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1
Pomfret, Richard. « Measuring the economic consequences of British membership of the European Economic Community ». Applied Economics 17, no 4 (août 1985) : 705–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/758534700.
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Aqui, Lindsay. « Macmillan, Nkrumah and the 1961 Application for European Economic Community Membership ». International History Review 39, no 4 (27 octobre 2016) : 575–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2016.1245675.
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Gavrilov, Doina. « Europeanization of Turkey and the Long Way to EU Membership ». International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 86 (mars 2019) : 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.86.1.
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For a few decades, Europe watches Turkey evolution in a matter of politics, policy, policies, human rights and so on. Everything begins in 1959 when Turkey applies to associate membership to the European Economic Community. But unfortunately for Turkey, the accession to the Community was not to accomplish. In time, the European Economic Community became the European Union. The organization pass through the enlargement process multiple times that today it is the Union of the 28 countries, but still without Turkey as a member. After all this time, a question is raised: what drags Turkey from achieving the membership status in all this time? In this paper, we try to answer the above question through the Europeanization spectrum.
4
Cogen, Marc. « Membership, Associate Membership and Pre-accession Arrangements of CERN, ESO, ESA, and EUMETSAT ». International Organizations Law Review 9, no 1 (2012) : 145–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-00901008.
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Although there is abundant literature on membership of international organizations such as the United Nations, the European Union or the WTO, membership issues concerning European scientific organizations are rarely looked upon. This can be explained by the focus of the legal community on political and economic organizations. The introduction of the article clarifies why separate European scientific organizations were needed and how the scientific community created European cooperation on a sectoral basis, sometimes aided by US scientists. The scientific organizations maintained themselves as independent organizations notwithstanding the absorptive capacity demonstrated by the dynamics of the European Union. The article argues that the four European scientific organizations developed a similar but not identical legal practice regarding admission of new member states and membership obligations. CERN and ESA are the two conceptual models for the development of legal solutions to membership questions which contributes to the formation of a similar law pattern of European scientific organizations. Treaty amendment has been avoided and legal practice is developed by the plenary organ, the Council. Legal similarities offer the advantage to states, as members of the four scientific organizations, to understand better the particular nature of scientific organizations and their operations. The article pays attention to recent expansion of membership as a complex issue which reinforced the adoption of similar legal solutions and the introduction of a pre-accession policy with increased membership conditionality.
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Roper, Steven D. « The European Community as an Agent of Reform : EC Admission Criteria and Romania ». American Review of Politics 15 (1 avril 1994) : 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.105-121.
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This analysis examines the role o f the European Community in the transition to democracy and a market economy in Romania. Specifically, the EC admission criteria developed during the second enlargement (viz., the democratic reform of. economic transformation of. and foreign policy of applicant states) are applied to a case study o f Romania in order to understand why Romania was offered associate membership in the EC. It is found that both EC and Romanian officials see Romania's associate membership as a vehicle for further political and economic reform within that country. An implication is that the EC may view further Southeastern enlargement as a hedge against instability in the region.
6
Ali, M. El–Agraa. « On‘Measuring the economic consequences of British membership of the European Economic Community’ by Professor Richard Pomfret ». Applied Economics 17, no 4 (août 1985) : 709–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/758534701.
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Smedley, Stuart. « Making a Federal Case : Youth Groups, Students and the 1975 European Economic Community Referendum Campaign to Keep Britain in Europe ». Twentieth Century British History 31, no 4 (28 novembre 2020) : 454–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwz043.
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Abstract To persuade the electorate to vote ‘Yes’ in the June 1975 referendum on the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Economic Community, Britain in Europe, the pro-European campaign organization, adopted a pragmatic approach, focusing on the economic benefits of membership and warning about the potentially grave consequences of withdrawal. Importantly, they avoided discussing proposed future advances in European integration. However, this theme was of importance to pro-European youth and student campaign groups—the subject of this article. Through a detailed analysis of their campaign literature, this article further transforms understanding of the 1975 referendum and, especially, the nature of the ‘Yes’ campaign by demonstrating how radical youth groups’ arguments for continued membership were. It argues that young activists yearned to discuss sovereignty and deeper integration in great detail as they offered idealistic visions for how the EEC could develop and benefit Britain. The article also advances knowledge of youth politics in the turbulent 1970s. Greater light is shone on the frustration pro-European youth groups felt towards the main Britain in Europe campaign. Meanwhile, it serves as a case study on the extent to which the perspectives of party-political youth groups and their superiors differed on a specific, highly salient policy issue.
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Bye, Paul James, et Paul Lansing. « New Membership and the Future of the European Community ». World Competition 15, Issue 3 (1 mars 1992) : 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/woco1991017.
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Pinder, John. « The Future of the European Community : A Strategy for Enlargement ». Government and Opposition 27, no 4 (1 octobre 1992) : 414–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1992.tb00421.x.
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THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN WIDENING AND DEEPENING HAS been a recurrent theme since the foundation of the Community, when Britain refused to join in taking what the Schuman declaration, which launched the European Coal and Steel Community in May 1950, called ‘a first step in the federation of Europe’. When Britain sought membership in 1961, Jean Monnet, who had drafted the Schuman declaration, got his Action Committee for the United States of Europe to affirm that the British would be joining, not just the Community as it then stood, but ‘the economic and political union which is in the process of formation’; and the Committee called -for the establishment of a European Reserve Union as ‘the first step’ towards the goal of a European currency. Both the widening to include Britain and the deepening in the direction of a union were vetoed by President de Gaulle. But both projects outlasted him; and, when British membership was once again considered after his departure in 1969, the French government devised the formulation that widening must be accompanied by ‘completion’ and ‘deepening’.
10
Steinnes, Kristian. « The European Challenge : Britain's EEC Application in 1961 ». Contemporary European History 7, no 01 (mars 1998) : 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004768.
