Articles de revues : « European Economic Community countries – Foreign relations – United States »

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Lymar, Margaryta. « European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower ». American History & ; Politics Scientific edition, n^o 7 (2019) : 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.

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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.

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Yakoviyk, Ivan, Kateryna Yefremova et Evgen Novikov. « Economic security and the role of collective West in the post-war recon struction of Ukraine ». Law and innovations, n^o 2 (38) (24 juin 2022) : 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2022-2(38)-2.

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Problem setting. Although the outcome of the Russian-Ukrainian war is uncertain, it is necessary to start thinking about the future reconstruction of Ukraine. The paper examines issues related with the complex of problems connected with the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine and the participation of the collective West, which means a set of countries (USA, EU member states, Canada, Scandinavian countries) participating in Euro-Atlantic integration. In this article, we use previous experience of post-war reconstruction of Western Europe (for example, the Marshall Plan after World War II). We set out the key principles of international cooperation in the renovation of the Ukrainian economics and the state as a whole, as well as the role of individual subjects of international law in this process. The paper is intended to involve foreign and domestic lawyers in a discussion on a wider range of issues, which will include further and more detailed analysis of the best ways to rebuild Ukraine after the war. Analysis of resent researches and publications. The idea of developing a European plan for the reconstruction of Ukraine (“Marshall Plan for Ukraine”) began to be discussed after the Revolution of Dignity. However, it has not been the subject of serious research. The situation changed after Russia declared war on Ukraine. As Ukraine has a chance to win the war, the leaders of the United States, the European Union and Ukraine are discussing the possible content of a “New European Plan for Ukraine.” However, today, both in Ukraine and abroad, this issue is dominated by journalistic publications, which determines the relevance and practical significance of the development of the problem. Target of research is to reveal the content, main directions of participation of international financial institutions and individual states in the reconstruction of Ukraine after the war. Article’s main body. The article considers the problem of determining the content of the “New European Plan for Ukraine” in relation to the postwar period. The uniqueness of the plan to restore the Ukrainian economy is emphasized. The steps of international financial institutions and individual countries regarding the revival of Ukraine during and after the war are analyzed. Conclusions and prospects for the development. The conclusion that grants should make up a large share of foreign aid flows in the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine is substantiated. An important step in Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction should be the write-off of foreign debt, or at least part of it, by foreign financial institutions, primarily the IMF and the World Bank, as an important and necessary sign of genuine solidarity of the international community. Emphasis is placed on the special role of the United States and the European Union in the postwar reconstruction of Ukraine, in particular on the issue of writing off Ukraine’s foreign debt.

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Shevchuk, Oleksandr, et Iryna Tykhonenko. « Сountering СOVID-19 as a tool for Hybrid Influence of Russia and China on Regional Subsystems of International Relations : European and Asian Dimensions ». Problems of World History, n^o 17 (27 janvier 2022) : 158–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-7.

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In the XXI century the system of international relations has undergone transformations, including non-traditional determinants. This research drew attention to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on modernization of the policies of great powers, which began to use pandemic countermeasures as a tool of their influence on future post-COVID international order. The authors analyze the peculiarities of using “hard power” (economic pressure) and “soft power” (economic aid, cultural interaction), and sometimes a combination of these tools on the example of Russia and China in order to lobby their own position under the pandemic of COVID-19 in the relevant geopolitically close regions – Europe and Southeast Asia. This research analyses all above mentioned peculiarities based on chronological period – at the beginning of pandemic situation in 2020. It was found that Russia most actively used the effects of the beginning of global pandemic on the European direction of foreign policy, under the impact of energy factor and the formation of the image of “peacemaker” and the role of “messiah” in the region. In the study, Italy is an example of the use of hybrid influence from Russia, the spread of fakes and the presentation of the “weakness” of the EU at the beginning of the pandemic in a rapid political response to the threat. Southeast Asia became the region of Chinese foreign policy in counteracting COVID-19, where China’s “mask diplomacy” acts as a countermeasure to overcome conflict in the South China Sea, form a system of “subordination” and realization the idea of “community of common destiny”. The findings reveal that Russia and China can be characterized as states that have political regimes with special tools and mechanisms for policy implementation. Beijing and Moscow not only aim to strengthen their influence in neighboring regions, but also to oppose the United States. Analyzing political actions and mechanism that Russia and China used at the beginning of pandemic, the authors confirmed that both countries aim to use “vaccine diplomacy” as an effective tool for influencing the coronavirus international order.

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Серединський, І. В. « DIRECTIONS OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION IN THE FIELD OF TRAINING OF POLICE STAFF ». Juridical science, n^o 1(103) (19 février 2020) : 244–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32844/2222-5374-2020-103-1.29.

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The scientific article examines the issues of areas of international cooperation in the field of police training. Emphasis is placed on the best practices of Western Europe, the United States and Canada. At first it was emphasized that in modern conditions there is a rapid development of international relations on the principles of integration and mutual enrichment, and not on the terms of rigid differentiation. It is determined that the interaction is especially evident in the field of international cooperation of European law enforcement agencies. The author found that international police cooperation is carried out in several main areas: 1) assistance in training for foreign law enforcement agencies; 2) joint research of problems of struggle against offenses; 3) exchange of experience in the field of police training; 4) provision of logistical and advisory assistance. Emphasis is placed on the fact that an important factor is the recognition by the international community among other areas and the need for cooperation in the field of personnel training. The author formulates the main directions of international cooperation in the field of police training, in particular: integration into international bodies and organizations in the field of police training; integration into international police educational institutions; integration into the education system of leading foreign educational institutions, study of experience, analysis of the work of structural units, study of the scale of social activity, the field of scientific research, etc .; creating conditions for the development of police education in a particular country with the help of international partners and the experience of foreign countries; provision-receipt on a mutual, and more often on a unilateral basis to foreign colleagues of means of equipment, communication, equipment for use in police training. Finally, it is noted that the most intensive and effective police cooperation is carried out by the police of highly developed countries with similar economic, political and social conditions, similar legal attitudes and principles of law enforcement.

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Sokolska, T. V., et S. P. Polishchuk. « Role of public government in cross-border cooperation ». Public administration aspects 6, n^o 5 (18 juin 2018) : 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151828.

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The article considers the role and place of public authorities in shaping the policy of effective cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU taking into account the national interests.Particular attention is paid to the principles and features of territorial cooperation, taking into account the specifics of the EU’s external cooperation as well as the interests of the participating countries.The basic principles of the cooperation are determined on the basis of connections as well as contractual interregional and interstate relations, in compliance with the national legislation and respect for the international obligations of the states that are subjects of contractual relations; the thematic objectives are defined.The current state of Ukraine and the EU countries cross-border cooperation development is characterized and the main factors limiting this process are outlined. The most significant ones are the insufficient level of the national economic development and inconformity of the national legislation with European standards; lack of well-balanced management at the local level; the impossibility of implementing international projects of economic and social development due to ineffective management; lack of proper infrastructure; lack of marketing which aims to facilitate the existing resource potential of the border regions; sparking interethnic conflicts; the lack of skilled personnel in different spheres of establishing effective cooperation between the authorities, business and the public, etc. are also among them.Lack of sufficient financial resources and managerial powers in local administrations, in particular, for establishing the information infrastructure necessary for the cooperation with the authorities of the foreign countries regions and the development of financial projects is a specific problem of cross-border cooperation.The role of international projects and regional programs such as EU4Business, cross-border cooperation (Black Sea, Romania, Moldova, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland), EU programs, such as ERASMUS, HORIZON (61 projects amounting to 11.95 million euros were announced in 2016), COSME (May 2016) and their role in improving the socio-economic development of the border regions as well as solving common problems in ecology, health, safety and security, promoting the living conditions of citizens are grounded in the paper.The role of the united territorial communities (UTC) in cross-border cooperation activating, in particular their participation in international projects is grounded and the results of this activity in the Transcarpathia are presented. Insufficient level of professional training of public authorities representatives is pointed out. It is proved that cross-border cooperation is one of the main economic mechanisms of attracting foreign investments and grant funds for the economy modernization, for new jobs creation through the small business development, attraction of innovative technologies, access to the European market and the entry of Ukraine into the European community in the current economic situation.The expediency of working out the coherent effective state policy of cross-border cooperation with the EU, in which the legal, institutional and financial instruments should be clearly defined, along with the determined means of its implementation and mandatory public monitoring of the results is emphasized. The development of cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU countries, ensuring a competitive economy running, the effective development of international trade, improvement of conditions and support of entrepreneurship, can be realized under the condition of implementation of the policy of public administration at the regional level.

