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Thèses sur le sujet « European Economic Community – Membership »

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Publié le 10 mars 2023

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1

Silva, Ana Paula Africano de Sousa e. « The impact of European Community membership on Portuguese trade in manufactured goods ». Thesis, University of Reading, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283642.

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2

Parr, Helen. « Harold Wilson, Whitehall and British policy towards the European Community, 1964-1967 ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2002. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28815.

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Britain's second attempt to seek membership of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1967 has widely been regarded as inevitable. This thesis traces the development of Britain's policy towards the EEC from the accession of the Labour Government in 1964 to the failure of the application for membership in December 1967. Drawing primarily on official British records, it takes as its premise that policy decisions must be reconstructed as they appeared to participants at the time. It therefore places as central the roles and attitudes of key ministers and officials. It seeks to elucidate three main historical themes. First, by assessing the detailed progress of policy, it examines Harold Wilson's own ambiguous attitude towards European membership. Second, it considers how the British approached the Community, analysing Cabinet's acceptance of the policy as well as the conduct of Britain's diplomacy towards the members of the Six. Third, it places Britain's turn to Europe within the context of wider decisions about Britain's foreign and economic policies. It shows that Wilson's policy towards membership of the EEC developed only gradually and under duress, as he initially hoped to create a free trade area in Europe. Wilson did agree to study the implications of membership early in 1966, yet the decisive turning point was the July 1966 sterling crisis. It offers a new interpretation of Britain's approach to the Community, arguing that Wilson's attitude towards the tems of entry emerged only gradually. Britain's diplomacy with the Six foundered on Britain's economic weakness and the ability of General de Gaulle to manipulate his European partners. Although this was a period of considerable transformation in Britain's global orientation, British policy did not represent a decisive break with the past. Decisions were taken reluctantly and piecemeal, in response to economic crisis.

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3

Nicol, Daniel Arthur. « A study of British parliamentary understandings of the constitutional implications of membership of the European Communities, with particular regard to the relationship between legislature and judiciary ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311657.

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4

Vargas-Gonzalez, Briana. « Supranational Organizations and Legitimacy : How the 2008 Global Economic Crisis has affected Public Opinion on Membership in the EU ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6381.

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This thesis examines public opinion towards membership in the EU, before and after the 2008 global economic crisis, in the newest member states to join the institution in 2004 (the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia) and 2007 (Bulgaria and Romania). Prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1989, socialist economies and communism maintained a citizenry that never experienced unemployment and that did not have a political voice. Because free-market economic policies and democratic values are new to these countries, public opinion regarding membership in a supranational organization that promotes and fosters these ideals is important to study. Data from the Eurobarometer Public Opinion Survey spring waves 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, and 2010, the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the World Bank, and Eurostat are used to measure multiple indicators of support for membership in the EU. Ordered logistic regression and means comparison analyses are employed to measure the effect of national-level economic prospects, economic winner/loser status, political party power, age, national identity, gender, and individual-level political ideology on public opinion toward membership. The results demonstrate that multiple indicators affect attitudes toward membership and that a negative shift in public opinion is apparent following the 2008 global economic crisis. At the individual-level of analysis, economic winner/loser status and national identity are significant in the predicted direction in all five models. Age is a significant indicator of support only in 2008, 2009, and 2010. At the aggregate-level, means comparison analyses and t-test statistics indicate that GDP annual growth rates have a positive effect on attitudes toward membership in the EU. As GDP annual growth increases, approval of membership in the EU increases. Eurozone membership and unemployment rates indicate varied support for membership in the EU, and the results of means comparison analyses of political party power at the national-level are inconclusive and exploratory in nature. With all findings considered, future studies can further examine the implications and long-term effects of global financial crises on public opinion towards membership in various international economic organizations.
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; American & Comparative Politics Track

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5

Elezi, Gentian. « Explaining policy implementation : challenges for Albania in preparing for EU membership ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/59462/.

