of the identified issues is also presented. The historical experience of British involvement in the formation and implementation of the EU’s CFSP in Western historiography is mainly covered in general context of the British government’s position on European integration. It was stated that the United Kingdom’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union was included in the list topics of research of European (including British) and American scientists, but remains poorly developed. Major scientific developments by European continental and British researchers are presented. Instead, in American historiography, these issues, especially Britain’s role in the CFSP, haven’t been adequately researched. In British historiography, there is a marked opposition between the “Euro-skeptic” and “Euro-optimistic” (pro-European) paradigms. In the published works the analysis of theoretical and conceptual principles, strategic approaches of British governments to the foreign policy component of European integration prevails at different stages of its development. In all three historiographic groups preference is given to research the history of military-political cooperation within the EU, development of ESDP / CSDP. The issues of British participation in the EU CFSP in the period of D. Cameron’s government (2010-2016), practical foreign policy activities of the Community remain insufficiently researched. The topics of the role of British governments in shaping and developing the Eastern European policy of the EU and the Neighborhood policy remain though basically unexplored.
8
Hrubinko, Andrew. « Role of the UK in the european political integration in the post-war period (1945-1956) ». European Historical Studies, no 3 (2016) : 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.03.6-19.
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The article discusses role of Great Britain in the European political integration in the Post-war period (1945-1956). Origins of the “special position” of the country in the system of European integration, in particular regarding participation in its political dimension (foreign and security policy) are presented. Attention on the development of conceptual basis of the UK’s modern policy regarding the participation in European integration during the study period is focused.
9
Khakhalkina, E. V. « “HOW GRAND IS OUR DESIGN FOR EUROPE?” : INTEGRATION PLANS OF THE GREAT BRITAIN IN THE LATE OF 1950S ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 4(49) (28 août 2016) : 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-58-68.
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The UK European Union membership referendum 2016 and its results actualized the study of the British initiatives in the sphere of integration before the entry into the European Economic Community in 1973. The article is devoted to the little-known in Russian historiography "Grand Design"of H. Macmillan, nominated in the wake of the failure of the Suez operation against Egypt in 1956. Plan with such bright and eye-catching name suggested the creation of a broad integration group in Europe as alternative with Britain as a leader to the preparing for the establishment of projects of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic energy community. The project was designed to restore the prestige of the Conservative Party and to strengthen the shaky position of Britain in NATO and European affairs after Suez Crisis. At the same time the emergence of the plan reflected the desire of the Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan to weaken the struggle inside political establishment between supporters and opponents of the country's full-fledged participation in the European integration and take the lead in the integration movement from France. Analysis of the content of the project and attempts to implement it within the framework of a Free Trade Area (FTA) reveals the essence of the "special position" of the UK towards supranational integration and the British vision of the future of European integration. Modern United Kingdom appeared in the new European realities after the Referendum on the country’s membership in the European Union and returns to the starting point on the path of supranational integration and to the search for its place in Europe. In these circumstances, the ideas expressed by British politicians more than half a century ago, may again prove to be demanded and relevant.
10
Cherinko, I. P. « Interrelations of Ukraine with Great Britain in the context of the European integration ». Ukrainian Society 29, no 2 (10 juillet 2009) : 154–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/socium2009.02.154.
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This article addresses the problems of the relations between Ukraine and Great Britain from the time of renewing the Ukraine’s independence till now. The whole complex of bilateral dialogue between the two states is under scrutiny of the author. Basic attention is paid to the aspect of Ukraine’s integration to Europe.
11
Vitrik, M., et K. Kuznetsova. « Great Britain after Brexit : EU and Russia ». Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no 4 (1 avril 2020) : 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2004-04.
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The article deals with the problem of the consequences of Brexit, the UK is interested in maintaining access to the Single internal market of the European Union, highlights options for further participation of the UK in the integration processes in Europe, describes possible ways of the future development of the situation. The analysis has shown that it is diffi cult to fi nd an option that would satisfy both the EU and the UK. Special attention is paid to the relationship between Russia and the UK after Brexit. The authors conclude that Russia is in favor of establishing relationship with the UK, but everything will depend on further decisions of the EU and the UK regarding their mutual cooperation.
12
Hrubinko, A. « The Role of Great Britain in the Military-technical Cooperation of the Countries of European Union ». Problems of World History, no 7 (14 mars 2019) : 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-7.
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In the article the Great Britain’s contribution to the development of military-technical cooperation between the countries of the European Union is analyzed. It was found that the British leadership conducted ambiguous policies on military-technical cooperation (MTC) of the European integration. The desire to win the priority in the European MTC was combined with the provision of British companies the benefits of cooperation with American partners. British military-industrial complex became a rival of the military-industrial complex of the states of continental Europe. The position of Great Britain has become one of the obstacles to the formation of a single European arms market. The exit of the kingdom from the EU can stimulate the process of creating a single European militaryindustrial complex, in which France and Germany, supported by other influential industrial states (Italy, Spain, etc.) will dominate. The British military-industrial complex will continue to have a significant impact on the European MTC machinery, which relatively successfully operates outside the EU.
13
Groubinko, A. V. « The Role of Great Britain in Forming of EU’s Foreign and Security Policy in the Context of Leading Theories of Eurointegration ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 1(40) (28 février 2015) : 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-18-28.
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In the article on the basis of the original chart of the theoretical conceptual system of Eurointegration's development offered by an author base principles of Great Britain's participation in common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union are examined. The country’s role in the processes of forming EU's CFSP is determined in the context of leading theories of Eurointegration. The evolution of British government's policy participation in the system of political co-operation in the European Union, character of its influence on the processes of Eurointegration in the sphere of foreign and security policies are analysed. CFSP as a specific sphere of co-operation of the EU's states fully represents conceptual dichotomy of European Union essence at level «intergovernmental - supranational». CFSP is the segment of the EU's legal reality which is historically based on intergovernmental co-operation, and in modern terms characterized by the expressed elements of funcional supranational institucialisation and insignificant strengthening of federalism. Great Britain conceptual approaches to forming EU's CFSP lie traditions of pragmatical and functional realistic approach with the elements of federalist co-operation, externalism and minimum of institucialism. For activity of British governments is inherent pistorical heredity of participating in political integration within the framework of Common Europe. It's mean a successive policy of inhibition federalist supranational tendencies, propagandas of the evolutional going to development of integration processes and it distribution on new spheres. Such approaches are correspond to the model of selective-sectoral integration or «Europe a la carte» ofThatcherist standards, which in the process of realization under influence of objective (mainly external) factors evolved to practical embodiment of such more soft models of flexible integration, as «multi-speed integration» and «Europe of variable geometries». The noted approaches to CFSP allow government on the different historical stages to have retentive or stimulant influence on the integrational processes.
14
Afinotan, L. Andy. « Brexit and the Poverty of Popular Democracy in Great Britain : An Analytical Perspective ». Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 2, no 1 (15 novembre 2016) : 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v2i1.134.