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Zaritskii, B. « German Economy : Angela Merkel’s Heritage ». World Economy and International Relations 65, n^o 9 (2021) : 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-9-34-42.

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The article analyses the main stages of development of the German economy during the 16-year reign of Chancellor Angela Merkel (2005–2021). During this period, Germany was reasonably successful in dealing with the impacts of the world financial and economic crisis it faced in 2008–2009. The 10 subsequent years witnessed economic growth, however, today the country is once again trying to find a way out of a crisis this time caused by the COVID 19 pandemic. In 2020, the GDP fell by almost 5%, while the industrial production declined by 10.4%. The return to the growth trajectory is being linked to improving the epidemiological situation and increasing foreign orders, primarily from China and the United States. The German economy is expected to reach pre-crisis levels in late 2022. Projections for further development assume that, due to a number of internal constraints and external risks, the GDP growth will not exceed 1% in 2023–2025. Angela Merkel is not leaving the country in the best of shapes. It is not her fault. Germany’s economy has more than once demonstrated its resilience to external shocks. Even today, Germany’s position looks preferable to that of most European countries. Its main advantage is a diversified and competitive industry, but the sentiments in the German business community vary greatly. Much depends on the sector and region. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), especially in the service sector, have been particularly hard hit. Many of them have run out of reserves, and their capacity to pay now depends largely on the financial support of the State. How long can the government “pump up” the economy with budget money without fear of a surge in inflation? Nor will the European Central Bank (ECB) indefinitely maintain interest rates at historically low levels. For many SMEs, the increase in the cost of credit, combined with the inevitable reduction in government support, will be a blow that not all will be able to withstand. People are tired of everything related to the pandemic and the years of familiar politicians. Everyone is waiting for the end of the epidemic and for new faces in politics. Whether the new politicians will be better than the old ones is a big question. Under all circumstances, in Germany’s recent history, Angela Merkel will remain a major political figure whose scale is yet to be truly appreciated.

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Derzhaliuk, M. « Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1) ». Problems of World History, n^o 18 (8 novembre 2022) : 144–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7.

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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP). It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole. The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly. The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted. Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions. It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019. It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.

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Derzhaliuk, M. « Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2) ». Problems of World History, n^o 19 (27 octobre 2022) : 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-9.

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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP). It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole. The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly. The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted. Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions. It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019. It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.

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Novitskiy, E. R. « Latin American states cooperation with the United States of America and the European Union ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, n^o 3 (28 septembre 2019) : 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-3-54-58.

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Both the political and economic role of the Latin American region has increased significantly in the modern world. The largest Latin American countries have emerged as major regional players. In this regard, the analysis of the current foreign policy relations of the region is of particular interest and relevance for this research. Many key actors in the international arena are now paying increasing attention to the region. For a long time, the main partners of Latin American countries in various fields have been the USA and the European Union (EU), which have long historical ties with the region. However, against the backdrop of increased interest in the region on the part of other major international players, in particular China, the positions of both the US and the EU may have been weakened.

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Majone, Giandomenico. « Cross-National Sources of Regulatory Policymaking in Europe and the United States ». Journal of Public Policy 11, n^o 1 (janvier 1991) : 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004943.

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ABSTRACTBecause events occur too fast and ideas mature too slowly for responses to be designed anew for each pressing problem, policy innovation often relies on pre-existing models, foreign or domestic. This seems to be especially true for regulatory policymaking, since public regulation is typically introduced in conditions of crisis. In this paper we examine several cases of policy innovation in the area of economic and social regulation where the influence of foreign models is quite clear: the development of competition policy in Europe in the 1950s, the growth of European Community regulation, and the impact of the American deregulation movement on the telecommunications policies of different European countries. The analysis shows that while utilization of preexisting models is a common feature of policy innovation, such models are not literally translated into current policy. More or less extensive adaptations to a particular political, institutional and economic context are usually required. We also identify two distinct ways – push or pull – in which foreign models can affect domestic policy.

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Thi Nguyen, Hang Thuy. « A Historical Review of the Nixon Administration and European Political Cooperation ». Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2016) : 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0002.

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Abstract With a historical approach, this paper examines the Nixon administration’s policy and stance towards European Political Cooperation (EPC). In December 1969, at The Hague Summit the leaders of the European Community expressed their determination for deepening European integration. The final communiqué of The Hague Summit stressed that the European Community’s desire to achieve EPC and to parallel the European Community’s economic increasing strength with a role to play in the world affairs. With this in mind, the paper will examine the impacts that Nixon administration’s attempts to rebalance U.S. foreign relations reflected in the opening to China and the détente with the Soviet Union had on European political integration. Then, it will be argued that the Nixon administration’s shifting foreign policy priorities can be seen as one of the driving forces of EPC. The paper puts forth that a European Community, whose weight was increased by first its economic integration and then its political cooperation, was seen by the Nixon administration as a challenge to the United States. It is concluded that after a long time of consistently supporting European integration as a means to secure peace and prosperity in Europe, the United States under the Nixon administration had to re-consider its foreign relations and rebalance its focus on the global chessboard. This rebalancing certainly impacted EPC in particular and the European integration process in general.

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Nguyen, Thi Thuy Hang. « A Shift in U.S. Foreign Policy under the Nixon Administration and European Political Cooperation : A Historical Analysis ». Baltic Journal of European Studies 6, n^o 1 (1 février 2016) : 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2016-0007.

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AbstractWith a historical approach, this paper examines the Nixon administration’s policy and stance towards the European Political Cooperation (the EPC). In December 1969, at The Hague Summit the leaders of the European Community expressed their determination for deepening European integration. The final communiqué of The Hague Summit stressed the European Community’s desire to achieve the EPC and to parallel the European Community’s increasing economic strength with a role to play in the world affairs. With this in mind, the paper will examine the impacts that Nixon administration’s attempts to rebalance U.S. foreign relations reflected in the opening to China and the détente with the Soviet Union had on the European political integration. Then, it will be argued that the Nixon administration’s shifting of foreign policy priorities can be seen as one of the driving forces of the EPC. The paper puts forth that a European Community, whose weight was increased first by its economic integration and then by its political cooperation, was seen by the Nixon administration as a challenge to the United States. It is concluded that after a long time of consistently supporting European integration as a means to secure peace and prosperity in Europe, the United States under the Nixon administration had to reconsider its foreign relations and rebalance its focus on the global chessboard. This rebalancing certainly impacted the EPC in particular and the European integration process in general.

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Berrios, Rubén. « Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries ». Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, n^o 3 (1985) : 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.