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6

Peldán, Carlsson Gustav. « Economics, political values and historic legacy : Determinants of public support for EU membership and European integration in post-communist Europe ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-300364.

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This study examines the explanatory power of the traditional explanations as to what determines public support for EU membership and European integration – the economic explanation and the political values‐based explanation – in the context of the post-communist member states of the EU. Further, an alternative explanation – the communist legacy explanation – is presented and tested. It is hypothesized that a high degree of Soviet influence and suppression during the communist period leads to a low degree of support for EU membership and European integration, because of a willingness to protect oneself from violation of national sovereignty once again. The explanatory power of the traditional explanations does not obtain convincing empirical support, even if many individual predictors are statistically significant as determinants. Communist legacy seems to be important as a determinant of public support for EU membership and European integration. However, the hypothesis can neither be accepted nor rejected, because of the methodological problems associated with the dummy variable approach used in order to test it. Further, the direction of the relationship between communist legacy and public support for EU membership and European integration seems to be two‐fold, rather than one-sided as hypothesized.

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7

Le, Guen Delphine. « Merger control in the European Economic Community ». Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56895.

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The present thesis analyzes merger control in the European Economic Community, a topical domain on the eve of the completion of the internal market. After a definition according to three approaches (traditional, geographical, quantitative), the provisions of the Rome Treaty on competition law (articles 85 and 86) are elaborated upon, to underline the reinforcement of the Commission's control powers since the entry into force of Council Regulation N$ sp circ$4064/89, in September 1990. The air transport industry has been chosen to illustrate the concept of a priori control of concentrations and its modalities of application in different economic policies.
Jurisprudence and various regulations have promoted the application of EEC competition law to the air transport industry, and have contributed recently to the emergence of a common policy in this field. The Aerospatiale/de Havilland decision constitutes the first dismissal of a concentration notification, since the entry into force of the new provisions. It confirms the wide scope of the Commission's powers in the control of competition.

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8

Tyrrell, Nicola. « European identity beyond boundaries : conceptualising a future European community ». Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26128.

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This thesis maintains that the study and practice of European integration is hindered by an unquestioned and all-embracing conceptual foundation, derived from 17th/18th century political thought. By virtue of identity-related assumptions including 'nation-state', 'nationalism', and 'sovereignty', which rest on an exclusive binary distinction between "self" and "other", this foundation is inadequate and anachronistic as a theoretical lens through which to understand the dynamics of contemporary Europe.
Chapter 1 reveals the inadequacy of existing theories of European integration, and Chapter 2 traces this inadequacy to the issue of identity, tying it in with a modern identity crisis. It is argued that the theory and practice of European integration in the 1990's depends on a fundamental reconceptualisation of identity, to eliminate the conceptual rigidity of exclusive self/other binary distinction, and so to provide the basis for a new kind of European identity. In Chapter 3, the framework of a new "non-fixed", "non-essential" and pragmatic identity (and therefore European identity), beyond the self/other boundaries of contemporary thought, is elaborated through the work of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Derrida, and its effect on the study and practice of European integration is assessed.

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9

Zhitina, Anna. « The economic benefits of EU membership : an Empirical analysis ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-262236.

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This master thesis is devoted to the empirical analysis of the economic benefits of EU membership. The analysis aims to investigate what is the impact of EU membership on growth of the real GDP (in constant prices), unemployment rate and inflation rate for 16 states entering EU after the year 1995 (analysed period of years is 1991-2014). The applied method for evaluation in the current work is econometric analysis of panel data. The first part of the thesis is devoted to the literature review. The second part is describing data and variables that will be used for analysis, development of these variables over the time and stationary testing. The third part is dedicated to the regression analysis and includes models for GDP growth, unemployment growth and inflation. The last part of this master thesis will sum up the results and findings of previous parts. The main source for the data used in this work is the statistical database of World Bank (2016).

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10

MacGregor, Robert J. « An Economic and Political Analysis of the United Kingdom's Membership in the European Union ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/676.