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In the contemporary international system, the trend towards collective security through regional integration for economic and political stability is unmistakable. The European Union, often touted as the quintessential example of a stable and secure regional economic alliance was developed by the contiguous countries of Western Europe for fundamentally strategic reasons. It was basically informed inter alia, by the need to prevent a re-occurrence of war between Germany and France, the two belligerents that dragged the entire world into war twice in one century. Bringing the two countries together in a cooperative prosperity circle, in concert with other European countries, is considered to be a useful means to economic and political stability in the region. The decision of Britain to exit the Union via a domestic referendum therefore, promises to have severe repercussions, not only for the Union, but more fundamentally for Britain itself. Making use of Library Research and content analysis methodologies in an explanatory, historical, and qualitative analytical perspective, the paper examined the roots of the Brexit narrative, and within that context, analysed the plausible consequences of Britain’s exit from the Union. The paper concluded that not only will Europe and indeed Africa be hurt by it through the consequences of a possible domino effect on regional organisations and separatist groups worldwide, but also in its reactionary implications, is bound to take Europe back a couple of steps.
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Shkurupii, Olha V., Alla V. Svitlychna, Iryna L. Zahrebelna et Olha A. Svitlychna. « BREXIT : Preconditions, Consequences, Interests and the Main Vectors of Interstate Relations of Great Britain in the Sphere of Trade ». PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 3, no 53 (2022) : 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2022-3-12-19.
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The carried out analysis reflects the essence and course of the Brexit process. In terms of essence, the Great Britain’s exit from the EU should be considered a complex transformational process, which in a real form reproduces the model of structural changes occurring within the framework of a non-balanced open system (dissipative structure). Such a conceptual approach to the interpretation of this process allows us to specify the definition of Brexit as a solution to the intra-system contradiction that has formed within the most complex form of integration, which is the European Union. With the transformation (transformation of the form) and structural changes occurring along this process, a new quality of the basic system together with the separated former elements of this system, which have acquired the status of independent integral system units, is formed. In the future, the dynamics may take the form of either progress or regression. Accordingly, Brexit as a result of the transformation of the economic and political union of European countries is fraught with risks for both sides – as for Great Britain, so for the EU. The economic system of Great Britain is one of the largest and most productive in Europe and the world. Therefore, Brexit has significantly weakened the EU economy, but has not caused a critical deterioration in its condition. Similarly, the Great Britain’s loss of the EU membership, which the country had since 1973, had hindered the possibilities of growth, but did not cause a devastating change in the economy. The situation in the sphere of international trade appears to be similar. For Great Britain, the Brexit transition period has become extremely difficult, as it largely coincided with the protracted period of the COVID-19 pandemic. As a response to the challenges facing the country after Brexit, Great Britain is implementing a model of interstate relations aimed at preserving the partnerships acquired during the period of the EU membership and at the same time forming new ones, being no less effective. Within the limits of this model, the most likely format of equally close economic (including trade) relations «countries of Europe – Great Britain – the USA» will be formed. Trade relations with China remain mutually beneficial for Great Britain, although their context has become significantly politically determined, given the divergence of the interests of the USA and China and the Great Britain’s loss of the role of a conductor of Chinese interests in the EU. Great prospects are opened to Great Britain by the direction of Indo- and Asia-Pacific cooperation, which involves developing relations with countries, the vast majority of which are participants in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).
16
Mayer, Philip, Christopher Stephen Ball, Stefan Vögele, Wilhelm Kuckshinrichs et Dirk Rübbelke. « Analyzing Brexit : Implications for the Electricity System of Great Britain ». Energies 12, no 17 (21 août 2019) : 3212. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en12173212.
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The UK’s exit from the European Union (EU) has potential ramifications for the country’s electricity sector, given its increasing interlinkage with other EU electricity systems. Brexit could hamper the development toward higher market integration and the realization of new interconnector projects. Moreover, a fall in the value of the Pound, resulting from Brexit in the medium term, could also affect the electricity trading structure. Combining a European electricity market model and a multi-criteria decision analysis tool, this study assesses the implications of Brexit for the electricity market of Great Britain (hereafter GB) for 2030, from the perspective of (i) political decision makers, (ii) electricity consumers, and (iii) producers. Results indicate that the implications of Brexit depend on the future development of the GB electricity system and on the objectives of the respective stakeholders. Possible opportunities brought by Brexit under a low-carbon trajectory contrast with greater challenges and tradeoffs between stakeholders under alternative power system development paths. Despite increased British autonomy in energy and climate matters, there remains interdependency between British and EU energy policy.
17
Smedley, Stuart. « Making a Federal Case : Youth Groups, Students and the 1975 European Economic Community Referendum Campaign to Keep Britain in Europe ». Twentieth Century British History 31, no 4 (28 novembre 2020) : 454–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwz043.
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Abstract To persuade the electorate to vote ‘Yes’ in the June 1975 referendum on the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Economic Community, Britain in Europe, the pro-European campaign organization, adopted a pragmatic approach, focusing on the economic benefits of membership and warning about the potentially grave consequences of withdrawal. Importantly, they avoided discussing proposed future advances in European integration. However, this theme was of importance to pro-European youth and student campaign groups—the subject of this article. Through a detailed analysis of their campaign literature, this article further transforms understanding of the 1975 referendum and, especially, the nature of the ‘Yes’ campaign by demonstrating how radical youth groups’ arguments for continued membership were. It argues that young activists yearned to discuss sovereignty and deeper integration in great detail as they offered idealistic visions for how the EEC could develop and benefit Britain. The article also advances knowledge of youth politics in the turbulent 1970s. Greater light is shone on the frustration pro-European youth groups felt towards the main Britain in Europe campaign. Meanwhile, it serves as a case study on the extent to which the perspectives of party-political youth groups and their superiors differed on a specific, highly salient policy issue.
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Falaleev, P. I. « The Marshall Plan and the European Integration : The Stance of Great Britain and France (1947–1948) ». Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no 3 (20 novembre 2020) : 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-165-190.
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The development and implementation of the Marshall Plan has been studied quite thoroughly in both Russian and foreign academic literature. Nevertheless, certain aspects of this problematique require further examination, particularly the reaction of the Western European countries to the initiative of the Secretary of State G. Marshall, as well as the impact of the Plan on the process of the European integration in general. The paper demonstrates that this reaction was far from simple and often contradictory since the key Western states had very different views on the future of mutual relations, as well as on the prospects for post-war recovery and development of Europe. The paper examines the evolution of the French and British leaders’ views on these issues from the first discussions of the projects to provide US aid to Western Europe to the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The negotiations revealed significant points of disagreement among the parties particularly regarding the relations with the USSR, the German question, and conditions for receiving assistance from the United States. The author stresses that the need to defend their interests during the course of negotiations with the US representatives contributed greatly to the rapprochement of Britain and France and, at the same time, catalyzed debates on the integration of Western Europe. In this regard the author emphasizes that the idea of regional economic integration received mixed reaction in the American elites. While some considered this process as an effective means of bringing the Western countries together, particularly, over the German question, others feared that integration of Western Europe could potentially lead to the emergence of a new competitor to the USA. The author concludes that the growing popularity of integration projects in Europe in 1947–1948 stemmed from a range of factors, including both a combination of internal European political processes and short-term and long-term consequences of the Marshall Plan. Whereas in terms of economic development of Western Europe the latter were rather ambiguous and are still the subject of controversy, in terms of world politics the Marshall Plan exacerbated block-to-block confrontation in Europe, characteristic of the Cold War period.