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In mid-July 1961 the Conservative government in Britain, headed by Harold Macmillan, decided to apply for full membership of the European Economic Community (EEC). Successive British governments had persistently opted for intergovernmental co-operation instead of supranational integration as in the case of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the EEC. Thus the application, which implied the intent to join a supranational structure and a customs union, marked an unexpected and somewhat surprising break with the well-established British post-war policy.
11
Grazi, Laura. « Origini e sfide della politica regionale comunitaria : dagli studi preliminari all'Atto unico europeo (1957-1986) ». MEMORIA E RICERCA, no 30 (juillet 2009) : 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-030005.
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- The article describes the different stages which marked the elaboration of the EEC regional policy starting from the preliminary studies in the Sixties to the formal inclusion of this domain in the Single European Act (1986). The creation of the European Regional Development Fund (1975) and its reforms are crucial events in the definition of the EEC regional policy which highlight the slow and difficult passage from a system redistributing money among Member States to the launch of new form of supranational territorial solidarity. The ERDF, that was initially linked to the need to rearrange the financial benefits of membership/accession to the EEC for some members States (in particular, Italy and Great Britain), was later rearranged in order to allow more autonomous policy choices at the Community level (Community programmes). The Integrated Mediterranean Programmes, adopted in the Eighties, are the symbol of this new approach because they linked EEC regional measures to common problems arising from economic integration and increased the coordinating functions of the Commission.Parole chiave: Politica regionale della CEE, Commissione europea, Economie regionali, FESR, Programmi comunitari, PIM EEC Regional Policy; European Commission, Regional Economies, European Regional Development Fund, Community Programmes, Integrated Mediterranean Programmes
12
Frader, Laura Levine. « International Institutions and Domestic Reform : Equal Pay and British Membership in the European Economic Community ». Twentieth Century British History 29, no 1 (23 août 2017) : 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwx045.
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Zaets, Svetlana V., et Filipp Yu Kushnarev. « Poland in the European Union : history and modernity ». Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 8, no 3 (24 septembre 2022) : 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2022-3-274-287.
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The article shows the dynamics of the development of relations between Poland and the European Union from the early 1990s to the present day. The history of the entry of the Polish state into the European community, the political and socio-economic consequences of this event is analyzed. The facts testifying to the initial polarization of society in relation to EU membership between the conservative-nationalist party «PiS» and the liberal-democratic «Civic Platform» are presented. The topical issue related to the supremacy of European legislation over the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the attitude of the ruling party and the population of the country to it is considered. The authors of the article conducted a study on the attitude of Poles to membership in the European Union and concluded that most of them highly appreciate the role of their state in the EU, enjoy the benefits of European citizenship and see themselves as Europeans. Attention is drawn to the fact that the developed countries of the West do not perceive Poland as an equal member of the European Community, and it does not feel like such, because in terms of most economic indicators, the country initially lagged behind generally accepted indicators and is forced to receive financial assistance. The authors briefly touched upon the current events in Ukraine and the reaction of the Polish government in the context of the European Union. As a result, at the moment a picture is being created that Poland is in the wake of the EU's anti-Russian policy and sees its role in «saving the world from Russian expansion». Perhaps, by such participation in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, it seeks to compensate for its secondary position in the European Union and increase its authority in the international arena.
14
Shutes, Mark T. « Kerry Farmers and the European Community : Capital Transitions in a Rural Irish Parish ». Irish Journal of Sociology 1, no 1 (mai 1991) : 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160359100100101.
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Rural communities within the European Community (EC) will be dramatically affected by the removal of most of the remaining economic barriers at the end of 1992. Of critical importance in understanding the nature and consequences of these changes is the identification of the ways in which local farmers' productive decisions are affected by different kinds of capital input. This work examines the changes in production strategy in an Irish farming community both before and after EC membership, and shows that the differences are attributable to different forms of capital input within the farming sector of that community.
15
O'Keeffe, David. « The Legal Implications of East Germany's Membership of the European Community ». Legal Issues of Economic Integration 18, Issue 1 (1 juin 1991) : 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie1991001.
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Jain, Rajendra K. « India and Britain’s First Application to Join the European Community, 1961–1963 ». India Quarterly : A Journal of International Affairs 77, no 1 (20 janvier 2021) : 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420983097.
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The first British application to join the European Economic Community (EEC) in July 1961 came at a time when India confronted an acute foreign exchange crisis and chronic trade deficits and when it was heavily dependent on the UK as a major market. Unlike the widely held belief, this article argues that India engaged Community institutions in a proactive and calibrated manner from the outset till de Gaulle vetoed British membership in January 1963. It highlights the crucial role of the Indian Mission in Brussels and its first ambassador to EEC in efforts to seek redressal of Indian concerns and secure a viable trade arrangement with the Community.
17
Baklanoff, Eric N. « Spain's Economic Strategy toward the “Nations of Its Historical Community:” The “Reconquest” of Latin America ? » Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 38, no 1 (1996) : 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166397.
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From one of the poorest countries in Europe in the late 1950s, Spain emerged as a middle industrial power by the time of the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975. Subsequently, under the leadership of King Juan Carlos I, Franco's successor as chief of state, Spain negotiated a smooth transition from authoritarianism to a parliamentary-monarchy. On the first of January 1986, the Iberian nation acceded to full membership in the European Community (EC). However, prior to this date and independently of the EC (now the European Union), the Spanish state had already set in motion, in 1981, two great undertakings related to Latin America: (1) the commemoration of Columbus' fateful voyage to the New World in 1492 and (2) the formation of an “Iberoamerican Community of Nations.”