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This thesis will explore the current relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union. There is a high degree of public discontent in the UK over current membership and I will seek to answer the question: is continued membership in the interest of the UK? I will analyze this question from both an economic and political perspective examining the overall degree of linkage and key arguments for and against continued EU membership on a number of issues including trade, labor, foreign direct investment, and political/foreign relations. To conclude, I propose an alternative solution through a multi-speed European Union.

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11

Wilkes, George Richardson. « British attitudes to the European Economic Community, 1956-63 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.619704.

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12

Waitt, G. R. « International specialisation of manufacturing activity and economic integration within the European Economic Community ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384256.

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13

Korres, George M. « Technological performance in Greece within the European community ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.281667.

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14

Nano, Georgiou Angela. « The impact of the European Union and Eurozone membership on economic growth : A quantitative analysis of how the economic growth of the member countries has been affected ». Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Nationalekonomi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-40939.

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The creation of the European Union and later the European economic and monetary union started as a peace project and later on to make the European countries stronger and unified through economic integration The purpose of this study is to analyse the effect that EU(EZ) membership has on the economic growth of its member states. This is done by using an augmented Solow model including the GDP per capita growth rate which represents the economic growth while the EU(EZ) membership is represented by dummy variables. Other variables in the model have been included as control variables but also that are relevant for economic growth. The existing literature regarding the growth impact of the European integration is divided and is still inconclusive as seen from the different results from different studies and that could be due to the heterogeneity of the member countries, the time period studied but as well due to the methodological difficulties. Some economists have found a positive impact on economic growth, while others have not been able to find any impact at all. Thus, it could be said the growth effect from the EU(EZ) membership is a controversial subject. By using data for the OECD countries, including both EU and non-EU countries, eurozone and non-eurozone members over the time period 1990 to 2018, the results have suggested the following; EU and eurozone memberships have not contributed to economic growth of their members, while EU membership has affected negatively the growth rate of the EU countries compared to the non-EU OECD countries when the financial crisis was controlled for.

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15

Field, Heather. « Consequences of concentration on the CAP for European integration ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/123114.

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This sub-thesis deals with the concentration of the European Community (EC) on the Common Agricultural Policy or CAP as its main policy to date, and the consequences of this for the process of integration. This process of integration is considered to be both economic and political, with both the economic welfare and the influence in international affairs of the integrated whole, the European Community, being greater than the sum of these from the individual parts, in this case the member states.

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16

Tanrikulu, Osman Goktug. « A Dissatisfied Partner : A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union ». PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1064.

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Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU. The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed. The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.

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17

Furby, Daniel Edwin. « The revival and success of Britain's second application for membership of the European Community, 1968-71 ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2010. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/706.

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On 19 December 1967, France formally imposed a veto on British entry to the European Community. The Labour government of Harold Wilson had applied for membership of the Community in May of that year, but the French, in accordance with the views of their President, Charles de Gaulle, implacably opposed enlargement negotiations. Yet just three and a half years later, in June 1971, accession negotiations between Britain and the Community recorded agreement on the critical issues, thereby removing the major diplomatic obstacles to British membership. Why this turnaround in fortunes occurred, and what contribution the governments of Harold Wilson and Edward Heath made to it, are the questions at the heart of this thesis. In its analysis of these historic events, this thesis provides numerous new findings. It re-interprets British actions in relation to the controversial ‘Soames affair’ of February 1969. It demonstrates the impact of The Hague summit upon the cost of British membership, and shows how this influenced internal debate about the case for joining the Community. Fresh light is shed upon the critical phase of the accession negotiations between January and June 1971, both in regard to Pompidou’s actions and motivations, and the role of the May 1971 Heath-Pompidou summit in the successful outcome. The thesis is based primarily upon British governmental sources held at the National Archives. The private papers of key participants have also been consulted, as well as parliamentary debates, political diaries, memoirs, and newspapers. In addition, the papers for the presidency of Georges Pompidou, deposited at the Archives Nationales, are employed to illuminate French actions at the two pivotal moments of the accession negotiations: the impasse of March 1971; and the Heath-Pompidou summit two months later.

