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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « European Economic Community – Membership »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "European Economic Community – Membership"

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Pomfret, Richard. « Measuring the economic consequences of British membership of the European Economic Community ». Applied Economics 17, no 4 (août 1985) : 705–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/758534700.

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Aqui, Lindsay. « Macmillan, Nkrumah and the 1961 Application for European Economic Community Membership ». International History Review 39, no 4 (27 octobre 2016) : 575–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2016.1245675.

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Gavrilov, Doina. « Europeanization of Turkey and the Long Way to EU Membership ». International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 86 (mars 2019) : 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.86.1.

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For a few decades, Europe watches Turkey evolution in a matter of politics, policy, policies, human rights and so on. Everything begins in 1959 when Turkey applies to associate membership to the European Economic Community. But unfortunately for Turkey, the accession to the Community was not to accomplish. In time, the European Economic Community became the European Union. The organization pass through the enlargement process multiple times that today it is the Union of the 28 countries, but still without Turkey as a member. After all this time, a question is raised: what drags Turkey from achieving the membership status in all this time? In this paper, we try to answer the above question through the Europeanization spectrum.
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Cogen, Marc. « Membership, Associate Membership and Pre-accession Arrangements of CERN, ESO, ESA, and EUMETSAT ». International Organizations Law Review 9, no 1 (2012) : 145–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-00901008.

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Although there is abundant literature on membership of international organizations such as the United Nations, the European Union or the WTO, membership issues concerning European scientific organizations are rarely looked upon. This can be explained by the focus of the legal community on political and economic organizations. The introduction of the article clarifies why separate European scientific organizations were needed and how the scientific community created European cooperation on a sectoral basis, sometimes aided by US scientists. The scientific organizations maintained themselves as independent organizations notwithstanding the absorptive capacity demonstrated by the dynamics of the European Union. The article argues that the four European scientific organizations developed a similar but not identical legal practice regarding admission of new member states and membership obligations. CERN and ESA are the two conceptual models for the development of legal solutions to membership questions which contributes to the formation of a similar law pattern of European scientific organizations. Treaty amendment has been avoided and legal practice is developed by the plenary organ, the Council. Legal similarities offer the advantage to states, as members of the four scientific organizations, to understand better the particular nature of scientific organizations and their operations. The article pays attention to recent expansion of membership as a complex issue which reinforced the adoption of similar legal solutions and the introduction of a pre-accession policy with increased membership conditionality.
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Roper, Steven D. « The European Community as an Agent of Reform : EC Admission Criteria and Romania ». American Review of Politics 15 (1 avril 1994) : 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.105-121.

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This analysis examines the role o f the European Community in the transition to democracy and a market economy in Romania. Specifically, the EC admission criteria developed during the second enlargement (viz., the democratic reform of. economic transformation of. and foreign policy of applicant states) are applied to a case study o f Romania in order to understand why Romania was offered associate membership in the EC. It is found that both EC and Romanian officials see Romania's associate membership as a vehicle for further political and economic reform within that country. An implication is that the EC may view further Southeastern enlargement as a hedge against instability in the region.
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Ali, M. El–Agraa. « On‘Measuring the economic consequences of British membership of the European Economic Community’ by Professor Richard Pomfret ». Applied Economics 17, no 4 (août 1985) : 709–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/758534701.

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Smedley, Stuart. « Making a Federal Case : Youth Groups, Students and the 1975 European Economic Community Referendum Campaign to Keep Britain in Europe ». Twentieth Century British History 31, no 4 (28 novembre 2020) : 454–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwz043.