18
Khakhalkina, E. V. « “HOW GRAND IS OUR DESIGN FOR EUROPE?” : INTEGRATION PLANS OF THE GREAT BRITAIN IN THE LATE OF 1950S ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 4(49) (28 août 2016) : 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-58-68.
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The UK European Union membership referendum 2016 and its results actualized the study of the British initiatives in the sphere of integration before the entry into the European Economic Community in 1973. The article is devoted to the little-known in Russian historiography "Grand Design"of H. Macmillan, nominated in the wake of the failure of the Suez operation against Egypt in 1956. Plan with such bright and eye-catching name suggested the creation of a broad integration group in Europe as alternative with Britain as a leader to the preparing for the establishment of projects of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic energy community. The project was designed to restore the prestige of the Conservative Party and to strengthen the shaky position of Britain in NATO and European affairs after Suez Crisis. At the same time the emergence of the plan reflected the desire of the Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan to weaken the struggle inside political establishment between supporters and opponents of the country's full-fledged participation in the European integration and take the lead in the integration movement from France. Analysis of the content of the project and attempts to implement it within the framework of a Free Trade Area (FTA) reveals the essence of the "special position" of the UK towards supranational integration and the British vision of the future of European integration. Modern United Kingdom appeared in the new European realities after the Referendum on the country’s membership in the European Union and returns to the starting point on the path of supranational integration and to the search for its place in Europe. In these circumstances, the ideas expressed by British politicians more than half a century ago, may again prove to be demanded and relevant.
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Chumachenko, Olena, et Elif Yazit. « Відносини між Туреччиною та європейською економічною спільнотою : від підписання анкарської угоди до заяви Туреччини про членство в ЄС ». Historical studies of social progress 7 (2019) : 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31376/2411-5177-2019-7-67-74.
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AQUI, Lindsay. « ‘No’ Vote Contingency Planning for the UK’s 1975 Referendum ». Journal of European Integration History 26, no 1 (2020) : 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-107.
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This article investigates the contingency plan developed by Harold Wilson’s Labour government for a ‘no’ vote in the UK’s 1975 referendum on European Community (EC) membership. The decision to prepare for the possibility of leaving the EC was seen as responsible, but the primary rationale for devising an EC exit strategy related to the severe political and economic damage that officials believed the UK would suffer if it withdrew from the Community. Officials emphasised the political consequences of a ‘no’ vote in part because the economic consequences were more difficult to predict and because of the rationale that underpinned the decision to join the EC in the first place. This was not easy to communicate in the politicised atmosphere caused by the divisions over the question of membership among Ministers. In the end, the key message of the contingency plan was that leaving the Community would weaken the UK and leave the government with few options except “Going it Alone”.
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Pavlenko, Valerii. « The United Kingdom’s Entry into the European Economic Community (1960’s – early 1970’s) ». European Historical Studies, no 16 (2020) : 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.3.
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The author of the article examines the history of the United Kingdom’s entry into the European Economic Community in the 1960’s and early 1970’s, namely, he analyses the historical experience of the country’s transformation from a world Empire to a European power. The article is primarily focused on the fact that the United Kingdom’s policy on Western European integration has evolved considerably since the late 1950’s. It is noted that at the beginning of the 1960’s, the Europeanization of attitudes was gradually developing both in the UK’s power structures and among the population. The key reasons for the negative outcome of the UK’s first attempt to join the EEC are considered. Position and role of the country’s government executives in the development and implementation of the European integration policy are determined. It is stated that a major barrier to the United Kingdom’s entry into the European community was the position of France, which did not want the British to become full-fledged EEC member. It is pointed out that significant progress in the rapprochement of the UK and the EEC was achieved only at the end of 1969, with the decision to expand this organization. It is noted that it was after the meeting of Georges Pompidou and Edward Heath that an agreement on the terms of UK’s entry into the European Economic Community was finally reached. The article also focuses on the analysis of benefits of membership in the European Community for the British people. The special role of the Edward Heath’s ministry, during whose term of office it was decided to consider London’s Western European policy as a priority, is pointed out. And finally, it is determined that the adaptation of the United Kingdom as a member of the EEC has lasted many years, during which many issues arising have not been resolved.
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Schenk, Catherine. « Sterling, International Monetary Reform and Britain's Applications to Join the European Economic Community in the 1960s ». Contemporary European History 11, no 3 (août 2002) : 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302003016.
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Throughout the 1960s the international monetary system crumbled in a gradual process which was punctuated by a series of crises. The international community proposed, debated and ultimately procrastinated over major reforms, and opted instead for ad hoc ‘plumbing’ solutions such as the Gold Pool and bilateral currency swaps. While this turmoil unfolded, Britain made repeated attempts to join the European Economic Community. This article shows that while monetary issues were not as often publicly discussed, they were a crucial factor in the negotiations for British membership. It also aims to bring together the discussions on the reform of the international monetary system in the 1960s with those on the enlargement of the EC.
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Young, John. « 'The Summit is Dead. Long Live the European Council' : Britain and the Question of Regular Leaders' Meetings in the European Community, 1973-1975 ». Hague Journal of Diplomacy 4, no 3 (2009) : 319–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119109x455937.
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AbstractIn analysing British policy towards the creation of the European Council from 1973-1975, this article will argue that British leaders were supporters of the idea of regular summits regardless of party affiliation and that policy on this issue suggests that, in this area at least, British policy was consistent and positive about European Community membership. In so doing, the article will also show how the British government wrestled with the idea of how to make leaders-level meetings work most effectively — in terms of frequency, organization and atmosphere — as a means of doing business in an international organization. The result was the creation of a system of serial summits that helped the Community to escape the economic doldrums of the 1970s.
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Łakota-Micker, Małgorzata, et Beniamin Noga. « Społeczno-ekonomiczne przesłanki integracji Czarnogóry z Unią Europejską ». Przegląd Europejski, no 2-2020 (8 juin 2020) : 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.20.8.