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Koh, Jae Bang. « Regional disadvantages and economic and political integration within the European Community / ». The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487778663286902.

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Marinova, Yona Georgieva. « Bifurcation of parallel trade in the European Community ». Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2008. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=25821.

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This thesis examines the regulation of parallel imports of trade marked goods in the European Community (EC), demonstrates its deficiencies and advocates its amendment by the Community legislator. The thesis identifies as a primary characteristic of the regulation the bifurcation of intra-EC and extra-EC parallel importation, that is to say, the fundamental divergence of the regimes of parallel imports coming from another EC Member State and imports coming from third countries. The split as to the rationale, justification and outcome of the two regimes is so substantial that it is viewed as the existence of ‘parallel regulations on parallel trade’ in the Community. The study establishes four different manifestations of this bifurcation, the most evident one concerning the fact that while internal imports are lawful under EC law, external ones could be repelled by the mark owner as trade mark infringement. It is submitted that this variable legal tolerance to parallel trade has been legitimised through the Community rule of limited, regional exhaustion of trade mark rights and the manner in which the European Court of Justice has interpreted its application. Against this background, the thesis raises three groups of legal arguments for reviewing the current Community exhaustion policy and implementing a rule of international trade mark exhaustion. They relate to trade mark law, competition law and certain proclamations of the importance of free unrestricted global trade, made by the Community on international level and in the EC context as well. Finally, the study complements the above legal arguments with socio-economic justifications in support of international exhaustion. The research suggests that the Community should consider the implementation of international trade mark exhaustion and carry out the necessary preparatory steps outlined by the study in this regard.

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Haidar, Abdulhassan Hassan. « The legal framework of the external relations of the European Economic Community and the European coal and steel community with Lebanon ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402691.

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21

Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. « In or Out : Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe ». PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.

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Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.

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22

Marinova, Yona Georgieva. « Bufurcation [sic] of parallel trade in the European Community / ». Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources. Restricted access until May 22, 2014, 2008. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=25821.

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23

Klingensmith, James Meade Jr. « Reinventing Britain : British National Identity and the European Economic Community, 1967-1975 ». Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1337116642.

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24

Bernel, Alexandre. « Le principe d'équivalence ou de "reconnaissance mutuelle" en droit communautaire ». Zürich : Schulthess, 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/214938406.html.

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25

Spieker, Kathleen M. « A community perspective on the interaction of EC external relations and European political cooperation in the pre-Maastricht Community : case studies of actor behaviour manifested through economic sanctions and trade used as political instruments ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15241.

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The interaction of Community and European Political Cooperation (EPC) affairs is a subject which has been neglected in the research on European integration. While legal scholars have partially taken up the complex task of treaty exegesis, there has been a dearth of research from the political perspective. This thesis fills a major gap in the discussion of EPC from theoretical, analytical and empirical aspects. Thus, it explores from a Community perspective not only the normative question of whether the European Community (EC) requires or even desires an institutionalised, external political voice to fulfil its role as an international trade alliance; but also, and more important, it examines the political linkages implicit in and inseparable from economic decisions and actions. In this context the thesis examines, through a series of case studies, the issues and tensions that have come about and still exist in the European Community in the interplay between forces of integration, external relations, and EPC: the aspiration for political integration on one hand, and the desire by the member states of the Community to retain independence on the other. The resulting tension from these forces is best reflected in the relationship between EC external economic relations, and European Political Cooperation, manifested in the quest for actorness by the Community.

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Cross, Peter John. « Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union : from free trade to trade and development ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.

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On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.

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Ward, Stuart. « Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963 ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.

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This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should become ‘unimaginable’.

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Lagringe, Frida, et Iisa Östring. « EU Membership in Times of Economic Turmoil : To what degree did EU and EMU memberships protect trade during the financial crisis of 2008 ? » Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Nationalekonomi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-40049.