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Bertoldi, Paolo, Silvia Rezessy et Diana Ürge-Vorsatz. « Tradable Certificates for Energy Savings : Opportunities, Challenges, and Prospects for Integration with other Market Instruments in the Energy Sector ». Energy & ; Environment 16, no 6 (novembre 2005) : 959–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/095830505775221498.
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Policy portfolios that include tradable green certificates have been introduced in several European countries to foster market-driven penetration of renewable energy sources. Another widely analysed type of market-based instrument in the energy sector is the tradable emission allowance. Recently tradable certificates for energy savings as a tool to stimulate energy efficiency investments and deliver energy savings have attracted the attention of policy makers. While such schemes have been introduced in different forms in Italy and the Great Britain and considered in other European countries, there is an ongoing debate over their effectiveness and applicability. The paper describes the concept and main elements of schemes that involve tradable certificates for energy savings (TCES) and how these have been put into practice in Italy and the Great Britain. It then compares TCES schemes with energy taxation and mandatory demand-side management (DSM) programs using a set of four criteria. Integration with green certificates and CO2 emissions trading schemes is examined and some possibilities for practical implementation are outlined.
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Sokolov, V. « The Disintegration of the British Empire as a Restructuring of the Geoeconomic System (1947-1972) ». Voprosy Ekonomiki, no 8 (20 août 2009) : 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2009-8-96-109.
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The article considers Great Britain as a "country-system" which organizes global economic structures. The article shows how the United Kingdom was gradually losing its exclusive position in the world trade. The high growth rates in the countries of continental Europe enhanced their attractiveness as trading partners and eventually caused Britains reorientation from preferential links with the countries of the Commonwealth to the European economic integration. The article criticizes widespread opinion that the refusal from colonialism and imperial ambitions was the consequence of developing free trade. Using the heritage of the Empire the United Kingdom ensured more favorable position in the world economy than it could get according to the competitiveness of the mother country.
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Janssen, Joseph I. H. « Postmaterialism, Cognitive Mobilization and Public Support for European Integration ». British Journal of Political Science 21, no 4 (octobre 1991) : 443–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006256.
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This article reviews the trends in public support for European integration in West Germany, France, Italy and Great Britain. The first conclusion is that the picture one gets depends heavily on the indicator one uses to measure support. This finding is probably a consequence of the fact that many people are only dimly aware of the issue. Furthermore, it appears that there are striking cross-national differences in support and in the development of support through time. To explain these differences, as well as the formation of individual attitudes towards integration, Inglehart's theory of the Silent Revolution is used. The theory and its central concepts – postmaterialism and cognitive mobilization – are put on trial at three levels of aggregation. The results are poor. Postmaterialism appears to be unrelated to attitudes towards European integration, while the concept of cognitive mobilization makes sense only at the individual level. The conclusion is therefore that Inglehart's theory is of almost no use in explaining attitudes towards integration and cross-national differences in support.
22
İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. « Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period ». SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, no 4 (17 avril 2022) : 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.
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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia
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Berladyn, Olha. « The Importance of British Teaching Experience (Late 20th – Early 21st Century) for Modern Training of Ukrainian Primary School Teachers in Rural Areas ». Comparative Professional Pedagogy 7, no 1 (1 mars 2017) : 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rpp-2017-0012.
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AbstractThe article deals with peculiarities of primary schools teachers’ professional training in the UK (late 20th – early 21st century) in terms of European integration, analyses development priorities, substantiates the possibilities to use the ideas of the British experience in the training of local primary schools teachers in rural areas. The ideas which have been determined as leading are: development of unified system of standards and teachers training in the context of general integrated requirements for its competence; teachers’ skills to manage their teaching and training activities; modernizing the content of professional training; ensuring continuity of professional training for primary school teachers and their close cooperation with universities, schools and local education system, etc. The results of theoretical research confirm that the development of primary schools in Great Britain has always being and remains a leading factor in the modernization of teacher training. Teacher Education in UK has considerable experience in combining traditional and modern innovation in the time of reforms in that sector, updating the organizational and semantic principles taking into account the European dimension of education. The experience of Great Britain as an active member of formation processes in common European education space, with a rich history, cultural traditions and innovative achievements in terms of professional training of primary school teachers will provide an opportunity to identify and use positive ideas to upgrade the pedagogical education in Ukraine and present its achievements in the European education space. The UK has implemented its own national approach to the modernization of primary school teachers’ professional training on the basis of common European integration processes and changes.
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Harrison, Martin. « Documents on the history of European integration. Vol. 2 : Plans for European union in Great Britain and in exile 1939–1945 ». International Affairs 63, no 3 (1987) : 506–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619299.
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Karpov, Grigory A. « «Other Africans» : Kenyan diaspora in Great Britain ». Asia and Africa Today, no 7 (2021) : 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750014440-6.
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The article is devoted to the study of the Kenyan diaspora of modern Great Britain. The study provides details on the background, main reasons and channels of migration of Kenyans to the UK. The main emphasis is placed on the study of the specifics of immigrants from Kenya, their ethnic composition, gender and age structure, socio-economic indicators. By the end of the colonial era, a de facto regime of racial segregation had been established in Kenya. The main ethnic groups - Europeans, Indians and Africans - actually lived in closed enclaves. It was Europeans and South Asians who made up the backbone of postcolonial migration from this African country. The process of Africanization in the young Kenyan state provoked the massive migration of Indian Kenyans to Great Britain in the 1960-1970s. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the practice of material assistance of British Kenyans to their relatives in Kenya. They are in regular contact with each other, maintaining strong bonds. Private remittances from abroad are one of the main sources of investment in the Kenyan economy in the 2000s and 2010s. Migration to the UK is seen by many Kenyans as a temporary and forced measure, which does not exclude the possibility of returning to their historical homeland. By the nature of settlement, birth rate, material well-being and the degree of success, immigrants from Kenya are close to the South Asian diasporas in the United Kingdom. An education, proficiency in English, together with a general loyalty to British culture, contributes to the rapid and painless integration of Kenyans into the host society.
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Stepanenko, Vladyslav, et Natalia Lokhman. « ASSESSMENT OF THE COMPETITIVENESS OF THE MARITIME TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURE OF UKRAINE AND EUROPEAN COUNTRIES ». Financial and credit activity problems of theory and practice 2, no 43 (29 avril 2022) : 316–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.55643/fcaptp.2.43.2022.3641.