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The subject of the analysis conducted in the article is the current social and economic situation of Montenegro – one of the candidate countries for the membership of the European Union. The research problem -is important due to the fact, that the Balkan countries are an enclave surrounded on all sides by the EU Member States. On the other hand, EU Member States have awareness of the increasingly visible influence of Russia, China or Turkey in this region, which in the future may threaten the EU’s policy of stabilisation and democratisation of the region, as well as reduce the sense of security in European societies. The article aims to determine the premises that will indicate the opportunities and threats to further socio-economic development of Montenegro and its proper economic prosperity, which can lead to accession in 2025. The future of accession to the EU depends on the fulfillment of socio-economic criteria, which were partly achieved as a result of the first stage of the country’s transformation process. Montenegro can also use the experience of the past – gained as a federal state – in this process, however, on the other hand, the quality of integration with Serbia will not be a valuable experience for entering the structures of the community with great economic, social and organisational potential.
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Grabevnik, Mikhail. « European identity of Scotland in the context of Brexit ». Political Science (RU), no 4 (2020) : 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.04.08.
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The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union focused the issue of cleavage of British statehood by European criteria. According to the results of sociological surveys and polls, the distribution of preferences of Brexit is correlated with the national identification matrix. Most Scots and Irish of United Kingdom support remaining the membership in the European Union, while the most English defend soft or hard Brexit. However, the depth of such cleavage underlines the uncertainty in the preferences of citizens who identify as British in general. In the context of the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union, the question of the European identity of Scots was also underlines by Scotland's regional political actors. This article is aimed to the analysis of the dynamics of the European identity of the Scottish community in 2016–2020 under Brexit conditions. The author concludes that the share of Scots with European identities increased after 2016, and Brexit was a key factor in the dynamics. At the same time, the actualization of European identity among the Scottish community is connected with the pragmatic strategy of the Scottish community and regional political actors to neutralize the negative economic and social effects of Brexit and plays an instrumental role in the national and European political arenas. The article starts with an excursion to the issues of national identity in the modern United Kingdom in the studies of Western and Russian authors. Then, based on an analysis of sociological data, the question of the European identity of Scots was raised, as well as the role of the national identity of United Kingdom citizens in the issue of membership in the European Union. At the end of the article, author proposes the description of the position and strategy of the Scottish community on the issue of Brexit.
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LEITÃO, NICOLAU ANDRESEN. « A Flight of Fantasy ? Portugal and the First Attempt to Enlarge the European Economic Community, 1961–1963 ». Contemporary European History 16, no 1 (février 2007) : 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003638.
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AbstractThis article explains the position of Portugal during the first attempt to enlarge the European Economic Community in 1961–3. It first makes clear the motives behind the Portuguese government's policy option in favour of EEC associate membership and future entry. Next, it analyses the attitude of the EEC members and Portugal's EFTA partners to this policy option. The article concludes that such a policy was condemned to failure, due to the authoritarian nature of the Portuguese regime and the country's colonial policy, and that, had the negotiations progressed, Lisbon would probably have had to opt in favour of a provisional agreement.
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Miltojević, V. « Euro-optimism or euroscepticism : Opinions of students from Serbia, Macedonia and Bulgaria ». RUDN Journal of Sociology 19, no 2 (15 décembre 2019) : 222–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2019-19-2-222-234.
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The paper presents the opinions of students from two countries (Serbia and Macedonia) that strive to join the European Union and from one member country (Bulgaria) about the changes that brings the EU membership. These countries consider joining the European Union as a way out of the transition crisis, while the oldest member countries keep on talking about the decline in trust and euroscepticism. The research aims at identifying whether the students support the EU membership, believe in this community and in that the EU membership would contribute to changes in certain areas of social life; i.e. at identifying whether the students are euro-optimists or eurosceptics. The survey was conducted on a representative sample of 2,208 respondents in three university centers (Serbia - Niš, Macedonia - Bitola, and Bulgaria - Veliko Tarnovo). The data show that, despite accepting the European integration in general, students do not trust in the European Union and do not expect any substantial changes, which makes them eurosceptics. However, there are differences between the three student samples. Thus, Macedonian students expect improvements in the economic development, employment, living standards and social security, but do not expect any significant changes in the quality of life, in reducing the gap between the rich and the poor and in preserving national identity and culture. Serbian students believe in the future economic growth and improving quality of the environment but think that all other areas of social life will remain unchanged. Bulgarian students say that the EU membership has not led to any changes and contributed to the higher unemployment rate and the larger gap between the rich and the poor.
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GILBERT, MARK. « Delusions of Grandeur : New Perspectives on the History of the European Community ». Contemporary European History 16, no 4 (novembre 2007) : 545–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004171.
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All four of these books are interesting additions to the corpus of historical research into European integration. Parr and Poggiolini's books are precise, document-based accounts of the trials and tribulations surrounding Britain's accession to the European Economic Community (EEC); Ludlow's book, which is based on an imposing quantity of archive research in six countries, is the most important work in English to date on the evolution of the European Community (EC) in the period that elapsed between Charles de Gaulle's veto of British entry and the Hague summit of December 1969, when the member states’ leaders ‘brought to an end a seven year struggle over its purpose, mode of operation and membership’ (p. 198). Gillingham's book reads like a 300-page op-ed in the Wall Street Journal, and is largely concerned with current events rather than history, but that does not mean that it has nothing of relevance for historians, as I hope to show at the end of this review.
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Strel’tsov, V. « Japan : Course Towards Joining to Trans-Pacific Community ». World Economy and International Relations, no 12 (2012) : 70–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-12-70-77.