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Abstract To persuade the electorate to vote ‘Yes’ in the June 1975 referendum on the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Economic Community, Britain in Europe, the pro-European campaign organization, adopted a pragmatic approach, focusing on the economic benefits of membership and warning about the potentially grave consequences of withdrawal. Importantly, they avoided discussing proposed future advances in European integration. However, this theme was of importance to pro-European youth and student campaign groups—the subject of this article. Through a detailed analysis of their campaign literature, this article further transforms understanding of the 1975 referendum and, especially, the nature of the ‘Yes’ campaign by demonstrating how radical youth groups’ arguments for continued membership were. It argues that young activists yearned to discuss sovereignty and deeper integration in great detail as they offered idealistic visions for how the EEC could develop and benefit Britain. The article also advances knowledge of youth politics in the turbulent 1970s. Greater light is shone on the frustration pro-European youth groups felt towards the main Britain in Europe campaign. Meanwhile, it serves as a case study on the extent to which the perspectives of party-political youth groups and their superiors differed on a specific, highly salient policy issue.
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Bye, Paul James, et Paul Lansing. « New Membership and the Future of the European Community ». World Competition 15, Issue 3 (1 mars 1992) : 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/woco1991017.

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Pinder, John. « The Future of the European Community : A Strategy for Enlargement ». Government and Opposition 27, no 4 (1 octobre 1992) : 414–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1992.tb00421.x.

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THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN WIDENING AND DEEPENING HAS been a recurrent theme since the foundation of the Community, when Britain refused to join in taking what the Schuman declaration, which launched the European Coal and Steel Community in May 1950, called ‘a first step in the federation of Europe’. When Britain sought membership in 1961, Jean Monnet, who had drafted the Schuman declaration, got his Action Committee for the United States of Europe to affirm that the British would be joining, not just the Community as it then stood, but ‘the economic and political union which is in the process of formation’; and the Committee called -for the establishment of a European Reserve Union as ‘the first step’ towards the goal of a European currency. Both the widening to include Britain and the deepening in the direction of a union were vetoed by President de Gaulle. But both projects outlasted him; and, when British membership was once again considered after his departure in 1969, the French government devised the formulation that widening must be accompanied by ‘completion’ and ‘deepening’.
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Steinnes, Kristian. « The European Challenge : Britain's EEC Application in 1961 ». Contemporary European History 7, no 01 (mars 1998) : 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004768.

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In mid-July 1961 the Conservative government in Britain, headed by Harold Macmillan, decided to apply for full membership of the European Economic Community (EEC). Successive British governments had persistently opted for intergovernmental co-operation instead of supranational integration as in the case of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the EEC. Thus the application, which implied the intent to join a supranational structure and a customs union, marked an unexpected and somewhat surprising break with the well-established British post-war policy.
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Thèses sur le sujet "European Economic Community – Membership"

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Silva, Ana Paula Africano de Sousa e. « The impact of European Community membership on Portuguese trade in manufactured goods ». Thesis, University of Reading, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283642.

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Parr, Helen. « Harold Wilson, Whitehall and British policy towards the European Community, 1964-1967 ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2002. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28815.

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Britain's second attempt to seek membership of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1967 has widely been regarded as inevitable. This thesis traces the development of Britain's policy towards the EEC from the accession of the Labour Government in 1964 to the failure of the application for membership in December 1967. Drawing primarily on official British records, it takes as its premise that policy decisions must be reconstructed as they appeared to participants at the time. It therefore places as central the roles and attitudes of key ministers and officials. It seeks to elucidate three main historical themes. First, by assessing the detailed progress of policy, it examines Harold Wilson's own ambiguous attitude towards European membership. Second, it considers how the British approached the Community, analysing Cabinet's acceptance of the policy as well as the conduct of Britain's diplomacy towards the members of the Six. Third, it places Britain's turn to Europe within the context of wider decisions about Britain's foreign and economic policies. It shows that Wilson's policy towards membership of the EEC developed only gradually and under duress, as he initially hoped to create a free trade area in Europe. Wilson did agree to study the implications of membership early in 1966, yet the decisive turning point was the July 1966 sterling crisis. It offers a new interpretation of Britain's approach to the Community, arguing that Wilson's attitude towards the tems of entry emerged only gradually. Britain's diplomacy with the Six foundered on Britain's economic weakness and the ability of General de Gaulle to manipulate his European partners. Although this was a period of considerable transformation in Britain's global orientation, British policy did not represent a decisive break with the past. Decisions were taken reluctantly and piecemeal, in response to economic crisis.
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Nicol, Daniel Arthur. « A study of British parliamentary understandings of the constitutional implications of membership of the European Communities, with particular regard to the relationship between legislature and judiciary ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311657.