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Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.

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Yakymchuk, Maryna. « Euroscepticism 's Impact upon European Union's Foreing Policy ». Humanitarian vision 6, n^o 2 (25 novembre 2020) : 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2020.02.008.

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In the article, the author overviews and analyzes the impact of Euroscepticism on EU foreign policy. In particular, we identify the key actors involved in implementing the European common foreign policy and level of their affiliation with the ideas of Euroscepticism. EU Commissioners, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the staff of the European External Action Service are not eurosceptic. However, they do not have sufficient political influence decision making process. Thus, the European Council faces some obstacles achieving a compromise on international relations' issues. The European Parliament is more dependent on the Member States. Positions of the Member States are also different. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have a much higher level of opposition to strengthening internal integration in foreign policy, but they support EU enlargement. The Nordic countries support the deepening of foreign policy cooperation but are wary of the accession of new members. Therefore, the biggest opposition to the common foreign policy observed in the EU member states. Under the influence of Eurosceptic ideas, they slow down the process of integration. The population supports the common foreign policy with hopes to resolve the migration problem. Besides, citizens believe that common foreign policy can prevent the economic intervention of third countries. Excessive interference in the EU by Russia, China and the United States is also an obstacle to deepening integration. Despite this, European officials and citizens of EU member states support of strengthening cooperation in this area. To sum up, it is difficult to realise a common foreign policy without decreasing level of eurosceptism.

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Makaradze, Emzar, et Beka Makaradze. « Relations between the Republic of Turkey and the United States at the Present Stage and Their Impact on Georgia ». Historia i Polityka, n^o 38 (45) (14 décembre 2021) : 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.034.

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At the beginning of the 21st century, Turkish-American relations attracted serious attention of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, relations between the Turkish Republic and the United States have focused on security. The foreign policy of the two countries from time to time pursued common and sometimes very different goals. In parallel with this, periods of ups and downs were observed in economic relations. It was the goal of achieving security that determined the cooperation between these two countries. On the one hand, there was the leader of one of the two poles during the Cold War – the United States, and on the other – Turkey, a country with significant influence in the Middle East, but strongly dependent on the United States. In the 2000s, disagreements between Turkey and the United States, two NATO members, were not in Georgia’s interests. Turkey and the United States are Georgia’s partner countries. The United States is Georgia’s strategic partner and Turkey is one of its largest trading partners. Despite tensions between Turkey and the United States, the latter is not expected to harm Georgia’s bilateral relations. According to Washington, Georgia’s rapprochement with Iran will be a more serious problem than the issue with Turkey, especially if Georgia violates sanctions against Iran.

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Sekongo, N. B. « PROBLEMS OF TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF WEST AFRICAN COUNTRIES WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION, PROSPECTS FOR THEIR DEVELOPMENT ». Vestnik Universiteta, n^o 3 (29 mai 2020) : 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-3-102-110.

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The problems of trade and economic relations between West African countries and the European Union have been considered in the article in detail, a brief description of the Economic Community of West African States has been given. The essence of relationships between West Africa and the European Union based on the papers, both foreign and domestic researchers in the field of security, regional economic development and integration etc. has been disclosed. The historical path within the framework of international legal documentation that preceded the signing of the Economic Partnership Agreement has been described. The conducted study was based on the analysis of the cost dynamics of exports, imports and trade balance, their structure has been briefly adduced. The main negative aspects faced by West African countries in connection with the implementation of the Economic Partnership Agreement, in particular tariff restrictions, the ban on the use of export taxes, which undermines the national sovereignty of the Economic Community of West African States, have been revealed. Nevertheless, the signed Agreement will allow West Africa to actively integrate into world trade, improve the economic and demographic situation, while the overall trade tariff will remain at the same level.

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Yakupov, Roman Aleksandrovich, et Dar'ya Viktorovna Yakupova. « “There would be no unilateral détente!” : financial sector of theCOMECON countries in the late 1970s – early 1980s as a source of Western political influence ». Исторический журнал : научные исследования, n^o 5 (mai 2021) : 138–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.5.36127.

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The object of this research is the processes that took place in the COMECON member-states due instability of the financial sector. The subject of this research is the impact of the economic factor upon the evolution of bipolar system of international relations and sociopolitical sustainability of the Soviet Union during the 1979 – 1983. The article provides a scientific assessment of extent of awareness of the US intelligence on the financial solvency of the COMECON member-states, their ability to meet repayment schedules for both interest and debts, and the consequences of possible default of any of the countries during the financial crisis. The authors set the task to analyze the target points of foreign analytics regarding the “dependency” of Western European enterprises on their Eastern business partners, as well as clarify the extent to which a significant decline in trade between the East and the West affected the Soviet and Western European economy. The use of unpublished foreign and domestic archival documents, as well as foreign periodicals define the novelty of this research. This article is first to disclose the information on how the United States turned the severe financial problems of Eastern European countries for the purpose of political pressure on such issues as Afghanistan, crisis in Poland, and construction of the Soviet gas pipeline. Leaning on the introduced into the scientific discourse CIA documents, assessment is given to the effectiveness of trade and economic policy of the United States and its Western European allies in relation to Eastern Europe. The article also analyses the support of centrifugal tendencies in the economy of the Eastern European countries of the Soviet bloc.

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KHAIETSKA, OLHA. « ANALYSIS OF PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF UKRAINE’S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EU COUNTRIES ». "EСONOMY. FINANСES. MANAGEMENT : Topical issues of science and practical activity", n^o 4(58) (24 décembre 2021) : 132–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37128/2411-4413-2021-4-9.

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The article analyzes the peculiarities of Ukraine’s foreign trade with other countries, including the EU countries. The development of foreign trade is important for the analysis of the economic situation of the country, reflects the attitude of the world’s countries to domestic production. The trajectory of foreign trade development is determined. It forms reserves for increasing the level of international trade relations and increases the competitiveness of Ukrainian production. The dynamics of changes in the geographical and commodity structure of international trade in goods and services during 2018-2020 is given, the share of the European Union in foreign trade, which is a key trading partner of Ukraine, is determined. The main groups of goods and services exported and imported by Ukraine are studied. The main reasons for the decrease in foreign trade turnover are substantiated. In addition, it was established that the main partner countries of Ukraine in international trade are China, Poland, the United States, Germany and the EU countries. The important component of Ukraine’s foreign trade is international trade in agricultural products. The article presents statistical data on the commodity structure of agricultural exports with the EU countries. Ukraine’s relations in the field of trade in agricultural products became important after the signing of the Association between Ukraine and the EU, which ensures the irreversibility of Ukraine’s European integration and it is priority for socially important reforms. It is studied that in order to improve Ukraine's foreign economic trade with the European Union, it is necessary to implement measures to modernize key export-oriented sectors of the economy, improve cooperation with other countries, pursue effective foreign economic policy, and strengthen the position of domestic manufacturers in foreign markets of goods and services. It is noted that cooperation with the European Union is one of the main priorities of Ukraine’s foreign economic policy. The article presents ways to improve Ukraine’s foreign trade and directions of improvement of foreign trade activity.

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Gordon, Joy. « Introduction ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 33, n^o 3 (2019) : 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.

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It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, and others also have autonomous sanctions regimes, spanning a broad range of contexts and purpose. Most well-known are those concerning weapons proliferation, terrorism, and human rights violations; but sanctions are also imposed in such contexts as money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking. States may also impose sanctions as a means to achieve foreign policy goals: to pressure a foreign state to bend to the sanctioner's will, to punish those who represent a threat to the sanctioner's economic or political interests, or to seek the end of a political regime toward which the sanctioner is hostile, to give but a few examples.