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Currently, ten countries are negotiating the membership in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TTP). After joining of Japan (Japan is the third-largest economy of Asia-Pacific region after USA and China) the TTP will acquire a qualitatively new status while becoming a full-fledged prototype of a Pacific free trade area. As a result, such a zone could cover a wider range of countries on both sides of the Pacific Ocean. From this point of view, Japan’s participation certainly will mark a qualitative leap in the TPPs evolution, namely a transfer from the status of a peripheral economic block into a structure of global importance. Participation of Japan (which is an economic heavyweight) in the TTP will give a new impetus to the development of the world economy. Also, it will be an important step in coping with the aftermaths of the global financial and economic crisis. A happy end story, i.e. the creation of an effective framework for economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region, would have a considerable positive impact on the integration processes in Europe, where the acute debt crisis has put under question the viability of the European integration model.
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Popovici, Angela. « Cross-border cooperation - a tool for capitalizing and promoting culture and historical heritage ». Administrarea Publica, no 1(113) (mars 2022) : 12–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.52327/1813-8489.2022.1(113).01.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze cross-border cooperation as one of the important multifunctional tools aimed at developing good neighborly relations with states on the borders of the European Union, as well as supporting economic and social development and promoting European values in partner countries in the context of EU enlargement. The long-term objectives of cross-border cooperation projects aim at: creating more bilateral benefits; improving the physical and economic infrastructure; human resources development of the region; deepening cultural and educational ties; preparing for EU membership; environmental protection etc. Cross-border cooperation is favored by cultural heritage, ethno-linguistic heritage, historical heritage or the presence of national minorities. The Romanian community in Ukraine or the Ukrainian community in Romania, the common ethno-linguistic heritage of the population of Romania and the Republic of Moldova are favorable elements in the process of cross-border cooperation.
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Lasas, Ainius. « Guilt, Sympathy, and Cooperation : EU—Baltic Relations in the Early 1990s ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 22, no 2 (mai 2008) : 347–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408315767.
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The period between March 1990 and June 1993 represents the critical window for European Union (EU)—Baltic relations. During this time Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania laid the foundation for future EU membership. For its part, the European community made a commitment to include the three republics in the process of enlargement. This paper traces the beginnings of EU—Baltic cooperation and examines factors that led to growing political and economic convergence. Nordic membership in the EU, ex-Soviet troop withdrawal, and Russian parliamentary elections were instrumental in bringing both sides together on the road to enlargement, but collective guilt provided the underlying rationale. In this paper, the author argues that it is impossible to understand fully this process of convergence without taking into account the connotations and consequences of the “black trinity”: the Munich pact, the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, and the Yalta agreement.
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Akinrinade, Olusola. « Associates and Associables : the Failure of Commonwealth Bridge-Building, 1971–3 ». Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no 2 (juin 1989) : 177–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000446.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When Britain first made a bid for membership of the European Economic Community (E.E.C.) in the early 1960s, it was generally understood that its negotiators had the responsibility for safeguarding the interests of other Commonwealth countries. Although the matter was discussed briefly by the Heads of Government in January 1971, and more fully later that year at the Nassau meeting of Finance Ministers, it was realised by all parties concerned that the other members of the Commonwealth would have to deal themselves with the effect of British entry into the E.E.C. and negotiate directly with the European Commission.
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Galbraith, Marysia, et Thomas M. Wilson. « Instrumental Europe ». Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 20, no 2 (1 septembre 2011) : 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2011.200201.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Religious organisations that secularise their community outreach to gain European Union (EU) funding, border-city residents whose consumption practices exploit cross-border economic disparities, EU member states that protect their domestic labour market by restricting access to legal work and medical care for citizens of new member states, recently admitted citizens who nevertheless take advantage of increased opportunities for mobility to improve their economic and social standing, and even in some cases use their scepticism about membership to promote their personal or national interests within the EU – all of these examples point to the complex and varied ways in which instrumentality figures in day-to-day dealings with the European Union. This special issue of AJEC seeks to contribute to the anthropological study of the European Union by examining ways in which various individuals, groups and institutions use the EU to pursue their political, economic and social goals at local, national and transnational levels within Europe.
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SEGERS, MATHIEU. « De Gaulle's Race to the Bottom : The Netherlands, France and the Interwoven Problems of British EEC Membership and European Political Union, 1958–1963 ». Contemporary European History 19, no 2 (7 avril 2010) : 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000044.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractWhy did de Gaulle veto the United Kingdom's accession to the European Economic Community in 1963? This article addresses the interlinked struggles over British accession and European political union in the early 1960s. The focus is on the crucially conflicting relations between de Gaulle and the Netherlands, his main opponent on both issues. Who won the Franco-Dutch battle and why? This article assesses these questions on the basis of new multi-archival material and highlights a hitherto largely unnoticed rhetorical battle, which explains the course of events and reveals a previously largely unnoticed logic behind de Gaulle's manoeuvring in the intertwined negotiations over European political union, the Common Agricultural Policy and the UK membership bid.
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Hantrais, Linda. « Introduction : Themed Section on the European Union and Social Policy : National and EU Policy Interaction ». Social Policy and Society 2, no 3 (25 juin 2003) : 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001283.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When the European Economic Community was established in 1957, the six founding member states (Belgium, France, Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands) had a shared interest, though each for their own reasons, in ensuring that provisions to promote the harmonisation of national social protection systems figured in the treaties. Progressively, and as membership of the Community expanded and diversified, the social dimension came to be accepted as a legitimate, albeit contested and subordinate, component in European law and policy. Whereas the social protection systems of the six original member states could be considered as variants of the continental model of welfare, the new waves of membership in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s brought different conceptions of social protection, making harmonisation ever-more difficult to achieve. Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom in the second wave were characterised by their universal welfare systems. Greece, Portugal and Spain in the third wave had less developed, minimalist provision for social protection. In the fourth wave, Austria was closer to the founding member states, whereas Finland and Sweden represented the Nordic model with their universalist system based on social democratic criteria.