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The article provides an assessment of the competitiveness of the maritime transport infrastructure of Ukraine and European countries. Methods for assessing competitiveness are considered and identified as the most relevant method for assessing the competitiveness of the maritime transport infrastructure of Ukraine and European countries. The main indicators of the competitiveness of the maritime transport infrastructure have been determined for the main factors of ensuring the competitiveness of the maritime transport infrastructure. Highlighted a group of European countries, such as the Netherlands, Germany, Spain, Great Britain, France, Belgium, as they are leaders in the field of maritime transport infrastructure. Several stages were implemented to calculate the integral indicator of the maritime transport infrastructure’s competitiveness. At the first stage, the indicators were standardized, at the second, the weight coefficient of the selected indicators was calculated, at the third stage, the total rank of indicators was calculated, at the fourth stage, the weighting coefficient was calculated for each group of indicators, and at the fifth stage, the integral indicator of the competitiveness of the maritime transport infrastructure was determined. It was determined that the leaders in assessing the integral indicator of the competitiveness of the maritime transport infrastructure are Great Britain (8.13), Germany (7.78), and Belgium (7.07).Ukraine has the lowest rate (4.7).Also, it was found that the most influential are external factors, such as economic, legal, political, social, technological, environmental, integration, institutional (Ukraine — 2.65; Netherlands — 2.87; Germany — 2.07; Spain — 2,19; Great Britain — 1.87; France — 2.16; Belgium — 3.22).The main directions of increasing the competitiveness of the Ukrainian maritime transport infrastructure are proposed, taking into account the experience of the leading countries.
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Bliznyuk, M., et O. Debre. « MODERN TECHNOLOGY EDUCATION IN THE DEVELOPED EUROPEAN COUNTRIES ». Ukrainian professional education, no 8 (25 novembre 2020) : 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2519-8254.2020.8.239452.
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The article analyses the state of technology education integration in economically developed foreign countries in accordance with today’s requirements. The world’s leading trends in the context of providing comprehensive, equitable, and quality technology education as one of the leading goals of sustainable development, approved by the United Nations, are considered.
The structure of technology education in Germany and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland is described; features of technology education integration in France are considered. The importance of technological literacy and technological competence for the development of modern education, in general, is substantiated.
The experience of such economically developed countries as Germany, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, France, and others shows that professional training for work in various fields is carried out today with the help of various educational disciplines. The content of these disciplines is a synthesis of new knowledge about nature, technology, and human activity in all spheres of life. Different terms of technology education are considered as synonyms of one universal goal of labour training by the world scientific and pedagogical community. It is the formation of students’ technological literacy through the development of knowledge and understanding of technology, developing technical skills, and understanding the links between technology and society. The main purpose of primary pupils’ technology education in these countries is the formation of technological literacy and technological competence.
A characteristic trend of the studied countries is that the previously existing labor training in school, based only on the study of materials, tools, and technological processes of materials processing, is considered insufficient and outdated. Thus, the educational process in economically developed countries means primarily students who study changes in technology, and knowledge in this area should be flexible and provide a wide range of applications. Specific emphasis in the curriculum is made on practical activities, which include the following methods: work with means of labour; design product research; excursions and observations; project development; practical assessment; and history of technology development.
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Troitino, David Ramiro, Tanel Kerikmäe et Olga Shumilo. « Margaret Thatcher and the EU ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 11-2 (1 novembre 2020) : 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi45.
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The article highlights the key points of Margaret Thatcher’s activities in the context of relations with the European Community (later the European Union) as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The authors describe the stages of Thatcher’s formation as a politician, the circumstances that shaped her relations with the leaders of France and Germany, and the prerequisites for reaching compromises in the economic and political spheres. The article analyzes Thatcher’s position on the Single European act, as well as the reasons for the geopolitical miscalculation regarding the document’s further role in European integration. The Prime Minister’s opinion on the potential of forming European defense within the framework of the concept of intergovernmentalism and its place in the system of relations between the EU and the United States is studied.
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Troitino, David Ramiro, Tanel Kerikmäe et Olga Shumilo. « Margaret Thatcher and the EU ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 11-2 (1 novembre 2020) : 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi45.
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The article highlights the key points of Margaret Thatcher’s activities in the context of relations with the European Community (later the European Union) as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The authors describe the stages of Thatcher’s formation as a politician, the circumstances that shaped her relations with the leaders of France and Germany, and the prerequisites for reaching compromises in the economic and political spheres. The article analyzes Thatcher’s position on the Single European act, as well as the reasons for the geopolitical miscalculation regarding the document’s further role in European integration. The Prime Minister’s opinion on the potential of forming European defense within the framework of the concept of intergovernmentalism and its place in the system of relations between the EU and the United States is studied.
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Nuhanović, Amra, et Jasmila Pašić. « The Crisis (of Idea) of European Union : Conditions and Possibilities to Overcome ». International Business Research 12, no 8 (18 juillet 2019) : 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v12n8p53.
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Focal point of research is crisis (of idea) of European Union (EU), and conditions and possible directions of its overcoming. The authors have come to very important conclusion, regarding the fact that the Union is facing a great challenge, unity and further integration is needed in order to overcome many weaknesses and ensure further development, prosperity and unity. Building a common European identity, the economic crisis, the euro crisis, the migration crisis, exit of the Great Britain from the EU are all the weaknesses facing the EU and they are posing a threat to EU unity. The sustainability of the EU concept is brought into question and there is an obvious need for changes in its action. Basic scientific methods used in the research: deductive and inductive methods, methods of analysis and synthesis, methods of abstraction and concretization, and economic-historical method.
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Troitiño, David Ramiro. « The British Position towards European Integration : A Different Economic and Political Approach ». Baltic Journal of European Studies 4, no 1 (1 juin 2014) : 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2014-0007.
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Abstract The United Kingdom has had an important position in Europe for centuries. Often it is seen as an anti-European country, or as being anti-integration in Europe but it is just defending its own interests, which in many cases hare differed from other members of the European Communities. The UK policy towards European cooperation has been influenced by the particular interest of the country, but there has always been a strong relation between the British and Europe. Great Britain had the biggest empire in human history spread all over the globe, and hence its interest was global rather than limited to local European states. The UK was a victorious country in the Second World War, the only Western European state that participated actively in Nazi defeat. As an important consequence, British nationalism was seen as a positive force to unite all the British against an external threat. During centuries, the British economy has been based on trade, and internationally the government supported and expanded the free trade idea in the world economy to European trade relations. This paper analyzes the main issues that explain the special relations between the EU and the UK. The paper is developed from a historical point of view with a methodology’ based on the critical review of historical facts from a global perspective of the whole traditional approach of the UK towards European integration.
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Hrubinko, Andrii. « Britain’s Participation in Foreign and Security Policy of The European Union : Review of Russian Historiography ». European Historical Studies, no 6 (2017) : 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.25-47.
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The article analyzes the achievements of Russian historical science in examining of scientific problem of the UK’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The author splits the scientific publications of Russian researchers into three groups: 1) general works on the history of the formation CFSP of the EU; 2) those on the history of the country’s participation in European integration as a separate direction of foreign policy; 3) works specifically investigating the participation of Great Britain in CFSP of the EU. In conclusions, a list of leading research academic and university centers of Russia for the research of this problem is given. The conclusions as well comprise a list of scientific issues which often publish articles on European politics of Great Britain. The critical analysis of the illumination of the proposed topic delivered in the publications of Russian historians is presented. It is noted that the issue of participation the UK in Common Foreign and Security Policy as a relatively new and specific direction of the EU development is a part of the research topics of the Russian historians, however, it hasn’t become a priority and remains insufficiently developed. This is evidenced by the absence of any kind of special publications. The historical experience of participation of the UK in developing and implementing the CFSP of the EU in the Russian historiography was mainly covered in the general context position of the British government in relation to the European integration. In the publications avaluable, the analysis of the theoretical-conceptual basics and strategic approaches of the British government to the foreign policy component of the European integration at different stages of its development remains predominant. The issues of participation of the official London in the specific projects of the EU’s foreign policy are insufficiently explored. The history of the country’s Eastern European policy is barely covered as well. The issues of participation of the Royal Armed Forces in the civil and military missions of the EU and military-technical cooperation states of the Union are unexplored either. The issues touching upon the policy of Gordon Brown’s and David Cameron’s governments on the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy are virtually unexplored.