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Vorotnikov, V. V. « 25 Years of the Baltic States Independence : from the Soviet to the European Union ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 9, n^o 5 (24 juillet 2018) : 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2016-9-5-7-23.

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As soon as the Baltic states gained independence in 1991, they targeted, in terms of domestic and foreign relations’ development, reorientation to the West and integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. Whereas NATO (under leadership of the United States) is regarded as the “cornerstone” of their security, the European Union (EU) is viewed as a source of financial assistance and the guarantor of economic stability. The article presents an overview of the transformation processes in the Baltic countries in the past two and a half decades, and the practical component of their membership in the EU is offered in detail. Comparative analysis of the political and socio-economic Baltic transit shows the similarity of their development trajectories. However, the positive effect, which joining the EU brought about, is eclipsed by the social and economic costs that resulted from the tough neo-liberal reforms that were required. Despite the rejection of the role of geopolitical and geo-economic “bridge” between Russia and the West, the Russian factor continues to play a primary role in the political processes and foreign policies of these countries, while at the same time the Baltic states themselves prefer not to call themselves post-Soviet. Confrontational position that the Baltic states undertook in relation to Russia, is determined by political and ideological factors and has long-term destructive impact not only on the bilateral dialogue, but also on relations between Russia and the European Union.

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Поветкина, Наталья, Natalya Povetkina, Семен Янкевич et Semen Yankevich. « CONCEPT OF FINANCIAL STABILITY IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND FOREIGN COUNTRIES : LEGAL ASPECT ». Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, n^o 4 (29 octobre 2015) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/14309.

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This article is the research of the legal nature of the concept of “financial stability” with respect to the financial (public) relations. The paper comprises analyzes of the legal regulation of the concept at the international level — in the program documents of the United Nations and at the supranational level — in the treaties of the Member States of the European Union, the treaty of the Member States of the Eurasian Economic Union and the decisions of the Eurasian Economic Commission. The article presents a description of the concept of “financial stability”, provided for in the legislation of Great Britain, the USA, Germany, Poland, the Czech Republic and Sweden. The authors note that the concept of “financial stability” in the legislation of foreign countries has universal meaning: absence of instability of the financial system of the country, measures to prevent financial crises and minimization of their negative effects.

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Simić, Milica, et Biljana Stankov. « Foreign trade in agricultural products between the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Kazakhstan : A decade since the signing of the Free trade Agreement ». Skola biznisa, n^o 1 (2020) : 86–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/skolbiz1-30243.

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Modern international economic relations, among other things, are characterized by establishing bilateral and multilateral cooperation between countries in order to liberalize trade relations. The implementation of reached free trade agreements affects economic trends in the signatory countries, the intensification of their foreign trade as wll as the increase in the attractiveness of countries as investment destinations. From 2000 onwards, Serbia has signed several free trade agreements with European countries and the United States. Ten years ago, a free trade agreement was signed with the Republic of Kazakhstan in order to encourage the development of mutual trade and economic relations, accelerate economic development, improve living and working conditions, increase employment and establish fair competition between economic entities from Serbia and Kazakhstan. The subject of the mentioned trade relations are also agri-food products, whose production in Serbia is supported by an excellent raw material base, and has always been a part of national tradition and culture. The research subject of this paper is foreign trade of agricultural products between Serbia and Kazakhstan with regard to free trade agrrements. The research aim is to determine the differences in the movement of exports and imports between the mentioned countries in the period before and after the signing of the free trade agreement.

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Mashkara-Choknadiy, Viktoriya, et Yuriy Mayboroda. « TRADE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA UNDER THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC ». Three Seas Economic Journal 2, n^o 1 (26 avril 2021) : 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2661-5150/2021-1-9.

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The pandemic of COVID-19 has influenced all sectors of social life, including the global economy and trade relations. The year of 2020 was marked with significant changes in internal and foreign economic policy of almost all nations. The purpose of the paper is to study the measures taken by the EU and the USA as the world's leading economies to regulate their foreign trade in the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The tasks of the study are to show the influence of the crisis on changes of global trade policy in front of the threat to national security. Methodology. The study is based on the results of statistical analysis of data provided the WTO and the UNCTAD. The authors show an analytical assessment of the foreign trade indicators of the EU and the USA. Methods of comparison and generalization were used to formulate conclusions on regulatory trends in foreign trade of the US and the EU. Results allowed identifying specific features and changes in the regulation of foreign trade of the EU and the US, assessing the impact of the pandemic on their foreign trade. It was found that both mentioned players of the world economy have actively introduced both deterrent and liberalization measures during 2020, which were aimed at providing the domestic market with scarce COVID-related goods. The study shows the transition from export restricting to import liberalizing measures in foreign trade policies from the start of pandemic to the late 2020. Practical implications. Understanding and predicting the possible actions of partners (the US and the EU in this case) in the field of foreign trade regulation is an important practical aspect, which has to be taken into account when developing Ukraine's foreign trade policy. Value/originality. The study of foreign trade policy of the world's leading countries allows us to understand the behavior of governments of the countries that are largely dependent on participation in international trade in their development, to draw conclusions about the most common instruments of foreign trade policy in the time of humanitarian and economic crises.

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Sekacheva, A. B. « Crisis Phenomena in the European Union Economy at the Present Stage of its Development ». World of new economy 15, n^o 1 (25 mars 2021) : 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2220-6469-2021-15-1-91-99.

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The article reveals the main problems related to the EU economy’s state and the prospects for its further development. This topic is extremely important for Russia since the European Union is its leading foreign trade partner. The article states that the EU is the largest integration grouping globally in terms of its economic potential. Simultaneously, the lack of significant reserves of natural resources and dependence on their external supplies does not allow the EU to realize its economic opportunities fully. At the same time, the export-oriented model of the economies of its leading member countries makes them sensitive to flctuations in the conjuncture of foreign markets, and the growing public debt contributes to the development of disintegration processes. Besides, the growth of migration flws, the increase in socio-economic tensions, especially during the coronavirus period, also do not allow the EU to solve the accumulated problems. Simultaneously, excessive dependence on the United States in geopolitical and geo-economic relations hinders the development of mutually benefiial economic ties with Russia and other countries. The article presents various opinions about the future of the EU and notes that many authoritative political fiures and experts consider that due to these reasons, it cannot be preserved as a whole.

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Ustinovich, Elena Stepanovna. « Us sanctional economic policy as a geopolitical reality ». Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), n^o 4 (1 avril 2021) : 245–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2104-01.

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This article analyzes the policy of economic sanctions against the Russian Federation since 2008. It’s shown that the sanctions anti-Russian economic policy is the direction of the US foreign policy of the last decade. For many decades, the state of trade and economic relations between the Russian Federation and the United States left much to be desired and did not develop in a normalized format. The volume of trade turnover practically did not manifest itself in the growth dynamics. And both countries were faced with the task of solving this problem. However, the last decade, and especially the events of 2014 and subsequent economic sanctions against the Russian Federation, have shown the role and impact of the political factor in the state of economic relations between the two countries. In this regard, the period of development of trade and economic relations of the last five years is exclusively in the political plane and it can be designated as the period of the US sanctions economic policy towards Russia. They are implementing this policy jointly with a number of North American countries and European Union member states, as a result of which it becomes a geopolitical reality in the modern period of international economic relations and, unfortunately, does not contribute to their normalization. The research methodology includes an interdisciplinary political and economic research method. A primary analysis of sources, as well as policy documents of the leaders of two countries — the United States and the Russian Federation at the end of 2014 and 2015 was carried out. As a scientific and practical result, a recommendation for the Russian Federation was proposed based on the results of the incessant sanctions pressure — not to remain in isolation, to establish contacts with countries in a new format.