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Petrov, Roman. « Energy Community As a Promoter of the European Unions Energy Acquis to Its Neighbourhood ». Legal Issues of Economic Integration 39, Issue 3 (1 août 2012) : 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2012020.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Treaty of Lisbon paved the way for legal formalization of the new European Union policies and significantly enhanced the external dimension of the EU Internal Market. The newly emerged EU energy policy is a good example of it. External objectives of the EU energy policy are being fulfilled through the Energy Community which embraces not only the EU Member States and candidate countries but also the third countries without any prospect of membership in the EU. The Energy Community is designed as a perfect example of the 'integration without membership' model which gives a stake in the EU Internal Market for third countries and promotes the EU's sectoral acquis beyond the EU borders. The article focuses on challenges of the process of Europeanization on the EU's eastern neighbouring countries through the application of the EU 'energy acquis'.
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Daunton, Martin. « BRITAIN AND GLOBALISATION SINCE 1850 : IV THE CREATION OF THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS ». Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 19 (12 novembre 2009) : 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440109990028.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACTIn August 1971, President Nixon ended the convertibility of the dollar into gold, so precipitating a crisis in the Bretton Woods system which was not successfully resolved by the Smithsonian agreement in December 1971. The pound was soon free to float and the role of sterling as a reserve currency was seriously weakened. The members of the European Economic Community attempted to create stability between their own currencies, which left the British government in a dilemma about whether to join the European monetary experiment to complement membership of the Community. The address considers the tensions and difficulties facing the Conservative and Labour governments of the 1970s, and the response of the Thatcher government after 1979. The trade-off in the ‘trilemma’ between the three variables of exchange rates, capital movements and domestic monetary policy changed in a major way.
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ASIRIAN, Siuzanna, Tetiana SEMENCHENKO et Olena LESHCHENKO. « Stages of Ukraine's accession to the European Union and future prospects ». Economics. Finances. Law 11/1, no - (18 novembre 2022) : 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37634/efp.2022.11(1).2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. Accession to the European Union provides a large number of economic, political, cultural and social benefits. Back in 1994, Ukraine expressed its aspiration to become a member of the EU and is still not a member of the EU. Today our country is a candidate for EU membership. The purpose of the paper is to consider the general stages and criteria of EU accession and to analyze Ukraine's path towards EU accession and future stages of accession. Results. Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union defines the geographical criterion for accession to the EU. Being the largest country in Europe by area, located in its eastern part, bordering the EU member states: Romania to the southwest, with Hungary, Slovakia and Poland to the west - Ukraine undoubtedly meets the geographical criterion. The Copenhagen criteria are: political, economic and membership criteria. As for the Copenhagen criteria, the answer to the question whether Ukraine meets them is currently different among international scholars. In our opinion, indeed, at the current stage of European integration Ukraine has already implemented a number of political conditions, in particular, partially fulfilled the requirement of the European Union to carry out a number of reforms and adapt Ukrainian legislation to the European one. As for the stages of accession to the EU, they are evaluation; negotiations; ratification. Usually, accession is preceded by years of cooperation with the European Union. To express its intention to do so, the state and the Community conclude an international agreement on in-depth cooperation, which provides for an active political dialogue. Negotiations are a process that involves the adoption of established EU legislation, preparations for its proper application and compliance, as well as the implementation of judicial, administrative, economic and other reforms necessary for the country to meet the conditions of accession, known as the accession criteria. After that, the last stage is ratification. Ukraine has successfully passed the first stage and received the status of a candidate state. Conclusion. On February 28, 2022, the President of Ukraine signed the application for Ukraine's membership in the EU - this marked a new stage for our country on the path of European integration. In this regard, close cooperation between Ukrainian officials and representatives of the European Union is currently underway to simplify and speed up the overall lengthy accession procedure. Ukraine will be able to achieve an appropriate level of economic development, high quality of life, make effective and accessible the provision and protection of human rights, implement all aspects of democracy, introduce energy security.
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Khokhlov, I. « Supranational Developments in the European Union : Changeable Balance of the Public Opinion ». World Economy and International Relations, no 3 (2014) : 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-3-60-73.
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The article is devoted to the consideration of socio-cultural state of the European community during the period of crisis and mass manifestations of protest. In spite of the current instability in the world the EC continues to maintain its “acquis” (the composition of the membership, single currency etc.). This article contains a periodization that reflects tendencies in the trends of public opinion under the influence of internal and external factors. Countries are ranked according to the level of their social and economic development, which allowed to analyze the dependence of public opinion in support of the EC upon the state of the economy. For instance, in the Mediterranean countries that use to be “euroenthusiasts” the level of support became lower than the average for the EC.
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De Bièvre, Aline, et J. F. Kemp. « The Environment, COST-301 and Coastal State Policy ». Journal of Navigation 39, no 3 (septembre 1986) : 310–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0373463300000795.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper was presented at a seminar entitled a European Concerted Approach to Vessel Traffic Services for Safe Navigation – EEC Project COST-301, sponsored jointly by the Institute's Netherlands branch and the Royal Institute of Engineers, Delft University of Technology and the Netherlands Directorate General for Shipping and Maritime Affairs held in Delft on 20 January 1986. It was published under the auspices of the European Environmental Bureau, an independent coalition body of leading environmental organizations in all the European Economic Community countries (with a total membership of over 10 million). The paper, of which the following is a condensed version, seeks to comment on the implications for environmental protection of the various COST-301 research programmes, and to assess the contribution which the findings resulting from them may make to future European coastal state policy and international measures.Aline De Bièvre is with the European Environmental Bureau and John Kemp is Professor Emeritus at the City of London Polytechnic.