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Alba, Richard, et Nancy Foner. « Mixed Unions and Immigrant-Group Integration in North America and Western Europe ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 662, no 1 (11 octobre 2015) : 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215594611.
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We examine unions between individuals with non-Western immigrant origins and those from the native majorities in six North American and Western European countries: Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and the United States. The analysis shows that certain deep social cleavages, involving African ancestry in the United States and Muslim religion in Western Europe, hinder the formation of mixed unions; in the European case, low rates of mixed unions are linked in some countries to high rates of transnational marriage. Overall, the rates of mixed unions appear to be higher in Canada, France, and the United States, suggesting a role for integration-related ideologies. In the case of the United States, we are able to trace the consequences of mixed unions, which appear likely to have the effect of changing, or expanding, the societal mainstream. Yet we conclude that mixed unions do not have a uniform significance for integration and that their effects are context-dependent.
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ГРУБИНКО, Андрій. « Идея европейской политической интеграции в истории международных отношений и Великобритания = Ideya yevropeyskoy politicheskoy integratsii v istorii mezhdunarodnykh otnosheniy i Velikobritaniya ». Historia i Świat 5 (12 septembre 2016) : 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2016.05.16.
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The article examines the historical origins and characteristics of Great Britain’s European policy from the Middle Ages to the II World War in the context of general trends of development international relations in Europe. Special attention is paid to the analysis of theoretical concepts of leading European political integration. Views of the European (continental) and English (British) thinkers and politicians on the problem of European political unity are presented. According the author’s conclusions we may confirm about the specific British model of European integration and participation the country in processes of regional political association. The imperial strategy of “splendid isolation” in 18th – 19th centuries was embodied in the main principle of the Britain’s European policy and formulated in 1930 by Winston Churchill: “We are with Europe but don’t belong to it.” At the same time, the political thought of UK was developed in line with European trends. William Penn, John Bellers, Jeremy Bentham, James Lorimer put forward their own vision of European political unity. During the II World War the idea of European integration has gained popularity. The originality of British culture, great practical historical experience of European policy, supported by theoretical projects of European political unity formed the necessary basis for the start process of practical implementation idea of European political integration during the second half of the ХХth century.
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Atakishieva, Dzhamilya Gunduz Kyzy, et Natal'ya Nikolaevna Naumova. « The evolution of integration policy of Charles de Gaulle (mid 1950s – late 1960s) ». Genesis : исторические исследования, no 8 (août 2021) : 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.8.36041.
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This article traces the evolution of the Western European policy of the General Charles de Gaulle during his presidency. In the early 1950s, he willingly cooperated with the European countries in terms of creating the economic union; however, in the course of solution of decolonization issues and, namely the Algerian problem that constrained the implementation of the key vectors of state policy, the president began focused on advancing the concept of national mightiness of France and commitment to the principles of intergovernmental cooperation in the development of integration. Charles de Gaulle fought for the foundation of the political union “Europe of the Homelands”, in which France would be assigned a significant role. The article analyzes de Gaulle’s failures in negotiations with the “P5+1” countries, which once again demonstrated to the Europeans that building integration is a long and complex process that does not tolerate rapid decisions and requires the ability to compromise. Special attention is turned to the development of integration policy of the General Charles de Gaulle based on his formal speeches, correspondence, and memoirs. De Gaulle's efforts in the sphere of integration policy of the Fifth Republic yielded certain results. First and foremost, he was able to establish the superiority of national principles in addressing the general policy issues in the European Community. Secondly, he prevented the Great Britain from joining the Common Market, as from his opinion it was an economic and political competitor of France. Thirdly, de Gaulle strengthened the international reputation of France as the country that was at the dawn and in the lead of the integration processes in Europe.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh. « EUROPEAN UNION AND GREAT BRITAIN IS SEEKING NEW FORMS OF COOPERATION Review of the monograph by A.V. Grubinko, A. Yu. Martynov “The European Union after BREXIT : a continuation of history” (Ternopil – Kyiv, 2021. 258 p.). » European Historical Studies, no 19 (2021) : 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.8.
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The authors of the monograph focused on the scientific analysis of an actual scientific and applied topic, which concerns the problem of adaptation of the European Union to the new conditions that have emerged since the UK left the EU. It is symbolic that this process coincided with the crisis of the globalization process due to the pandemic and its challenges to international security. The modern European Union is both an international and a state-like entity, which combines the features of at least three state unions: an international intergovernmental organization, a confederation and a federation. This not only determines the complexity of the subject of study, but also its inconsistency. In conditions of radical social change, it is always difficult to track and adequately analyze them. This titanic task is further complicated by the presence of an in-house methodological crisis in the family of social sciences. Therefore, given all these objective difficulties, we can only welcome attempts to find a new theoretical and methodological synthesis, which should help society to understand the essence of historical time and act in it as rationally and efficiently as possible. The pages of the monograph raise questions about the heuristic potential of the study of the problem of European historical experience; in addition, significant attention is paid to the coverage of a systematic approach to the social vector of European policy. It also addresses the issue of solving key social problems that stand in the way of qualitative deepening of European integration while maintaining the basic guidelines of social market economy. Among these issues, the authors highlight and analyze the most important aspects, which relate primarily to overcoming poverty and combating unemployment. The monograph outlines the range of methodological problems of transformational historical period, involved in its study synthesizing approach, which consists in the use of historical, socio-philosophical, economic, political science, legal approaches. This approach allows to restore the synthesis of scientific knowledge, which is often disrupted not only by the tendency to specialized fragmentation of complex objects of study, but also allows to take into account the specifics of the transitional historical period. In a geographical sense, not all European regions are equally developed, due to their different economic specialization, which has developed as a result of the historical division of labor. Eventually, there is a tendency to shifting responsibility for solving the problems of poor regions to themselves. The same German experience with the unification of East and West of the country has shown that even huge investments in infrastructure development, introduction of new technologies, efforts to increase productivity – all this together do not solve quickly enough the problem of social convergence. The leveling of the social space of richer and poorer federal states is rather slow. Last but not least, these problems became a good reason for the Great Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union. The issue of the monograph is of practical importance for the foreign policy of Ukraine. After all, the European Union is an important neighbor, trade and political partner of Ukraine and accession to it is actually declared as a prototype of a strategic national idea. The European project is essentially postmodern, as it seeks to overcome the modernism with which nationalism is associated and to reach a level of tolerant agreement of different national interests. The intensification of the globalization process has prompted integration structures to perform functions that limit national sovereignty. Historiographical discourse of common foreign and defense policy of European Union proves that this strategic course of European integration depends on the ability of elites and peoples of Europe to find a common European identity and organize around it the process of determining the place and role of the European Union in the modern system of international relations. This process in the distant historical perspective remains an open possibility with an unguaranteed positive or negative result. Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union, which was unexpected for many researchers of European integration, matured gradually. The authors of the peer-reviewed monograph list the main trends that influenced this decision. First of all, we are talking about the unregulated EU development strategy, the fate of the common European currency, the imperfection of the system of decision-making in the field of common foreign and security policy, which led to an ineffective EU response to Russian and Chinese autocratic challenges. Despite the objective problems associated with mutual adaptation of old and new EU member states, the European integration project continues to be seen as the key to addressing the challenges of modern life and finding answers to the challenges of globalization. In particular, in the final sixth chapter, the author focuses on the theoretical, methodological and practical analysis of the problem of democracy. The authors of the monograph are looking for an answer to the question of what the European Union will be like after the exit of Great Britain. No less important is the question of whether Britain will become a “global” Britain after leaving the European Union. Of course, Britain is concerned about turning the EU into a superpower that has not only its own flag, anthem, currency, but also the germ of a common European army and tries to pursue a common foreign and defense policy. London advocates stronger resistance from China and ousting Russia from Europe. Changing regional influences in the EU may create a new structure of conflict of interest not only for individual countries but also for various regional groups. The issue of a clear division of powers between supranational and national authorities at all levels seems ripe. More adequate to this trend will be not so much a more centralized federalist Europe as a decentralized confederative one. By the way, the model of the latter looks more open for further expansion. This work is imbued with the spirit of realistic Europeanism. Therefore, not least because of this, the peer-reviewed monograph will become a notable phenomenon in domestic European studies.