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Kwak, Dong Hun. « Romania’s National Security through Alliance Diplomacy ». East European and Balkan Institute 46, n^o 3 (31 août 2022) : 155–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.3.155.

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To understand a phenomenon and to overcome it effectively, we need a lens that can see the phenomenon clearly. The meaning and type of the phenomenon look different depending on which lens we look through, and furthermore, the countermeasures and solution method for it are also different. The same goes for international relations. Alliance diplomacy, one of the various approaches to understanding the behavior of international relations, can be said to be a basic diplomatic means to maintain the balance of power between countries. The key to alliance diplomacy is the balance of power. The true purpose of alliance diplomacy is to secure a balanced power against the hostile country by forming an alliance with other countries when national security cannot be achieved on its own. The military value of Romania is increasing at the European level by the United States trying to strengthen NATO’s current strategic role. Romania is a very important region for the national interest of the United States. It is true that Romania, which is very close to Russia, a hostile hegemon, is also faithfully responding to changes in the security environment through an alliance with the United States. However, the range of mutual understanding between the United States and European countries across the Atlantic Ocean is getting narrower. Between the two powers, Europe, which provides software values such as economy and culture, and the United States, which provides hardware means such as political and military power, the scope of Romania’s movement may be narrowed. Romania is receiving economic support from the EU, a large European economic community, and security guarantees from NATO, led by the United States. Therefore, in the face of the dilemma of cooperation and discord between the two powers, Romania will have to properly adapt to the international system that is transitioning to a multipolar system by maximizing its strategic flexibility.

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Shanshieva, Larisa. « BALKAN VECTOR OF BELARUS FOREIGN POLICY (LATE XX - EARLY XXI CENTURIES) ». Urgent Problems of Europe, n^o 2 (2021) : 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.12.

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The article examines the Balkan vector of the Belarus’ foreign policy in the context of the concept of a multi-vector policy. It is noted that the Republic of Belarus (RB), created as an independent state after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, initially attached great importance to the establishment of mutually beneficial relations with different countries. This approach laid the foundation for the subsequent formation of the named concept. The thesis is expressed that the implementation of a multi-vector policy entailed certain contradictions. They were based on the need to constantly maintain a balance in relations between the Republic of Belarus and countries that have different economic and political systems and are members of various regional associations. On the one hand, Belarus has established strong allied relations with Russia and joined organizations such as the EAEU and the CSTO. On the other hand, it actively established trade and economic relations with the countries of the European Union, as well as with China and the United States. The main attention is paid to the Balkan vector of international cooperation of the Republic of Belarus, first of all to the Belarusian-Serbian relations. It is noted that the Belarusian leadership sought to cooperate with other Balkan countries, involving them in the orbit of trade and economic ties in the EAEU markets. The main research methods are the content analysis method and the predictive method. The author analyzes the features of the modern political situation in Belarus, caused by the ambiguous results of the presidential elections on August 9, 2020. It is concluded that the confrontation between the authorities and society will have negative consequences for the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, for its relations with other states, including the Balkans.

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Nurieva, Aigul R., Marat Z. Gibadullin et Diana I. Zainutdinova. « The Russian Empire and the Countries of the African Continent : From the First Contacts to Regular Economic Interaction ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Ekonomika, n^o 55 (2021) : 216–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988648/55/13.

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The current state of the world economy is characterized by instability and mobility. In the context of a protracted crisis, aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic, competitive contradictions between the leading actors in international economic relations and world politics are exacerbating. Each of them is trying to fix the positions they have won in the world arena, resorting to the tools of economic and military diplomacy to achieve their strategic goals. The confrontation between old and new world leaders of the world economy is being transferred not only to traditional markets, but also to new ones, which were previously on the periphery of their economic interests. The African continent today, like in the nineteenth century, attracts more and more close attention of the leading states of the world. Rich in natural resources, it becomes an arena for the struggle for control over it from the United States, China, and European countries. Taking into account the fact that for Russia the field of foreign economic activity has significantly narrowed in recent years, its return to Africa should become one of the priorities of the national foreign economic strategy. In the above context, it seems relevant to comprehensively study the stages of development of economic relations between Russia and African countries and, based on historical experience, to identify the shortcomings and failures of economic policy in relations with African partners. When writing the article, the authors used general scientific research methods, primarily the dialectical method of cognition, the logical and historical method, deduction and induction, and mathematical methods. In the course of the study, the following results were achieved. (1) Based on the analysis of historical documents, the nature of the economic relations of the Russian Empire with African countries at various stages of their evolution has been determined. It has been established that, at the initial stage of interaction, Russia, in its desire to establish economic contacts with the states in the region, relied on the principle of respect for their sovereignty as independent states, independent subjects of international economic relations; however, at the following stage, associated with the beginning of the colonial division of Africa by the European powers, Russia was forced to passively participate in the colonial aggression against the countries of the region, entering into international agreements with the colonialists on the status of African countries. (2) Based on the processing of statistical data on the foreign trade of the Russian Empire with African countries and territories, a tendency has been revealed that characterizes the gradual curtailment of Russia’s economic activity in this region.

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Richet, Xavier. « Geographical and Strategic Factors in Chinese Foreign Direct Investment in Europe ». Asian Economic Papers 18, n^o 2 (juin 2019) : 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00700.

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Recently, the volume of Chinese FDI made in Europe has reached the level of European FDI in China (now constrained by restrictions and risks). It equaled the level of FDI made by Chinese firms in the United States before they began to decline in the last two years. The Chinese economic presence in Europe is divided into three parts in terms of volume, destination, and type of acquisition: The heart of Europe is made up of the three major destinations (Germany, UK, France), where more capital-intensive investments are made, followed by other Western European countries (EU-15). New member states (NMS) that joined the EU in 2004, 2007, and 2013, and Western Balkan countries, in accession to the EU, are associated with China in the 16+1 Format (with the exception of Kosovo) and are another gateway to Europe. They receive less direct investment because of smaller market opportunities but China is building infrastructure (ports, highways, railways)—segments of the Silk Road that will bring Chinese products to the mature markets of the EU.

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Makaradze, Beka. « The Issues of Democratization in Relations between Turkey and the USA in the Post-War Period ». Historia i Polityka, n^o 36 (43) (1 juin 2021) : 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.019.

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At the end of the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century, the relations between Turkey and the United States of America attracted the attention of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the United States has been mainly focused on security. The foreign policy of the two countries, from time to time, was conducted at counterpurposes. Parallel to this, the periods of ups and downs in political relations had an impact on economic relations as well. It was the matter of security that determined the acceptance of mutual cooperation between the two countries. On the one side stood the USA – one of the leaders of the Western bloc in the Cold War, and on the other Turkey – a state very important in its region, but the most dependent on the US. Despite being in the NATO bloc together with the USA, Turkey has never felt secure itself. Assessing Ankara’s domestic and foreign policy, it is necessary to take into account the relationship with the United States, as it had the biggest impact on the overall shape of Turkey’s policy. Although the real and potential power of these two countries was not equal, during the Cold War Turkey became a stronghold of NATO and the Western bloc against the Soviet Union. Turkey was one of the countries that appeared on the border between the eastern and western hemispheres. Perhaps due to the peculiarities of its geographical location, Turkey became a country with equally special role in the world politics. The relations with the United States evolved precisely in this direction.