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Vargas-Gonzalez, Briana. « Supranational Organizations and Legitimacy : How the 2008 Global Economic Crisis has affected Public Opinion on Membership in the EU ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6381.

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This thesis examines public opinion towards membership in the EU, before and after the 2008 global economic crisis, in the newest member states to join the institution in 2004 (the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia) and 2007 (Bulgaria and Romania). Prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1989, socialist economies and communism maintained a citizenry that never experienced unemployment and that did not have a political voice. Because free-market economic policies and democratic values are new to these countries, public opinion regarding membership in a supranational organization that promotes and fosters these ideals is important to study. Data from the Eurobarometer Public Opinion Survey spring waves 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, and 2010, the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the World Bank, and Eurostat are used to measure multiple indicators of support for membership in the EU. Ordered logistic regression and means comparison analyses are employed to measure the effect of national-level economic prospects, economic winner/loser status, political party power, age, national identity, gender, and individual-level political ideology on public opinion toward membership. The results demonstrate that multiple indicators affect attitudes toward membership and that a negative shift in public opinion is apparent following the 2008 global economic crisis. At the individual-level of analysis, economic winner/loser status and national identity are significant in the predicted direction in all five models. Age is a significant indicator of support only in 2008, 2009, and 2010. At the aggregate-level, means comparison analyses and t-test statistics indicate that GDP annual growth rates have a positive effect on attitudes toward membership in the EU. As GDP annual growth increases, approval of membership in the EU increases. Eurozone membership and unemployment rates indicate varied support for membership in the EU, and the results of means comparison analyses of political party power at the national-level are inconclusive and exploratory in nature. With all findings considered, future studies can further examine the implications and long-term effects of global financial crises on public opinion towards membership in various international economic organizations.
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; American & Comparative Politics Track
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Elezi, Gentian. « Explaining policy implementation : challenges for Albania in preparing for EU membership ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/59462/.

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Peldán, Carlsson Gustav. « Economics, political values and historic legacy : Determinants of public support for EU membership and European integration in post-communist Europe ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-300364.

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This study examines the explanatory power of the traditional explanations as to what determines public support for EU membership and European integration – the economic explanation and the political values‐based explanation – in the context of the post-communist member states of the EU. Further, an alternative explanation – the communist legacy explanation – is presented and tested. It is hypothesized that a high degree of Soviet influence and suppression during the communist period leads to a low degree of support for EU membership and European integration, because of a willingness to protect oneself from violation of national sovereignty once again. The explanatory power of the traditional explanations does not obtain convincing empirical support, even if many individual predictors are statistically significant as determinants. Communist legacy seems to be important as a determinant of public support for EU membership and European integration. However, the hypothesis can neither be accepted nor rejected, because of the methodological problems associated with the dummy variable approach used in order to test it. Further, the direction of the relationship between communist legacy and public support for EU membership and European integration seems to be two‐fold, rather than one-sided as hypothesized.
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Le, Guen Delphine. « Merger control in the European Economic Community ». Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56895.

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The present thesis analyzes merger control in the European Economic Community, a topical domain on the eve of the completion of the internal market. After a definition according to three approaches (traditional, geographical, quantitative), the provisions of the Rome Treaty on competition law (articles 85 and 86) are elaborated upon, to underline the reinforcement of the Commission's control powers since the entry into force of Council Regulation N$ sp circ$4064/89, in September 1990. The air transport industry has been chosen to illustrate the concept of a priori control of concentrations and its modalities of application in different economic policies.
Jurisprudence and various regulations have promoted the application of EEC competition law to the air transport industry, and have contributed recently to the emergence of a common policy in this field. The Aerospatiale/de Havilland decision constitutes the first dismissal of a concentration notification, since the entry into force of the new provisions. It confirms the wide scope of the Commission's powers in the control of competition.
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Tyrrell, Nicola. « European identity beyond boundaries : conceptualising a future European community ». Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26128.