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This thesis examines whether EU and EMU memberships appeared to protect the member countries’ trade, measured in exports, during the 2008 global financial crisis. The panel data analysis is based on a country sample of 40 OECD and EU countries during the period from 2000 to 2016. By employing a pooled Ordinary Least Squared (OLS) regression and an augmented gravity model, we investigate how the EU and EMU countries’ trade was impacted in comparison to the average of the OECD countries’ trade during the crisis. The results indicate that being a member of the EU or the currency union did not pose additional protection, as the member countries’ trade seemed to be more negatively impacted by the crisis than the average trade in the OECD countries.

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Osman, Rehab Osman Mohamed. « The EU Economic Partnership Agreements with Southern Africa : a computable general equilibrium analysis ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/38615/.

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This thesis examines the potential impacts of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the EU and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It provides a quantitative assessment of the prospective implications for welfare, output and trade structures, resource allocation, prices and fiscal revenue. The thesis undertakes country- and sector-specific analyses using the multi-region, multi-sector computable general equilibrium (CGE) GLOBE model. The model is calibrated to the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) Database- version 7 for 2004. Different scenarios are implemented in order to simulate the alternative EU-SADC EPA scenarios in addition to their WTO-compatible alternatives. The thesis aims to contribute novel insights to the ongoing debate on the EU-SADC EPAs. It provides detailed country- and sector-specific impact projections within an internally consistent modelling framework. Furthermore, it contemplates the other WTO-compatible arrangements for SADC-EU trade in the case of not signing final EPAs. The simulation results inform answers for several research questions, as follows. Who gains and who loses from the EU-SADC EPAs? Do the agreements help SADC to effectively integrate into the world economy? What type of structural change might SADC experience under the EU-SADC EPA scenarios? How significant are potential adjustment costs for the SADC members likely to be? Are the WTO-compatible alternatives preferable for SADC members compared to the EU-SADC EPAs scenario? The simulation results suggest that a comprehensive EPA scenario is welfare-improving for many SADC members. The agreements, however, do not serve as a stumbling block towards more integration for SADC members into the world markets. Overall, SADC production structures become more concentrated in export-oriented sectors. These structural changes are accompanied by a high degree of adjustment in factor markets and substantial fiscal losses. A comprehensive EPA scenario is the best option vis-à-vis the WTO-compatible alternatives for SADC non-LDCs, whereas the results for SADC LDCs are mixed.

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Biçak, Hasan Ali. « The impact of the European Economic Community on the economic structure of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus ». Thesis, University of Leicester, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/35468.

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The Cyprus problem started in 1963 with the first coup of the Greeks. The second coup in 1974 by the Greeks aimed to annex Cyprus to Greece and the counter intervention of Turkey led Cyprus being divided into two. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) in the North and the Greek Cypriot Administration in the South. This research uses input-output theory in analysing the economic structure of TRNC in 1986. Descriptive analysis, enabled comparison of the two economies of the Island. Linkage analysis provided a better understanding of the interindustry relations. Computation of type I and type II output, income, and employment multipliers, and the source of output, income, employment and competitive imports for final demand categories gave a further information about the structural interdependencies of the industries. Using Klein's adopted model for the TRNC economy, OLSQ, LSQ, 2SLS, and NL-2SLS estimation methods are compared in their backward and forward performances over a period of 1977-1988. Dynamic multipliers are also computed. Financial aid received from Turkey was 11 times more effective than aid received from the EEC. Forward projections showed that unless the financial aid received from the EEC is given with respect to need rather than to the projects in the South, or a separate agreement is made with the TRNC, then the present financial aid has very negligible effect on the TRNC economy.

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Reid, Emily Sarah. « Reconciling economic and non economic interests in the legal regulation of international trade : lessons from the European Community ? » Thesis, University of Southampton, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289576.

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Knutson, Keith. « Britain's functional approach to integration / ». free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9988679.

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Li, Kwan-leung, et 李君樑. « The European currency crisis : a replay of strains on bretton woods system ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31954522.

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Horovitz, Dan D. « Regulation of competition under the rules of the free trade area agreements concluded by the European Economic Community ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213301.