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Piluso, Giandomenico. « Reshaping the external constraint. Franco Modigliani, Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa and the EMS, 1977-1993 ». HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, no 2 (mars 2021) : 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2020-002006.
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During a decade of stagflation in the 1970s, a sea of changes on the interna-tional stage led to major macroeconomic imbalances that gave central bankers a different role in relation to governments and policy-makers. In Europe, this coin-cided with the relaunching of the project for European integration. The Italian case shows how governments and central bankers interacted in shaping adjustment strategies. The Bank of Italy had a pivotal role in shaping the country's economic policies, relying on its capacity for economic analysis. The adjustment strategy formulated in the "Pandolfi Plan" of 1978 was conceived largely by an economist at the Bank of Italy, Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa. Further developing analyses conducted jointly with Franco Modigliani the previous year, the plan focused on the macroeconomic effects of high labour costs in the wake of a full ("100% and plus") wage indexing and rising government deficits. The policy proposal revolved around a few targets, namely investments and economic growth, and an explicit principle of fairness in the labour market. The Pandolfi Plan pledged to Italy's en-during participation in the European integration process by combining economic development with adhesion to the "European choice", which meant joining the European Monetary System (EMS). The European agreements governing EMS membership replaced the standard external economic constraints, i.e. the balance of payments and exchange rate, with a new kind of semi-legal external constraint ingrained in the governance structure of the European Community. The nature of this new semi-legal external constraint as a fiscal discipline mechanism eventually emerged more clearly with the Maastricht Treaty.
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Bjelic, Predrag. « Model spoljnotrgovinske politike Evropske unije ». Ekonomski anali 44, no 156 (2003) : 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0356131b.
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When the European Economic Community, the forerunner of the European Union was formed in 1958, it was agreed that the new integration would be a tariff union with common tariffs toward third countries, but also that it would have a common foreign trade policy. As the Union's executive body, the European Commission is responsible for proposing and implementing foreign trade policies. However, the main subject in creating foreign trade policies still remains the Council of Ministers as the EU's main decision-making and legislative body. The Commission negotiates trade agreements with outside countries on behalf of the Union. However, on foreign trade issues the Commission must report to a committee (the "133 Committee"), which assists the Commission in the course of the negotiations and before becoming valid all agreements must be ratified by the Council of Ministers. The Commission ensures that the European Parliament is kept quickly and fully informed at all stages of the negotiation and conclusion of international agreements, in such a way as to enable the Commission to take account of the European Parliament's view, but its role is purely consultative. The EU is trying to establish closer partnership relations with the USA through establishing transatlantic marketplace. However, as the EU is becoming a respectable economic power, an increasing number of trade disputes arise between the EU and the USA. The EU is trying to establish a closer relationship with the European countries since they are candidate countries for EU membership. However, some of them are closer to the membership than others. Therefore the agreements that the EU conclude with certain groups of countries differ among themselves. The EU has special relations with the countries in Africa the Caribbean and the Pacific, former European colonies, that have been granted a preferential treatment allowing preferential trade with the EU. Close relations have been established with countries and regional groups in Latin America as well. The EU has become a significant factor in international economic organizations. However, in order to become an economic power as respectable as the USA and Japan and to give strategic support to its companies in global competition, the EU must integrate politically as well.
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Pietsch, Juliet. « Diverse Outcomes : Social Citizenship and the Inclusion of Skilled Migrants in Australia ». Social Inclusion 5, no 1 (28 mars 2017) : 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i1.777.
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The sociology of citizenship is concerned with the social and economic conditions of citizens of a national community. Drawing on T. H. Marshall’s contribution to the theory of social citizenship this article argues that some groups of migrants and ethnic minorities in Australia, particularly those from non-British and European Backgrounds, face a number of social and institutional barriers which prevent them from reaching their full potential as members of Australia’s multicultural community. Evidence from the Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data shows different socioeconomic outcomes for migrants from British and European backgrounds compared with migrants from Asian backgrounds, despite having similar educational qualifications and length of time living in Australia. As such, it is argued that achieving social membership and inclusion continues to be a struggle for particular groups of migrants. A deeper commitment to the core principles of citizenship that is beyond mere notions of formal equality is needed if Australia is to address this important social issue.
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Stojanović, Ivana. « The Impact of the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union on the General Price Level of Countries that Joined in the Period from 2004 to 2007 ». Economic Themes 57, no 2 (1 juin 2019) : 233–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ethemes-2019-0014.
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AbstractApplication of The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union implies the existence of a single market (without customs duties on mutual trade), the community’s priority in meeting the needs for agricultural products (protection against imports) and the existence of financial solidarity (joint financing). Joining the European Union for new member states implies the termination of the implementation of the existing national agricultural policy and the the beginning of the implementation of the CAP. Although membership in the European Union implies many advantages, the period after joining this community can be quite economically unstable for some countries. One of the most significant problems is an increase in agricultural product prices and a rise in the general price level (inflation). The above can be confirmed by a simple empirical analysis of the economic indicators of the countries that joined the EU together in the period from 2004 until 2007.
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Dell'Olio, Fiorella. « The Redefinition of the Concept of Nationality in the UK : Between Historical Responsibility and Normative Challenges ». Politics 22, no 1 (février 2002) : 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00153.
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This article analyses the extent to which UK membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) has influenced the redefinition of the concept of nationality in the United Kingdom and the retreat from historical responsibility with respect to citizens of Commonwealth countries. After first describing the rights that have most defined nationality in the United Kingdom prior to its membership to the EEC, it is argued that the EEC has only indirectly influenced the redefinition of UK nationality in three main respects: (a) from the early 1970s, the issue of nationality has been a frequent subject of discussion in parliament; (b) at the same time, there was the need to define nationality for EEC law purposes; and (c) the establishment of European citizenship reinforced nationality not only because nationality represented a means by which to benefit from additional rights, but also because it became a foundation for the construction of subsequent immigration policy. The article suggests that the indirect effect of the EEC on the redefinition of nationality has also provided a legitimate means by which to reconsider the idea of citizenship first in terms of exclusion and inclusion and secondly in terms of detachment from historical responsibility.