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This thesis maintains that the study and practice of European integration is hindered by an unquestioned and all-embracing conceptual foundation, derived from 17th/18th century political thought. By virtue of identity-related assumptions including 'nation-state', 'nationalism', and 'sovereignty', which rest on an exclusive binary distinction between "self" and "other", this foundation is inadequate and anachronistic as a theoretical lens through which to understand the dynamics of contemporary Europe.
Chapter 1 reveals the inadequacy of existing theories of European integration, and Chapter 2 traces this inadequacy to the issue of identity, tying it in with a modern identity crisis. It is argued that the theory and practice of European integration in the 1990's depends on a fundamental reconceptualisation of identity, to eliminate the conceptual rigidity of exclusive self/other binary distinction, and so to provide the basis for a new kind of European identity. In Chapter 3, the framework of a new "non-fixed", "non-essential" and pragmatic identity (and therefore European identity), beyond the self/other boundaries of contemporary thought, is elaborated through the work of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Derrida, and its effect on the study and practice of European integration is assessed.
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Zhitina, Anna. « The economic benefits of EU membership : an Empirical analysis ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-262236.

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This master thesis is devoted to the empirical analysis of the economic benefits of EU membership. The analysis aims to investigate what is the impact of EU membership on growth of the real GDP (in constant prices), unemployment rate and inflation rate for 16 states entering EU after the year 1995 (analysed period of years is 1991-2014). The applied method for evaluation in the current work is econometric analysis of panel data. The first part of the thesis is devoted to the literature review. The second part is describing data and variables that will be used for analysis, development of these variables over the time and stationary testing. The third part is dedicated to the regression analysis and includes models for GDP growth, unemployment growth and inflation. The last part of this master thesis will sum up the results and findings of previous parts. The main source for the data used in this work is the statistical database of World Bank (2016).
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MacGregor, Robert J. « An Economic and Political Analysis of the United Kingdom's Membership in the European Union ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/676.

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This thesis will explore the current relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union. There is a high degree of public discontent in the UK over current membership and I will seek to answer the question: is continued membership in the interest of the UK? I will analyze this question from both an economic and political perspective examining the overall degree of linkage and key arguments for and against continued EU membership on a number of issues including trade, labor, foreign direct investment, and political/foreign relations. To conclude, I propose an alternative solution through a multi-speed European Union.
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Livres sur le sujet "European Economic Community – Membership"

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1939-, Keatinge Patrick, dir. Ireland and EC membership evaluated. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1991.

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Meerhaeghe, Marcel Alfons Gilbert van, 1921-, dir. Belgium and EC membership evaluated. London : Pinter Publishers, 1992.

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Francesco, Francioni, dir. Italy and EC membership evaluated. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1992.

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V, Kazakos Panos, et Ioakimidis P. C, dir. Greece and EC membership evaluated. London : Pinter Publishers, 1994.

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G, Dreyfus François, Morizet Jacques et Peyrard Max, dir. France and EC membership evaluated. London : Pinter Publishers, 1993.

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Amparo, Almarcha Barbado María, dir. Spain and EC membership evaluated. London : Pinter, 1993.

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Francesco, Francioni, dir. Italy and EC membership evaluated. London : Pinter Publishers, 1992.

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Lise, Lyck, dir. Denmark and EC membership evaluated. London : Pinter, 1992.

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1954-, Bulmer Simon, George Stephen 1949- et Scott Andrew, dir. The United Kingdom and EC membership evaluated. London : Pinter, 1992.

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Cyprus. Grapheio Typou kai Plērophoriōn., dir. Cyprus : The way to full EC membership. Cyprus : Press and Information Office, Republic of Cyprus, 1991.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "European Economic Community – Membership"

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Denton, Geoffrey. « Economic Implications for the Community of Turkish Membership ». Dans Turkey and the European Community, 195–201. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-01422-5_13.

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Kefalas, Anthony, et Alexander Mantzaris. « The Greek Balance of Payments and Membership of the European Economic Community ». Dans Greece and the EEC, 69–79. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08431-9_4.

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Goodman, S. F. « Economic Performance ». Dans The European Community, 91–106. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20904-0_6.

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Glückler, Johannes, et Jakob Hoffmann. « Time Banks as Transient Civic Organizations ? Exploring the Dynamics of Decline ». Dans Knowledge and Civil Society, 131–46. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71147-4_7.