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Grazi, Laura. « Origini e sfide della politica regionale comunitaria : dagli studi preliminari all'Atto unico europeo (1957-1986) ». MEMORIA E RICERCA, no 30 (juillet 2009) : 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-030005.
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- The article describes the different stages which marked the elaboration of the EEC regional policy starting from the preliminary studies in the Sixties to the formal inclusion of this domain in the Single European Act (1986). The creation of the European Regional Development Fund (1975) and its reforms are crucial events in the definition of the EEC regional policy which highlight the slow and difficult passage from a system redistributing money among Member States to the launch of new form of supranational territorial solidarity. The ERDF, that was initially linked to the need to rearrange the financial benefits of membership/accession to the EEC for some members States (in particular, Italy and Great Britain), was later rearranged in order to allow more autonomous policy choices at the Community level (Community programmes). The Integrated Mediterranean Programmes, adopted in the Eighties, are the symbol of this new approach because they linked EEC regional measures to common problems arising from economic integration and increased the coordinating functions of the Commission.Parole chiave: Politica regionale della CEE, Commissione europea, Economie regionali, FESR, Programmi comunitari, PIM EEC Regional Policy; European Commission, Regional Economies, European Regional Development Fund, Community Programmes, Integrated Mediterranean Programmes
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Butorina, O. V. « EUROPEAN UNION AFTER THE CRISIS : DECLIN OR RENAISSANCE ? » MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 4(31) (28 août 2013) : 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-71-81.
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The second challenging period (after the «eurosclerosis» of the 70-th) in the history of European integration has been going on for eight years. Measures taken by the EU institutions prevented the disintegration of the euro area, but the crisis is not over. We distinguish its four main consequences for the integration: 1) growing federalization of the euro zone, 2) a switch from multi-speed to a two- or three-tier integration model, 3) economization of decision-making process in the euro area, and 4) clearer demarcation of borders within the EU and with its neighbours. The rotation in the ECB Governing Council that may start in 2015, is likely to consolidate the leadership of the "hard core" countries in the decisionmaking process. Further communitarization of the economic part of the EMU makes it more difficult for newcomers to join the euro area and practically closes this window of opportunity for the Great Britain. The crisis revealed the objective limits of EU enlargement, the accession of Turkey became hardly realistic, as well as the start of accession negotiations with Ukraine. The return to a sustainable development of the EU countries requires deep modernization of the European economy and society. However, the ways of this modernization has not been determined yet. It is clear that further accumulation of wealth and growing consumption cannot be a solution. The headline targets and indicators of the "Europe 2020" strategy will be implemented only partially. Modernization process will be hampered by the lack of funding for basic science, which occurred due to the end of the "cold war", as well as social factors whose role in the economic progress had been previously underestimated. Upgrading the EU integration strategy will be possible after the elections to the European Parliament and the appointment of the new Commission in 2014.
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Hrubinko, Andriy. « Formation of the Foreign Policy Dimension of European Integration in the 40’s – 80’s Years of the 20th Century ». European Historical Studies, no 15 (2020) : 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.15.1.
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The article is devoted to study history of formation mechanisms of foreign policy of the European Communities in the period before creation of the European Union (40s – 80s of the XXth century). The dynamics formation of the foreign and security component of European integration from the first postwar projects of political association of the leading states of Western Europe (France and Great Britain) to creation in the early 1970s of a mechanism of European political cooperation (EPC) and its further activity are traced. The article analyzes political and legal status, evolution of the organizational structure, main activities, international achievements and miscalculations in the work of the EPC. Positions of Member States of the European Communities on development of their foreign policy and security components have been taken into account. The conclusions stated that the processes of European integration in the post-war period began precisely from the political sphere. However, due to differences in the strategic views of the states of Western Europe, their unwillingness to surrender state sovereignty in favor of European political institutions, as well as the position of the United States, it very quickly moved into the formation of a purely economic regional association. At the same time, the scale of economic integration and international policy tendencies have led to the formation of the system of political cooperation, which has become commonplace in the work of the Community institutions and the interaction of the Member States. On the whole, the EPC remained a weak and declarative practice of regular inter-state meetings at various levels, because it was outside the system of institutions and the regulatory framework of the European Communities. National ambitions of the Member States, each of which often favored the established priorities of its own foreign policy over the common interests of the union. Achieved level of political unification positions and actions of the Member States of the European Communities did not significantly increase the influence of integration in the international space until the formation of the European Union.
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Arsalidou, Demetra, et Alison Lui. « Post-Brexit Britain and the pay culture : challenges and opportunities ». Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 69, no 2 (11 mai 2018) : 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v69i2.84.
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This paper examines the impact of Brexit on financial services regulation in relation to three areas linked to executive remuneration. They are: the bonus cap; the clawback of pay; and the level of disclosure required by shareholders with regard to details of directors’ remuneration. It will be argued that legally Brexit will have little impact on any of the three areas. UK legislation has already incorporated a great deal of EU legislation. The status quo of retaining such legal restrictions seems sensible in light of public sentiment towards unfairness in executive compensation and uncertainty towards the Brexit negotiations. Nevertheless, London faces stiff competition from other major international financial centres in a post-Brexit era. The loss of single passporting rights is also encouraging major banks to invest in other European financial centres. Brexit creates opportunities too. With the integration of digital technology, it is possible to create convenient platforms where investors can access reports on executive remuneration.