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Hissа-Ivanovych, Oleksandra, et Yana Kybich. « Brexit : Consequences and Prospects (in The Context of Building New Britain-Ukraine-Eu Relations) ». Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, n^o 8 (28 décembre 2020) : 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2020.8.47-61.

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Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union is an extraordinary event in the history of the EU and the European continent as a whole. For the first time since the Union’s existence, one of the member states is leaving it. Of course, this situation has caused a significant resonance in the world community, because the question of the consequences that may arise as a result of such an event has become acute. It is clear that Brexit will not only provoke changes in the economic, political and cultural spheres of the relations between the United Kingdom and the European Union, but may also affect relations with third countries, including Ukraine. This article examines the possible effects of Brexit on the further development of the United Kingdom, on the future of the EU in the context of growing Euroscepticism among member states, and on Britain’s and the European Union’s relations with Ukraine as a country that has clearly declared its pro-European position, and strives to become part of the EU by all means.

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Dolzhenkova, E., et A. Yu Mokhorova. « Realization of the Interests of “Small States” in the European Union ». Administrative Consulting, n^o 9 (10 novembre 2022) : 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2022-9-29-39.

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Over the past few years, there have been certain shifts in favor of the national agenda in the European Union. Similar divergences from the main goal of the EU are observed in the UK and Poland. The COVID-19 pandemic also revealed the mismatch between the interests of a united Europe and the national preferences of the participating countries. The purpose of the article is to determine the possibility / impossibility of realizing the national interests of “small states” — EU members in the formation and implementation of a single community policy. To achieve the goal, it is necessary to establish the existence of different interests of states within the EU, the possibility of the participating countries to influence the development of the policy of the Union as a whole, the role of “small states” in the process under consideration. Applying a regional approach and narrowing the study to a single country (the Republic of Latvia), as well as applying methods of analysis and comparison, the nature of the relationship between the policies of the European Union and individual countries is revealed. The experience of the Republic of Latvia has shown that the state, which is most dependent on the economy and the general policy of the union, builds its own relations with the EU, relying mainly on the interests of “donor countries”. This dynamics is also manifested in international commercial relations, influencing the state of some sectors of the economy, as well as the economic situation of individual cities. Despite some negative points, mainly related to the economic indicators of individual industries, the participating countries do not deviate from the policy of European integration. Civil society, for the most part, also chooses the opportunities provided by the European Union. The challenges that the European community faced over time are being resolved. The Government of the European Union speaks openly about the existing problems, which are also related to the solution of common problems, and tries to solve them in a timely manner and by common efforts.

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Chuprii, Leonid. « China's Geopolitical Role in the Modern Globalized World ». Ukrainian Studies, n^o 2(83) (24 juillet 2022) : 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.2(83).2022.261062.

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The article examines the strengthening of China’s foreign policy activity in the conditions of the activation of modern challenges. It is pointed out that today China is increasing its political, economic, and cultural influence in the world. It is noted that China is one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, it has become the largest exporter in the world, while also increasing imports. Thus, the average growth of Chinese exports in recent decades has increased by 5 times, and the growth of imports - by 4.7 times. It is emphasized that in response to China's economic growth in the West and some Asian countries, including Japan, the concept of the "Chinese threat" has emerged, the founders of which, believe that China has a negative impact on the Asian security system because of its increased economic growth and its desire to play a dominant role in the region, while not always taking into account the interests of other Asian countries. The peculiarities of the current foreign policy course of China are determined, in particular, it is noted that, as before, serious attention is paid to relations with the great states. Thus, Xi Jin Ping is in active contact with the United States, the European Union, and India. Significant emphasis is placed on a balanced foreign policy course. Much attention is paid to the BRICS countries, including Russia, India, and South Africa. China is also strengthening relations with developing countries. This is evidenced by Xi Jinping's visit to South Africa and the Countries of the Caribbean. Particular attention is paid to the Russian vector, which is aimed at jointly confronting the United States and NATO. It is emphasized that China's economic and geopolitical growth is also holding back several issues that need to be addressed. These are, first of all: incomplete transition to a market economy, excessive state intervention in the economy, in the banking sector, lack of rule of law, violation of human rights and freedoms, high dependence on exports, strong excess credit and growing debt, environmental problems.

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Kovacevic, Maja. « International problems and the research on process of the European integration from the establishment of the communities to the single European act ». Medjunarodni problemi 70, n^o 2 (2018) : 147–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1802147k.

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Based on research topics that have been discussed in the context related to the European integration in the journal International Problems in the period 1949-1990, the aim of this paper is to consider the extent to which the Yugoslav science of international relations followed this process. The main thesis is that domestic science has studied all relevant aspects of the integration process and has kept up with the times and the key theoretical frameworks. After World War II, the focus was on the economic and political situation of the Western European countries, their interests, as well as the security context in which were launched the first integration initiatives: the German issue, the Marshall Plan, the Cold war and bipolar world, the process of decolonisation, the failure of the European Defense Community and the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community and EURATOM. At the beginning of the 60s of the 20th century, great attention was devoted to the study of regional integration in general and its models, as well as the expected effects. Along with the slowdown in the European integration process in the late 60s and throughout the 70s, the attention of researchers gradually shifted to individual policies and initiatives of the European Economic Community: the Common Agricultural Policy, development of regional policy, association agreements, the Mediterranean policy, initiatives in the field of monetary integration. The 80s of the last century were dominated by themes that marked this decade in the process of European integration: factors for change in the European Economic Community, the initiatives for reform of the Treaty, the Mediterranean enlargement, the Single European Act, the program for completing the internal market, changes in the social policy of the Community and measures to promote technological development and strategy for the industry. Along with it, the focus was on the relationship between the United States and the Western European countries, East-West relations and relations of Yugoslavia with the Community.

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Zyabkina, E. I. « Ukrainian-Georgian Relations at the present Stage ». Post-Soviet Issues 6, n^o 1 (11 avril 2019) : 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-1-65-73.

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After the collapse of the USSR Ukraine and Georgia began to develop their interstate relations actively. This development was facilitated by the political processes in each of the states, as well as the foreign policy pursued by Kiev and Tbilisi. Initially, countries focused on expanding interaction with Western countries, which were considered to be potential partners. Ukraine and Georgia were eager to develop the relations with the EU and NATO. In turn, European countries and the United States paid increased attention to Ukraine and Georgia.The alignment of forces in each of the states contributed to the rapprochement of Kiev and Tbilisi. The political forces of both countries pursued a course of distancing from Russia and rapprochement with Western countries. As a result, Ukrainian-Georgian relations relied on similar political positions, which allowed countries to expand cooperation on a bilateral basis and within the framework of multilateral cooperation mechanisms.In recent years Ukrainian-Georgian relations have been developing dynamically. Two states are pursuing a policy of joining NATO, expanding cooperation with the EU. Ukraine is interested in deepening cooperation with Tbilisi due to strained relations with Russia. In addition, Ukraine seeks to use the Western sanctions policy towards Russia to solve domestic political and socio-economic problems. Whereas, Western countries are interested in strengthening the Ukrainian-Georgian tandem hoping to use it in promotion of their interests in the post-Soviet space and in implementing policies towards Russia.This article explores the prospects for the development of interstate Ukrainian-Georgian relations, which will reflect the political processes in the post-Soviet countries.

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ALEKSANYAN, Larisa. « FOREIGN POLICY OF THE SOUTH CAUCASIAN COUNTRIES : RESULTS AND NEW CHALLENGES ». CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, n^o 4 (17 décembre 2021) : 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.4.06.