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AbstractTime banks have become a popular type of civic organization constructed to facilitate egalitarian economic exchange through a community-bounded currency. Especially after the recent economic crises in Europe, the rise in the number of time banks has been accompanied by relative transience and sometimes short lifespans. We adopt a relational perspective to explore the dynamics of decline in the civic engagement of a time bank in southern Germany. Using methods of longitudinal social network analysis, we analyze the relational processes and individual trajectories of members within the emerging transaction network over a period of eight years. Rather than explaining why, we have found how relational trajectories of members through a structure of core and periphery have led to creeping decline in activity and membership. Given the repeated observation that time banks and other types of alternative economic practices are often characterized by considerable volatility and potential collapse, relational thinking and network analysis are especially suited to unpacking the underlying relational mechanisms that shape these outcomes of volatility and demise.
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El-Agraa, Ali M. « The European Community ». Dans International Economic Integration, 59–95. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09163-8_4.

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van Meerhaeghe, M. A. G. « The European Community ». Dans International Economic Institutions, 201–38. Boston, MA : Springer US, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4757-5565-7_7.

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Ansay, Tuğrul. « Constitutional and Legal Implications of Membership ». Dans Turkey and the European Community, 85–94. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-01422-5_6.

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Grant, Wyn. « The European Community ». Dans The Politics of Economic Policy, 135–55. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14903-2_8.

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McCormick, John. « The European Economic Community ». Dans European Union Politics, 73–88. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-45340-2_6.

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Peters, G. H. « The European Economic Community ». Dans Agriculture, 129–38. Boston, MA : Springer US, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-3448-2_11.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "European Economic Community – Membership"

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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. « Eurasian Customs Union and Turkey’s Membership ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01343.

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Leaders of Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan which are the countries of disintegrated Soviet Union signed an agreement in order to establish a Union named Eurasian Economic Union on the date of 29 May 2014. With this attempt Russia wants to protect its former penetration on former Soviet geography by providing economic integration. Positive messages upon the membership of Turkey to Eurasia Economic Union were given at Eurasia Economic Union meeting which was held in Ankara in January mid-2015 and hosted by Andrey Karlov, Ambassador of Russia. Nursultan Nazarbayev, who is the pioneer of this idea, has stressed that Turkey should be a member of the Community several times before now. The idea of Sergey Markov, who is the point man of Putin as “Turkey should enter Eurasia Union not European Union, it can gain strength in this way”, is void within the scope of international agreements which Turkey signed with European Union and of the rules of WTO. Erdoğan, Prime Minister of the relevant term said Putin that “Take Turkey into Shanghai Cooperation Organization and ease our difficulty”; in Russian- Turkey peak held on 23 November 2013 in St. Petersburg province of Russia. This explanation is not possible in terms of international law. Explanation of Zeybekçi, Minister of Economy as “Eurasia Customs Union is a must for Turkey. We have to be there” is not realistic. In our paper we will deal and explain why Turkey cannot enter Eurasia Customs Union and why an axial dislocation cannot occur in Turkey.
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Gündoğdu Odabaşıoğlu, Fatma. « An Assessment on Financial Markets : European Union Member Country Hungary and Candidate Country Turkey ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01700.

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With the end of cold war, Central and Eastern European countries who had not participated in the integration of Europe, have applied to become members of European Union. Hungary, a Central European country; applied for membership on December 16, 1991, started full membership negotiations in 1998 and joined the Union on May 1, 2004. Turkey on the other hand, was granted candidacy status during Helsinki European Council Summit Meeting of December 1999, after a 40 years long relationship that started with Turkey’s application to join European Economic Community on July 31, 1959. Negotiations for full membership of Turkey were finally started on October 3, 2005 and country entered a new era to adapt EU Acquis. Within this context, this study aims to compare financial markets of EU member state Hungary and candidate state Turkey for the period of 1998 - 2015; to evaluate risks and fragilities related to financial development levels and stability of banking sectors for both countries based on generally accepted financial indicators. In conclusion; Hungary was observed to have significantly less developed capital market compared Turkey over the years, despite having similar ratios in financial deepening during recent years. Findings of this assessment point out an increasing credit risk for banking sector of Hungary, enhanced by the economic crisis of 2008. In comparison, credit risk in banking sector of Turkey has been decreasing over the years. High credit/deposit ratio, is a sign of degradation and can be observed in Hungary's balance sheets, raised for Turkey as well.
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Mendes, Goncalo, Samuli Honkapuro, Chris Marnay, Christos Ioakimidis et Paulo Ferrao. « Community Microgrid Systems : Economic Resilience and Challenges Ahead ». Dans 2018 15th International Conference on the European Energy Market (EEM). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/eem.2018.8469848.