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Sáringer, János. « Diplomatic Steps of the Antall Government towards the Euro-Atlantic Integration ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 19, no 1 (1 novembre 2021) : 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2021-0001.
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Abstract My dissertation is based on more than ten years of archival research. One of the goals of Antall’s foreign policy was the Euro-Atlantic integration. In December 1991, Hungary signed an association agreement with the European Community. By 1992, opinions on the future were divided between and within the Member States of the European Communities. There was a debate among the twelve about the concept of ‘deepening’ or ‘widening’, and the term ‘multi-speed Europe’ appeared. At this time, a number of questions arose about the full membership of the Trio in NATO, of which ‘how’ and ‘when’ came first. It has also been suggested whether it would be more appropriate to intensify economic and political cooperation rather than military ones. Perhaps the NACC should be thoroughly expanded first and then move on to expanding the range of full member states?
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ABKA, Sinem. « TURKEY-EUROPEAN UNION RELATIONS DURING THE TIMES OF CRISIS AND PREDICTIONS ABOUT THE FUTURE ». “Küresel siyaset : Türkiye’den bakış”, Spring,2021 (30 avril 2021) : 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30546/2616-4418.bitd.2021.22.
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Turkish Republic has always been a west-oriented country since its establishment in 1923. In this regard the membership application to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1959 was a direct consequence of the desire to take part in the Western alliances. Despite the mutual willingness of the two parties the bilateral relations did not progress rapidly due to the political problems Turkey had to struggle as well as the further integration prospects of the EEC. The progress was inally achieved in the late 1990s after the EEC was transformed into the European Union (EU) which turned to be a political community with its own single market. Turkey was inally granted candidate status at the Helsinki Summit of 1999 where Turkey was obliged to meet the Copenhagen criteria and to harmonize its policies with the acquis communautaire of the EU. Despite the initiation of the negotiations in 3 October 2005 the bilateral relations have almost been suspended due to the internal political dynamics of the two parties as well as the international conjuncture. The main target of this study is to make a prediction about the future developments of Turkey-EU relations during the 2020s which are foreseen as the times of crisis. Accordingly, the study offers that although the EU would not be able to guarantee full membership for Turkey in the upcoming years, the bilateral relations would not be expected to be suspended due to the interdependence in the areas of energy, security and economy. Methodologically the study applies on the secondary resources to overview Turkey-EU relations during the times of crisis in history and depending on the existing literature makes a prediction about the possible scenarios which the bilateral relations could be re-formulated.
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Moravcsik, Andrew. « De Gaulle Between Grain and Grandeur : The Political Economy of French EC Policy, 1958–1970 (Part 2) ». Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no 3 (septembre 2000) : 4–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032192.
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The concluding segment of this two-part article explores two key episodes in French foreign policy under President Charles de Gaulle: (1) France's veto of British membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), and (2) de Gaulle's decisions to provoke and then resolve the “empty chair” crisis of 1965–1966. These two cases, like the two examined in Part 1 of this article, demonstrate the fundamental importance of economic considerations in de Gaulle's policy toward the EEC. De Gaulle was a democratic politician first and a geopolitical visionary second. His experience tells us a great deal about the limits imposed by modern democratic politics on any leader who might hope to make statecraft serve an idiosyncratic political vision. The article concludes with an analysis of possible counterarguments and a discussion of the proper use of historical evidence.
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Onar, Nora Fisher, et Meriç Özgüneş. « How Deep a Transformation ? Europeanization of Greek and Turkish Minority Policies ». International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no 1 (2010) : 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x12595859744240.
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AbstractThe article examines the Europeanization of Greece and Turkey's policies towards their respective Turkish/Muslim and Greek/Orthodox minorities. It begins with a comparative survey of nation-building processes in both countries. It shows that as bilateral tensions rose, minorities' rights as citizens were increasingly compromised by the perception that minorities were agents of their kin-states. Greek accession to the European Economic Community in 1981 catalyzed a slow process of internationalization of European norms of minority protection among policymakers, though pockets of resistance persist to this day. Turkey, meanwhile, became a candidate for membership in December 1999. The carrot-and-stick incentive structure of the accession process led to a rapid succession of taboo-shattering reforms, catalyzing a partial transformation of minority policies. By 2007, however, an altered calculus of domestic and international forces impeded the implementation of reform and consequently the transformation of minority treatment.
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Basov, F. « German Policy towards EU Enlargement ». World Economy and International Relations, no 4 (2015) : 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-4-18-22.
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This article is dedicated to the German policy towards the EU enlargement. Its history as well as the current German policy towards prospective enlargements are analyzed in this paper. The article offers party-political and sociological analysis of Germany`s attitude towards the EU enlargement, also the reasons for it are determined. FRG supported all of the European Community and European Union enlargements. This line is being continued, but nowadays only step to step approach is being supported. Germany‘s motives to the EU enlargement are based on the liberal concept of the common security. The main goals of this policy are the including of European countries into the Western community of developed countries (the EU), the extension of the stability and security area. The economic integration is also very important for Germany. The key priority of the EU enlargement is the Western Balkan region (the so called “Europeanisation” of Western Balkans). This process is being supported by political elites of the region and by the European Union itself. It is recognized, that the Europeanisation of Western Balkans was used as a sample for the Eastern Partnership Program. Without consideration of the Russian factor, though, this strategy towards the post-Soviet countries has many weaknesses. But the EU-membership for the Eastern Partnership members is not excluded.