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Horoshko, Valentyna, Yehor Nazymko et Yurii Pavliutin. « CRIMINAL PROCEDURE LAW OF UKRAINE IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION : PROBLEMATIC ECONOMIC AND LEGAL ISSUES, WAYS OF REFORMING ». Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 8, no 3 (30 septembre 2022) : 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2022-8-3-48-52.
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The subject of the study is the coverage of problematic issues and ways of reforming the criminal procedure legislation of Ukraine in the context of European integration. Methodology. The methodological basis of the study is a dialectical method of scientific knowledge, through the application of this method the legal, functional, organizational and procedural aspects of methodological approaches to the understanding of problematic issues are considered and the ways of reforming the criminal procedure legislation of Ukraine in the context of European integration are considered. The results of the article analyze the current criminal procedure legislation of Ukraine and the legislation of the countries of the European Union. When analyzing the French criminal procedure, two main features can be identified, which distinguish it from the Anglo-Saxon legal system and are criticized by experts from Great Britain and the United States. In France judges are vested with considerable powers. The first feature of French criminal procedure is the institution of preliminary interrogation of the accused by the presiding judge. The judge verifies the sufficiency of the evidence for a conviction. Conclusion. So, based on the above, it is possible to conclude that the Criminal Procedure Code of Ukraine was created in the spirit of democratic values, but some of its norms need to be reformed in order to improve the mechanism of protection of the rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of an individual. The practical experience of France, the Federal Republic of Germany and Great Britain is relevant. The shortcomings of the Criminal Procedure Code of Ukraine are highlighted. The prospects for their reform are outlined and amendments to the current legislation in the context of European integration are proposed. Prospects for further research: a) the study of the experience of individual foreign countries in the context of the improvement of criminal procedural norms; b) analysis of the possibility of harmonization of criminal procedural legislation of Ukraine with the norms of the European Union; c) development of an effective mechanism of relations between the subjects of criminal proceedings. The issue of the relevance and admissibility of evidence is also important. Articles 87-89 of the CPC of Ukraine establish the grounds and procedure for declaring evidence inadmissible. However, judicial practice shows a large number of criminal proceedings against public persons, which the court had to terminate due to the lack of evidence, due to the inadmissibility or improper nature of the evidence. The authors believe that the legislative regulation of the process of collecting evidence in the UK is a positive experience for Ukraine.
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Parkhomenko, I. I. « THE CONCEPT OF CULTURAL AND CREATIVE INDUSTRIES IN THE EUROPEAN ACADEMIC FIELD AND POLICIES OF THE EU AND GREAT BRITAIN ». UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no 1 (2017) : 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2017.1.16.
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Current European integration course in Ukraine requires rethinking Ukrainian scientific and policies meaning of the cultural sphere as the set of cultural industries, which produce and distribute goods or services with special cultural value, irrespective of the commercial value they may have. According to the main UN Resolutions, UNESCO Conventions and legal activity of the European Commission since 90th of XX century cultural assets are considered to be - an instrument and resource of economic, cultural and social sustainable development of states, cities and regions. New conditions require scientific methods for modelling Ukrainian cultural industries, identification of the priority industries. Besides the concept of cultural industries European scientists and governmental officials, use the concept of creative industries, especially, for the policymaking. All that show the need for clarification of these concepts in Ukrainian scientific field and policies making practice for governmental purposes. The purpose of this article is to study the meaning of the concepts of cultural and creative industries according to the European scientific discourse and policies making documents in the EU and the UK. The article shows that modern European scientists do not use the tradition of critical interpretation of the cultural industry, which was offered by representatives of the Frankfurt School in the mid-twentieth century. Scientists improve concepts to identify the sphere of culture as an economic reality, which is reflected in the specific governmental documents of the UK, the EU and UNESCO for policies making to improve sustainable development. The models of cultural and creative industries offer a logic of distinction according to the basis of the value component: the output of the creative activity has utility that is more functional for the consumers; it could be a component of the production of other industries, not only cultural industries. Cultural output has cultural value. The purpose of the creative industries is to produce goods and services for the commercial trade. Cultural industries produce cultural content, which embodies or conveys cultural expressions.
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Pamuk, Şevket. « Anatolia and Egypt during the Nineteenth Century : A Comparison of Foreign Trade and Foreign Investment ». New Perspectives on Turkey 7 (1992) : 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/s0896634600000480.
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For the economies of the Middle East, the nineteenth century was a period of rapid integration into the world economy. Some of the forces behind this process came from Europe. In the aftermath of the Industrial Revolution, Great Britain and later the Continental economies began to turn towards areas beyond Europe in order to establish markets for their manufactures and also secure inexpensive sources of foodstuffs and raw materials. As a result, European commercial penetration into the Middle East gained new momentum in the 1820s after the end of the Napoleonic Wars. Later, starting around mid-century, commercial penetration began to be accompanied by European investments in the Middle East in the forms of lending to governments and direct investment in railways, ports, banks, trading companies, and even agricultural land. A large part of this investment served to increase the export orientation of the Middle Eastern economies.
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Hrubinko, Andrii. « Conflict-Generating Potential of Brexit : National, Regional, and Global Dimensions ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XXI (2020) : 803–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837//2707-7683-2020-41.
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The article presents the research findings on a set of challenges and threats to the national and international order that have arisen as a result of Brexit. As far as the author is concerned, Brexit has not only a significant conflict-generating impact on British realities but also causes tremendous challenges and threats to international security. The means of preventing and addressing these challenges are far from obvious and are yet to be fully developed. Most of the challenges, just like the UK’s withdrawal from the EU, have a negative impact on Ukraine’s international status and prospects in the global arena, particularly with regard to European integration and counter the Russian aggression. The regional, or all-European, implications of Brexit are manifested in rising Euroskepticism, pervasive disintegration (nationalist) sentiments in EU member states, heavy image losses of European integration in general and the EU in particular as its principal outcome, weakened abilities of the EU in the strategically important sphere of foreign and security policy, the slowdown in the fundamental process of EU enlargement, and a significant realignment of political forces in the union. The global implications of Brexit consist in the EU’s weakened international standing, the enhanced process of reviewing EU-US relations, a new, almost unprecedented, technological level of information propaganda, and a rapprochement of the EU and Russia. The historical and modern trends analysed permit a preliminary conclusion on who will ultimately benefit most from the completion of Brexit and the UK’s permanent withdrawal from the EU, which has become a part of the regional and global struggle for influence in international relations. Keywords: Brexit, Great Britain, European Union, European integration, conflict-generating potential, international relations.
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Yi, Okyeon. « Exploring the Brexit as an Option over European Regional Integration, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Island, or Both ». Journal of international area studies 23, no 1 (31 janvier 2019) : 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2019.1.23.1.217.
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Квеліашвілі, І. М. « Brexit : signs of disintegration of the EU customs union under the conditions of globalization ». PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ASPECTS 7, no 4 (23 mai 2019) : 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151923.