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Başeğmez, Nergiz, et Kerem Toker. « A Crossroad For Turkey : European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.

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With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.
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Wang, Han, Nicholas Good, Pierluigi Mancarella et Kerry Lintern. « PV-battery community energy systems : Economic, energy independence and network deferral analysis ». Dans 2017 14th International Conference on the European Energy Market (EEM). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/eem.2017.7982021.

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Narayanan, Arun, Jouni Haapaniemi, Tero Kaipia et Jarmo Partanen. « Economic Impacts of Power-Based Tariffs on Peer-to-Peer Electricity Exchange in Community Microgrids ». Dans 2018 15th International Conference on the European Energy Market (EEM). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/eem.2018.8469778.

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Kaufmane, Dace. « Community cooperation for tourism development ». Dans 21st International Scientific Conference "Economic Science for Rural Development 2020". Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2020.54.018.

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Cooperation and research on related issues in the tourism sector is still topical as virtually no new tourism offer is possible without cooperation. This has been confirmed by previous studies. However, in the context of community initiatives, cooperation in tourism has not been analysed very much. The aim of the paper is to analyse community cooperation in rural tourism development on the basis of content analysis of the LEADER projects and previous studies on collaboration. Cooperation is based on the understanding and exchange of information facilitated by existing and new forms of common actions between public and private actors. The results reveal that community cooperation for the development of rural tourism in Latvia can be seen as structural with the Rural Support Service as a central actor, which is responsible for the uniform implementation of the state’s and European Union’s support policy in Latvia, monitors compliance with agricultural legislation and regulates the conditions of all involved. At regional level, cooperation is coordinated by rural partnerships and governed by their strategies that sets clear objectives for local action in communities.
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Piecuch, Jakub, et Lukasz Paluch. « The evolution of the agricultural sector in Central and East European countries after 12 years of membership in the EU on the example of Poland ». Dans 19th International Scientific Conference "Economic Science for Rural Development 2018". Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2018.028.

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Sözen, İlyas, Fatih Çam et Volkan Öngel. « European Union Migration Relations : An Analysis Focused on Macedonia ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01033.

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In the research, the process of the European Union, a candidate, a new member and a negotiating country’s migration experiences are compared (Macedonia, Bulgaria and Turkey). The results of this study are thought to be very important for Macedonia, which is not already negotiating for EU membership, in that it presents the difficulties Macedonia is facing on the way to EU membership. As for the methodology, after the theoretical descriptions which define the borders of the subject are done, economic, politic-legality and social dimensions of international migration are examined. Looked from this point of view, in this study, it is foreseen that becoming an EU member can be a solution to primarily migration “issues” and ethnic conflicts. In the evaluation of the findings which seem to support this hypothesis, the changes seen in the immigration and emigration dynamics of Bulgaria after it was admitted to EU are accepted as valuable data which determine the motivation of this study.
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Blochle, Max, Gerhard Zucker, Evangelia Xypolytou, Thomas Leber, Wolfgang Pruggler et Thomas Ruhrlinger. « Optimizing neighborhood consumption of renewables through clustering and H2 storage : An economic assessment of an Austrian community ». Dans 2015 12th International Conference on the European Energy Market (EEM). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/eem.2015.7216716.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "European Economic Community – Membership"

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Sergeyev, Mykola. Ukrainian National Idea in the Modern Ukrainian Media Space. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11407.