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Banda, Simambo Tenford. « To what extent is overlapping membership of regional structures with mutually exclusive objectives in the SADC region an impediment to regional integration ». Diss., University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/31410.

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The main objectives of the study was to determine the exclusivity of the objectives of the regional groupings within the SADC region and to assess the impact that membership overlaps has on the realization of specific regional grouping objectives.A qualitative research approach was adopted. Semi-structured in-depth expert interviews were used to determine the issues arising from regional membership overlaps in the SADC region.Due to limited literature around the subject of regional integration in the SADC region, work done by my supervisor Dr Jannie Rossouw were cited in some instances.Recent developments in the Western economies that have resulted in the refocusing of the SADC region have resulted in polarization amongst the regional groupings in Africa. Furthermore, existing regional groupings within the Southern Africa, have endenvoured on an ambitious regional integration agenda which has resulted in membership overlaps within the existing regional bodies. The study found that these regional overlaps are costing the affected member states in the form of monetary subscription and through the deployment of the rare human skilled resources to regional secretariats. The advent of the European Partnership Agreements has caused polarization within the SADC region through the signing of various bi-lateral and multi-lateral agreements. Most importantly, this study found that structural overlaps exist within SADC itself. A lack of sufficient political will amongst SADC member states was also noted as an impediment to regional integration.However, the study also noted some positive performances of existing regional grouping despite membership overlaps. The Common Monetary Area was highlighted as a grouping that was performing in line with prescribed regional integration convergence indicators.
Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
Unrestricted

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Ifestos, Panayiotis J. « Some aspects of external relations and foreign policy of the European Community : European political cooperation and defense / security issues ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213536.

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Tan, Bo. « Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.

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Goodison, Paul. « Relations between the European Economic Community and the Southern African Development Coordination Conference - an assessment ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383646.

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Carter, Caitriona A. « Economic and social dynamics of part-time employment law as policy within the European Community ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/21133.

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This thesis explores the regulation of part-time employment, within a European Community (EC) context, examining law as an instrument of policy. The domestic policies of two Member States, the UK and France, are analysed as examples of alternative approaches to part-time employment. Conclusions drawn from such different national policies are re-explored at EC level, as is EC Part-Time Employment Policy itself, with the intention of explaining a weakened political interest in the regulation of part-time employment at EC level. The thesis adopts a distinct theoretical position to explore the complex interweaving of economic and social factors at two levels - firstly, at the level of theoretical conceptions of labour market functioning and part-time employment and secondly, at the level of national and EC law as policy. This position is reached by drawing together the findings made by the advanced form of Labour Market Segmentation theory, which points to a consequentialist understanding of labour market functioning. The focus is on two legal options of part-time employment policy - the application of Sex Equality Law and the application of the Principle of Non-Discrimination between Full- and Part-Time Workers. I analyse these routes from a consequentialist stance, taking issue with the causalist approach to both regulation and policy analysis. I find that, irrespective of whether a policy has an economic or social goal, it relies on a certain conceptualisation of labour market functioning. I argue that, at present, national and EC Social Policies fail to follow the consequentialist recognition of market functioning and that EC Social Policy is in addition dominated by the economic and social dynamics of internal market functioning.

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Kameniščáková, Ida. « Aplikace komunitárního práva na oblast sportu ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-4349.

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Sports used to be the only way to enjoy oneself and to spend free time. Today it rather represents business and an important part of all economies around the world. That is why the European community law includes the sports indirectly in three areas: - the community market of the European union, - the economic competition of the EU, - coordinated policies of the EU. The key role of the entire diploma thesis plays the decision of the European Court in the case Bosman in 1995.

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Yi, Seong-Deog. « Legal aspects of the common commercial policy of the European Economic Community under the GATT regime ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357376.

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Tabur, Canan Ezel. « The decision-making process in EU policy towards the Eastern neighbourhood : the case of immigration policy ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/38671/.