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The newly independent states (South Caucasian countries being no exception), the products of the Soviet Union’s traumatic disintegration, needed independent foreign policies. Throughout the three decades of their independence they formulated their priorities and defined approaches and principles under strong pressure of certain factors. This process has been unfolding amid the complicated social and political processes and geopolitical transformations in the region shaken by the post-Soviet ethnic conflicts. As could be expected, the newly independent South Caucasian states opted for different routes in their economic and statehood development, while their ruling elites took into account the external and internal contexts when shaping their foreign policies. Different approaches and different foreign policy priorities opened the doors to non-regional geopolitical actors: the United States, the European Union, Iran and Turkey have joined Russia, whose presence is rooted in its past. Recently, China, Israel and Japan have become interested in the region. Thus, today the regional countries are orientated to the interests of non-regional states. This has not benefited the situation in the region or cooperation among the regional states. Foreign policy of the South Caucasian countries is inseparable from the regional security problems, which means that it should become an object of meticulous studies. In the latter half of 2020, the war in Nagorno-Karabakh changed the region’s geopolitical setting and shattered its stability. The article sums up the results of the policies pursued by the South Caucasian countries and identifies the challenges and possible developments in the region after the Karabakh war of 2020.

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Reno, William. « The Clinton Administration and Africa : Private Corporate Dimension ». Issue : A Journal of Opinion 26, n^o 2 (1998) : 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.

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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.

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Putri, Sindy Yulia. « Bantuan Luar Negeri sebagai Bentuk Implementasi Economic Persuasion Amerika Serikat ke Sudan ». Jurnal PIR : Power in International Relations 7, n^o 1 (12 août 2022) : 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22303/pir.7.1.2022.46-58.

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<p><em>The foreign aid provided by the United States in the Darfur’s conflict, Sudan has received attentions from the global community. This assistance reflected on the policy of economic persuasion as a number of the United States’ political and economic interests in Sudan. The US was assumed to be inconsistent. The US still committed to provide aids to Sudan whereas it imposed economic sanctions on Sudan. A wide variety of aids included humanitarian assistance, food, sanitation, technical assistance, conditional loans, grants, and so forth. This paper has used a descriptive qualitative approach, because this study only described the US interests behind a number of foreign aid’s distributions, when the US carried out economic sanctions against Sudan. The result of this study is that the US empowered foreign aid as a form of realization of economic persuasion, especially a structural economic linkage. Although the US enforced economic sanctions on Sudan, the US still distributed foreign aid to that country. The US had ambitions to obtain an access to energies such as oil and gas, as well as to maintain a political stability in the African region. The US played a role in minimizing the Darfur’s conflict by providing a range of foreign assistances not only to normalize diplomatic relations with Sudan, but also to maintain sustainable partnerships with among countries in an African region.</em></p>

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Dudek, Carolyn Marie. « The European Union in International Politics : Baptism by Fire. By Roy H. Ginsberg. Lanham, MD : Rowman and Littlefield, 2001. 256p. $79.00 cloth, $27.95 paper. » American Political Science Review 96, n^o 4 (décembre 2002) : 881–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402250479.

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Since the Cold War, the United States as well as other countries have struggled with the “new world order.” Further integration of the European Union, mostly in economic and political ways, has given it recognition as an actor within the international arena. During the crisis that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia, the international community witnessed the EU's failure to bring a speedy end to the genocide and violence in the region. The EU's inability and lack of efficacy in the situation tarnished its image and prompted it to begin working toward the creation of a European Common Foreign and Defense Identity. More recent events of September 11, as well as increased violence between Israel and the Palestinians, once again beg the question: What is the role of an integrated Europe? As the United States takes on its war against terrorism, it looks to its closest allies in Europe to be supportive and to help in the endeavor. Actions or opinions from individual member states, however, seem to gain more public attention in the United States than those from the EU as a single entity acting in the global arena.

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Okhoshin, O. V. « RUSSIAN-BRITISH RELATIONS : FROM COOLING TO CONFRONTATION ». Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 6, n^o 4 (24 décembre 2022) : 472–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-4-472-480.

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The article considers the crisis of Russian-British relations, which actively manifested itself during the years of the premiership of T. May, B. Johnson, L. Truss (2016-2022), which transformed the foreign policy of the United Kingdom in the wake of the geopolitical confrontation with Russia and the strengthening of the defense and strategic cooperation with the US and EU countries within the framework of the NATO military-political bloc. After the referendum on the UK's withdrawal from the European Union in 2016, the concept of "Global Britain" finally took shape in the country's foreign policy doctrine, which assumed the expansion of its presence in different regions of the world and active participation in the European Security and Defense Policy. In connection with the clash of the positions of London and Moscow in relation to the military conflict in Ukraine, the accession of Crimea to the Russian Federation and the war in Syria, the formats of bilateral intergovernmental cooperation were curtailed, and the previously established strong trade, economic and diplomatic ties were violated. The author comes to the conclusion that the growth of confrontation between states was largely due to the fact that the UK did not perceive Russia as an equal partner seeking to take its rightful place in pan-European politics and sought to limit its role in solving modern global problems.

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Terentev, Pavel, et Yulia Vlasova. « Prospects for the development of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s era ». Международные отношения, n^o 4 (avril 2020) : 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.4.33983.

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This article is dedicated to analysis of the development prospects of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s rule. The goal consists in examination of the current state of bilateral relations between the countries, as well as in determination of major obstacles towards their reconciliation. The researchers outline most probable scenarios for the development of future foreign policy course of Cuba, and analyze the current state of bilateral Cuba-Russia diplomatic relations, economic and scientific-cultural cooperation. The article employs a wide range of sources that include the works of Russian and foreign experts, as well as reports, statistical and analytical data provided by various international and national institutions. Analysis is conducted on the news reports provided by Russian, US, European, Chinese, Latin American and other news agencies. The scientific novelty of this article consists in placing emphasis on the extremely weak economic framework for further advancement of bilateral Cuba-Russia relations, as well as possible threat to Russia's national interests in case of Cuba becomes a junior partner of the United States, People’s Republic of China, or the European Union. The acquired results allow concluding that the future of Cuba-Russian relations directly depends on strengthening of the economic base of their cooperation. Otherwise, Russia would be dislodged from the island, while other powers would become the so-called senior partner of the Cuban Republic.

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Pavlov, N., et K. Khderi. « German Federal Republic and Crisis in Syria : Active Mediator or Passive Observer ? » World Economy and International Relations 64, n^o 12 (2020) : 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-78-86.

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During the Cold War, the involvement of the Federal Republic of Germany into the settlement of regional conflicts was insignificant. The situation started to change after German reunification which lead to the increase in Germany’s role in the international arena. Political, diplomatic and economic instruments started to belong to the main features of German foreign policy in the region and created a positive image among the Arab countries. Today, at first sight, the Middle East does not belong to the top priorities of German foreign policy. However, in the foreign policy hierar¬chy, the region is among the top three after Europe and the United States, ahead of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Berlin’s increased focus on the Middle East is determined by a number of factors. Among them are German historical responsibility towards Jewish people and obligation to ensure Israel’s right to existence and security; dependence of the German economy on energy resources from the Arab countries; region’s proximity to Europe, and such arising threats as terrorism, illegal migration and regional conflicts. In its turn, regional conflicts are a unique opportunity for the Federal Republic of Germany to declare itself as an international mediator and to participate in peace processes on an equal footing with such world powers as the United States of America, Russian Federation or the People’s Republic of China. Maneuvering between the Arab countries and Israel, the United States and the European partners as well as explosive situation in the region lead to decreased efficiency of German policy towards the Arab countries. In such circumstances, is Berlin ready to assume the role of international mediator in this constantly sensitive region, or would it prefer to remain a passive observer? The analysis of Germany’s policy in the region in the context of the Syrian crisis will help to answer the above stated question.