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The processes of changing the world's space, turning it into a single zone, the unimpeded movement of goods, services, information, capital are aspects of the globalization of world economies. In this space, ideas that contribute to the development of relevant institutional formations and form their communicative connections are more freely distributed. Ukraine is on the way to solving the European integration tasks defined in the Association Agreement with the EU, the implementation of customs legislation, the purpose of which is not only the establishment and existence of a free trade zone, but also a more in-depth integration. The purpose of the article is to review possible scenarios concerning the conditions of movement of goods across the customs border, in the event of a final decision on the withdrawal of Great Britain from the EU Customs Unio Today, it has already been recognized that the integration persistence of the EU Customs Union was threatened by the name Brexit. This phenomenon, as a challenge to integration in a globalized world, gives impetus to a moderate choice of concept and form of integration for the future perspective of economic development of the member countries and candidate -countries for membership in the Community. The European integration policy of Ukraine's economic policy, along with urgent issues requiring a priority solution and fulfillment of obligations, should also be considered under the criterion of probable risks and threats to national interests. The article gives moderate arguments from UK analysts regarding the UK's exit from the EU, the urgent issues regarding the varied prospects of customs relations between the European Union and the UK, as well as the EU Customs Union. Influence of possible scenarios of "soft Brexit", "hard Brexit" on foreign economic activity of the country and its activity.
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VASYLENKO, Yuliia. « EUROPEAN EXPERIENCE IN THE TRAINING OF MEDICAL EDUCATION MANAGEMENT SPECIALISTS ». Dnipro Academy of Continuing Education Herald. Series : Public Management and Administration, Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022) (31 août 2022) : 43–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54891/2786-6998-2022-1-7.
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The article examines the European experience in the field of training specialists in the management of medical education in Germany and Great Britain. It was determined that there is a widespread opinion in Ukraine that in the educational sphere of health care reforms were not implemented at all or were implemented ineffectively. This was facilitated by the vision that the main efforts of the executive authorities were aimed at preventing the collapse of the existing health care system and maintaining a minimum level of social security. On the basis of the analysis of the researches of domestic scientists, it was concluded that the results of their scientific researches make it possible to deepen the understanding of the problems of training specialists in the management of medical education. At the same time, the issue of applying foreign experience of such training has not been comprehensively reflected in the field of public administration knowledge. It was found that in the conditions of European integration, reforming the medical education system is impossible without taking into account the European experience, which will contribute to the development and implementation of a national comprehensive mechanism of public management of medical education. The reviewed various master’s programs in the field of medical education management in Germany and Great Britain revealed their advantages over those available today in Ukraine. It was determined that the introduction of standards for the training of masters of state management of medical education in European countries will contribute to the improvement of the content of domestic master’s programs, while creating greater employment opportunities on the domestic and global labor market. It was found that the professional training of the management personnel of the medical education system is extremely important and relevant today in Ukraine, due to the fact that in many European countries there is a growing interest in the training of highly qualified managers in the medical education system. The main efforts of European educational programs are aimed at increasing the level of requirements for the competence characteristics of managers of medical education institutions. Ways to overcome the problems of training medical education management specialists based on the introduction of new educational programs are proposed.
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Борисенко, Ірина Василівна, Оксана Павлівна Биконя, Ольга Олександрівна Рембач, Лариса Петрівна Шумна, Олександр Іванович Олійник et Вікторія Олександрівна Аніщенко. « EXPERIENCE OF ICT IMPLEMENTATION IN PRIMARY CURRICULUM IN UKRAINE AND THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND ». Information Technologies and Learning Tools 75, no 1 (24 février 2020) : 42–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33407/itlt.v75i1.3151.
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The study was formulated within the context of an increasing recognition of ICT as curriculum priorities in primary schools of many European countries. The implementation of ICT-centered curriculum is a step towards realizing the goals of the new Law of Ukraine “On Education” (2017), National Strategy for the Development of Education in Ukraine until 2021, European strategic programme “Education and Training 2020”. Actuality of approaches to ICT implementation in present-day primary schools is caused by the substantial development of digital technologies and requirement of digital literacy for people’s work, social, and personal lives. The unique opportunity of primary education as a large sub-sector of any education system is to contribute to the renewal of societies through education of the young. The paper aims to study implementation of Computer science into national standard of primary education in Ukraine and the UK. In the recent years, many European countries have seen some changes of the content one of which relates to the area of computer science education that resulted in implementing an ambitious new curriculum in this subject. The author gives a comparative analysis of primary ICT within national standards in term of the Computer science development from the initial stage to present day situation. The comparative analysis specifies areas of similarities (aims, objectives, approaches to implementation, priorities of developing digital skills, teaching hours) and differences (programme topics, characterization of learning outcomes) in the study of ICT covering the subject content, expected learning results and general principles of ICT in education, as well as examples of ICT implementation.
The paper is also focused at discussing the role of the ICT curriculum in modern-day primary classroom; advantages and disadvantages of ICT integration at primary stage.
Much attention is paid to how it is integrated into daily learning modes to allow and encourage active learning. In primary education there are two main models of ICT implementation into curriculum, these are: ICT integrated across the curriculum; ICT (or Informatics, Computer Science and Computing) as a discrete subject within national standard.
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Malet, Giorgio. « Una nuova frattura in Europa ? » Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 74, no 2 (30 décembre 2015) : 57–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9257.
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In the enduring debate regarding the structure of political competition, substantial evidence has been accumulated on the emergence of a new European dimension and on its relevance in some national elections. Yet, there have been few attempts to match the supply side with the demand side of electoral politics through cross-national studies. To fill the gap, this article adopts a two-step procedure. On the one hand, it investigates the political potential of Euroscepticism tracing back the fault lines of a new cleavage to processes of economic competition, cultural diversity and political integration. On the other, it showcases the uneven process of politicization of the EU issues in Italy, France, and United Kingdom. In these countries the growing difficulties of mainstream parties to deal with issues that crosscut the traditional left-right dimension have paved the way to the success of new anti-establishment parties. These challengers have exploited conflicts and issues generated by the integration process thus undermining the conventional dynamics of party competition. Nonetheless, preferences on the integration process affect voting behaviour only in Great Britain and, partially, in France, while in the Italian case there is still little evidence of EU issue voting.
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Ozhigina, Vera V. « STRUCTURAL CHANGES IN TRADE IN GOODS OF THE EAEU WITH ASEAN, SCO AND EU ». International Trade and Trade Policy, no 1 (31 mars 2018) : 50–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2018-1-50-66.
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The article considers tendencies, peculiarities and problems of formation of geographical, commodity, industrial structure of export and import of goods, by the degree of their technological intensity (manufacturing), between the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and regional integration groups, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), European Union (EU) and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The analysis was conducted using UNCTAD statistics on the digit commodity codes of the International Standard Trade Classification (SATC). The directions of trade diversification are offered. The countries for access of the EAEU to the markets of manufactures of ASEAN, EU and SCO are selected. Positive changes in the structure of trade, especially with ASEAN as well as the SCO, are noted. On the basis of calculation of index of intra-industry trade the sensitive goods are allocated, in trade by which EAEU competes with integration groups, the directions of development of industrial cooperation and inclusion in Global Value Chains (GVC) are offered. The presence of a large number of sensitive positions in trade with China, India, Poland, Great Britain, France, Vietnam, Singapore is noted. Prospective export products have been identified into these integration groups, recommendations to reduce barriers to trade have been developed.