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This thesis investigates the EU policy-making process concerning the external dimension of migration focusing on the EU's eastern neighbourhood. In recent years, there has been an increasing emphasis on integrating a comprehensive migration dimension into the broader external policies of the EU. In 2004, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was developed as an overarching foreign policy tool integrating the EU's existing policies towards its southern and eastern neighbourhood under a single framework with the objective of ensuring security and stability in the EU's neighbourhood. The management of cross-border movements along the EU's new eastern frontiers in particular has moved up on the EU agenda with the eastern shift of the EU borders following the 2004/2007 eastern enlargements. With the increasing integration of migration policy objectives into the EU's broader neighbourhood policy, the EU has progressively established a more streamlined form of cooperation with its immediate eastern neighbours concerning different dimensions of migration policy. The thesis examines the EU policy-making process with the aim of answering the question of how the EU policy has been shaped in the view of diverging national preferences and institutional roles and influence concerning the external dimension of migration policy. As a salient policy area central to national sovereignty and interest, the EU member states traditionally seek to control the impact of institutional constraints in the area of migration policy and support mechanisms by which they could exert national control over the policy outcomes. On the other hand, the increasing ‘communitarisation' of the policy area since the Amsterdam Treaty has enhanced the role of the EU institutions. Drawing on the new-institututionalist approaches to EU policy-making, the thesis questions a purely intergovernmental understanding of policy-making dominated by the preferences of the member states in the external dimension of EU migration policy.

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KEOGH, DAVERI Aoife. « Managing membership : Ireland and the European Economic Community 1973-1979 ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/35242.

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Defence date: 9 February 2015
Examining Board: Professor Kiran Patel, University of Maastricht (Supervisor); Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute; Professor Joe Lee, New York University; Professor Gary Murphy, Dublin City University.
Managing Ireland's relations with the EEC after accession suffered from several shortcomings which bore direct consequences for its overall handling of membership. Those difficulties were linked firstly to resistence towards administrative reform nationally and secondly to its relations with the EEC prior to accession. Initially, the Department of Finance led negotiations but Lynch decided to nominate Foreign Affairs as official gate-keeper of Ireland's relations with the EEC in 1970. Finance concentrated on readying and gathering information and data for negotiations from departments at home while the DFA concentrated its efforts on actual negotiations in Brussels. While maximising resources in the short-term, this effectively straddled EEC policy between departments and delayed the evolution of a domestic mechanism for filtering Ireland's relations through one body/department. That split did not help enhance co-ordination after membership. This situation was complicated by the fact that officials in the two departments had very different perceptions of what membership was and could become. It is argued that the model which emerged for 'managing membership' had significant repercussions on decision-making and its relations with the EEC. Difficulties and inconsistencies are highlighted relating to specific policies such as ERDF and EMS in the final chapters of this dissertation. The DFA managed to assert its position and central co-ordinating role particularly during Ireland's first Presidency of the European Council in 1975 but it was side-lined once more as negotiations for EMS approached. Finance and the Taoiseach's Office took the lead in these negotiations. But ineffective filtering of Irish policy toward the EEC through the DFA meant that considerable institutional memory in diplomatic relations was under-utilised and this is noted in this research. Despite the DFA's relentless efforts to make its mark and defend its gatekeeping function throughout the 1970s, its role was diminished even further with the arrival of a new government in 1979.

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MICHAEL, Elena. « Cyprus : the race for accession ; is the 1960 constitution a barrier ? » Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5468.

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GEARY, Michael J. « Enlargement and the European Commission : an assessment of the British and Irish applications for membership of the European Economic Community, 1958-73 ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12001.