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Linsenmeyer, William S. « Foreign Nations, International Organizations, and Their Impact on Health Conditions in Nicaragua since 1979 ». International Journal of Health Services 19, n^o 3 (juillet 1989) : 509–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/5fv4-w26a-adgt-kepb.

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In July 1979, a coalition of social forces in Nicaragua, under the leadership of the Sandinistas, toppled the discredited 43-year Somoza dictatorship. In addition to revolutionary Nicaragua's own substantial efforts, since 1979 international forces and developments have had profound impacts on the nation's ambitious social programs. This article investigates the impact of foreign nations and international organizations on Nicaragua's health conditions since 1979. Given or pledged assistance, for health and other social needs, has been forthcoming, for example, from Latin America, Western Europe, socialist countries, the United Nations, the Organization of American States, and the European Economic Community. International forces, however, have also had a negative impact on Nicaragua's health conditions. Since 1981, counter-revolutionary guerilla forces, known as contras, have fought the Nicaraguan government troops in a disastrous conflict, involving substantial international assistance for each side. The United States and several other nations have provided some form of aid to the contras. The war in Nicaragua has resulted in enormous human and material losses, and, of course, has adversely affected health conditions.

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Nwangwu, Chikodiri, Chukwuemeka Enyiazu, Ejikeme Jombo Nwagwu et Christian C. Ezeibe. « Regionalism in World Politics : Interrogating the Relevance of the Economic Community of West African States in Global Political Economy ». Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 13, n^o 2 (26 juin 2019) : 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130205.

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Globalisation has promoted the connections among sovereign states in the international political economy. Despite the preponderance of neo-protectionist tendencies in the United States and some European countries, the import of regionalism in global political economy has not waned. While economic regionalism was adopted in the advanced capitalist formations as a logical consequence of and/or the instrument for the universalisation of capitalism, the emergence and/or revival of regional groupings like the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was a reactionary outcome of the twin problems of colonialism and globalisation. Specifically, West African states reached out to one another in order to mitigate the negative effects of globalisation and advance their common interest through economic integration. This study interrogates the relevance of ECOWAS in the international political economy within the global resurgence of protectionism. Although ECOWAS is impaired by multifarious political and socioeconomic challenges, this study demonstrates that its achievements in free movement of goods and persons, promotion of peace, security, good governance, and democratisation make it remain relevant in the global political economy.

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Öberg, Marja-Liisa. « Internal Market Acquis as a Tool in EU External Relations : From Integration to Disintegration ». Legal Issues of Economic Integration 47, Issue 2 (1 mai 2020) : 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2020007.

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Brexit and the ensuing uncertainty about the United Kingdom’s (UK’s) future relationship with the European Union (EU) have brought the participation of non-EU Member States in the internal market to the centre of academic attention. The latter phenomenon is not novel and many of the existing frameworks for cooperation between the EU and its neighbourhood countries have been used as models for a possible post-Brexit arrangement. This article identifies the various roles played by the internal market acquis – both of integration and disintegration – in the EU’s relations with its neighbourhood by analysing the dynamics between the aims of various bilateral and multilateral instruments and the character and scope of the internal market acquis contained therein. The article argues that over time the function of the internal market acquis has evolved from providing a legal framework for the functioning of the internal market among the EU’s Member States to also integrating third countries into the Union’s sphere of influence beyond the accession process, and even membership. The internal market can thus no longer be regarded as an ‘internal’ and exclusive affair for the committed few that offers inspiration and limited access for third countries but rather as a dynamic and geographically inclusive form of collaboration between the Union and its periphery. internal market acquis, EU external relations, neighbourhood policy, European Common Aviation Area, Energy Community, Transport Community, European Economic Area, Switzerland, AA/DCFTA, Brexit, integration, disintegration

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Chupriy, Leonid. « STRENGTHENING CHINA'S GEOPOLITICAL POTENTIAL IN THE CONDITIONS OF CURRENT CHALLENGES ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, n^o 6 (2022) : 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2022/6-10/13.

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The article highlights the peculiarities of the development of China's geopolitical potential in the face of modern challenges. It is pointed out that today China is increasing its political, economic and cultural influence in the world. It is noted that China is one of the fastest growing economies in the world, it has become the largest exporter in the world, while also increasing imports. Thus, the average growth of Chinese exports in recent decades has increased 5 times, and the growth of imports – 4.7 times. It is emphasized that in response to China's economic growth in the West and in some Asian countries, including Japan, the concept of the "Chinese threat" has emerged, not always taking into account the interests of other Asian countries. The peculiarities of the current foreign policy course of China are determined, in particular, it is noted that serious attention is still paid to relations with the great powers. Yes, Xi Jin Ping is in active contact with the United States, the European Union and India. Significant emphasis is placed on a balanced foreign policy course. Much attention is paid to the BRICS countries, including Russia, India and South Africa. China is also strengthening relations with developing countries. This is evidenced by Xi Jinping's visit to South Africa and the Caribbean. Much attention is paid to the Russian vector, which is aimed at jointly confronting the United States and NATO. It is emphasized that China's economic and geopolitical growth is also holding back a number of issues that need to be addressed. These are, first of all: incomplete transition to a market economy, excessive state intervention in the economy, in the banking sector, lack of rule of law, violation of human rights and freedoms, high dependence on exports, strong excess credit and growing debt, environmental problems.

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Lakishyk, Dmytro. « U.S. European foreign policy vector (50-60s of the XX century) ». American History & ; Politics Scientific edition, n^o 7 (2019) : 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.16-27.

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The article argues that the United States entered the post-war world in a completely new role for the state, surpassed all other countries in the main indicators of strength – military, economic, technological and cultural. World wars turned them into the center of Western civilization, which opposed Soviet power, which secured significant spheres of influence in Eastern Europe and the Far East as a result of World War II. It is argued that the main areas of geopolitical rivalry between the two centers of power are the regions that are on the periphery of Eurasia: the clash line in Europe, the Middle and the Far East. Throughout the entire period of rivalry, the United States has transformed from an episodic into a constant factor in European politics, institutionalizing its presence in the Old World and building relations with Western European allies on the basis of “Atlantism”, “interdependence” and “burden sharing”. It was proved that the main task of the US administrations in the post-war period was the creation of a “power perimeter” around the zone of Soviet control, maintaining its functioning and further strengthening. First, its line ran in Europe, then in East Asia, and later was expanded to the Middle East, having adequate support with American military bases and military-political blocs. It is noted that the confrontation between the two superpowers took place including the alternation of conflict and cooperation, reflected the desire of the victors to consolidate the subordinate position of the defeated – mainly Germany and Japan – in the new system of international relations. Carrying out “containment” of the USSR, the USA actually implemented a policy of “double containment”, directed both against the potential strengthening of Germany and in order to maintain control over Western Europe as a whole. In this regard, the consolidation of “spheres of influence” of each of the parties preserved the results of the war, providing “silent cooperation” on issues of principle.

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Prokhorenko, I. L. « The strategy of Spain in the United Nations ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, n^o 2 (9 janvier 2021) : 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

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Prokhorenko, I. L. « The strategy of Spain in the United Nations ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, n^o 2 (9 janvier 2021) : 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

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Prokhorenko, I. L. « The strategy of Spain in the United Nations ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, n^o 2 (9 janvier 2021) : 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

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