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M. Sergeyev’s article “Ukrainian National Idea in the Modern Ukrainian Media Space” states that modern Ukrainian philosophical thought tries to get rid of the flaws and stereotypes of its one-sided orientation “to the East” and tries to establish a European orientation in the minds of Ukrainian citizens. The theoretical proof of the new worldview took place throughout the formation of the Ukrainian state from Little Russia to Ukraine and presents its actual struggle for independence. It is an integral concept that reflects the process of forming theories and views of prominent Ukrainian thinkers on the place and role of Ukrainians in the becoming and development of an independent Ukrainian state. As O. Zabuzhko emphasizes, “all Ukrainian philosophical, historical, sociological thought of the past and our centuries (including the diaspora) is permeated with the sacred idea of nationalism”. The author concludes that the logic of the historical development of the Ukrainian national idea reveals only one model of its socio-political future, which implies the need for Ukraine’s integration into the European and world community. This path requires the moral and political readiness of the entire Ukrainian society for its implementation and prevents the emergence of any other - alternative ideas. Solving this problem is complicated by the need to return to Ukraine the temporarily occupied territories of Crimea, Luhansk and Donetsk regions. Of course, this model will lead to significant political and economic tensions in society (the final severance of economic relations with Russia, the closure of non-competitive industries, the outflow of labor to the west). At the same time, the orientation of the Ukrainian national idea to the west will increase competition in all branches of production and will be a condition for further self-improvement of Ukrainian society.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC : Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC : Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.

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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Dudoit, Alain, Molivann Panot et Thierry Warin. Towards a multi-stakeholder Intermodal Trade-Transportation Data-Sharing and Knowledge Exchange Network. CIRANO, décembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54932/mvne7282.

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The performance of supply chains used to be mainly the concern of academics and professionals who studied the potential efficiencies and risks associated with this aspect of globalisation. In 2021, major disruptions in this critical sector of our economies are making headlines and attracting the attention of policy makers around the world. Supply chain bottlenecks create shortages, fuel inflation, and undermine economic recovery. This report provides a transversal and multidisciplinary analysis of the challenges and opportunities regarding data interoperability and data sharing as they relate to the ‘Great Lakes - St. Lawrence Seaway Trade Corridor’ (GLSLTC)’s intermodal transportation and trade data strategy. The size and scope of this trade corridor are only matched by the complexity of its multimodal freight transportation systems and growing urbanization on both sides of the Canada-US border. This complexity is exacerbated by the lack of data interoperability and effective collaborations between the different stakeholders within the various jurisdictions and amongst them. Our analytical work relies on : 1) A review of the relevant documentation on the latest challenges to supply chains (SC), intermodal freight transport and international trade, identifying any databases that are to be used.; 2) A comparative review of selected relevant initiatives to give insights into the best practices in digital supply chains implemented in Canada, the United States, and the European Union.; 3) Interviews and discussions with experts from Transport Canada, Statistics Canada, the Canadian Centre on Transportation Data (CCTD) and Global Affairs Canada, as well as with CIRANO’s research community and four partner institutions to identify databases and data that they use in their research related to transportation and trade relevant data availabilities and methodologies as well as joint research opportunities. Its main findings can be summarized as follow: GLSLTC is characterized by its critical scale, complexity, and strategic impact as North America’s most vital trade corridor in the foreseeable further intensification of continental trade. 4% of Canadian GDP is attributed to the Transportation and Logistics sector (2018): $1 trillion of goods moved every year: Goods and services imports are equivalent to 33% of Canada’s GDP and goods and services exports equivalent to 32%. The transportation sector is a key contributor to the achievement of net-zero emissions commitment by 2050. All sectors of the Canadian economy are affected by global supply chain disruptions. Uncertainty and threats extend well beyond the COVID-19 Pandemic. “De-globalization” and increasing supply chains regionalization pressures are mounting. Innovation and thus economic performance—increasingly hinges on the quantity and quality of data. Data is transforming Canada’s economy/society and is now at the center of global trade “Transport data is becoming less available: Canada needs to make data a priority for a national transportation strategy.” * “How the Government of Canada collects, manages, and governs data—and how it accesses and shares data with other governments, sectors, and Canadians—must change.”
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