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Defence date: 20 February 2009
Examining Board: Prof. Pascaline Winand (EUI/Monash University, Supervisor); Prof. N. Piers Ludlow (London School of Economics, Co-supervisor); Prof. Kiran Klaus Patel (EUI); Prof. Jan van der Harst (University of Groningen)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The thesis examines how the European Commission responded to the challenges posed by Britain’s and Ireland’s attempts to join the European Economic Community (EEC) between 1958 and 1972.1 The part played by the Commission in the enlargement process of the 1960s is one that has received little critical attention by scholars dealing with the history of European integration. Each chapter examines the enlargement question largely from the Commission’s perspective intertwined with British and Irish views. It therefore moves beyond the more traditional focus of scholarly research that has to date been almost exclusively based around national accounts of how the Community went from six to nine members in January 1973. This dissertation aims, in part, to fill this void in the history of the early years of the EEC.

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Baimbridge, Mark J. « The economic cost of membership ». 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/10867.

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Dandul, Hamit Onur. « Possible membership of Turkey to European Union and its economic aspects ». Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-338969.

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This study argues that the slow progress of Turkey in the accession to the European Union is not simlpy due to a failure to comply with the "official" membership criteria. It is argued that European attitude towards these official requirements represents a double standard, which can be searched in the context of unspoken cultural and religious fears, that do not exist in the official criteria. It is argued that there are many positive reasons to Turkey's accession to the EU. There is the aspect of energy- security, demography, acting as a bridge between the West and the East, and keeping the European Union away from being Eurocentric. However, seen the recent developments in Turkey's accession negotiations with the EU, the current political climate in Europe suggests that cultural homogeneity of the European Union remains a strong desire. Turkey, being the "Other", suffers the consequences of this. And while Turkey can make changes to its economy and political system to fulfil the EU's accession criteria, there are two 'givens' that cannot be changed-namely, religion/culture and geography/physical location. Thus, understanding these fixed characteristics of Turkey, and their perception by the European Union is crucially important in understanding the European Union - Turkey process overall.

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Hsiang, Jih-hao, et 向志豪. « A Study on Swedish Application for Membership of the European Community ». Thesis, 1993. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/85548082318603359701.

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FAGERLUND, Niklas. « The Aland Islands protocol : a case of differentiation in Community law ». Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5562.

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VAN, AKEN Wim. « Mediating Membership : Sectors, states, and strategies. EU enlargement negotiations (1998-2003) : Constructive and destructive interference ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7035.

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Defence date: 19 March 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Martin Rhodes, EUI/Denver University (Supervisor); Prof. Adrienne Héritier, EUI; Prof. James Caporaso, University of Washington; Prof. Willem Buiter, LSE
Why is it that when economic sectors have strong preferences and mobilise politically on a national and international level one does not always find the respective policy outcomes as ‘demand side’ international political economic theory predicts? In concentrating on the role national and international institutions play in an open polity model I argue that states (governments) and international organisations (negotiations) and the strategies of actors occupying these institutions mediate societal interests according to what I call the logic of destructive and constructive interference. States and international organisations act as constraints upon societal preferences at the negotiating table when their interests are not aligned. This is ‘destructive interference’. Conversely, when societal interests and institutional preferences are aligned states and strategies sustain or amplify societal preferences at the negotiating table. This I refer to as ‘constructive interference’. I apply this conjecture to the fifth EU enlargement process (1998-2004) and the negotiated exemptions to the EU accession treaties. First, I quantitatively compare the universe of cases, i.e. 44 economic sectors across the ten applicant states according to their trade, factor and asset specificity. Subsequently, I subject the theory to a qualitative analysis in three economic sectors, i.e. pharmaceuticals, basic iron and steel and the international road freight transport, across four applicant states, i.e. the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. The case studies have been based on sector and country-specific literature and 82 positional and structured interviews. The theoretical framework on the demand side has been provided by insights from modern political economy. The study finds that enlargement had a redistributive influence on sectoral incomes that resulted in preference formation and political mobilisation along sectoral lines. On the supply side, veto players and negotiation theory, combined with assumptions about political preference formation, provided hypothetical guidance. It finds that governments observed sectoral interests when their demand for protection reduced government expenditure and did not damage popular support for EU entry. On an international level, government negotiators found it easier to extract concessions from the EU when constrained by at least one domestic veto player. The EU would extend these concessions to other countries under the banner of equality and reciprocity.

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