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1
Keating, M. « The Invention of Regions : Political Restructuring and Territorial Government in Western Europe ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 15, no 4 (décembre 1997) : 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150383.
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Regionalism has come back to prominence, as the political, economic, cultural, and social meaning of space is changing in contemporary Europe. In some ways, politics, economics, and public policies are deterritorializing; but at the same time and in other ways, there is a reterritorialization of economic, political, and governmental activity. The ‘new regionalism’ is the product of this decomposition and recomposition of the territorial framework of public life, consequent on changes in the state, the market, and the international context. Functional needs, institutional restructuring, and political mobilization all play a role. Regionalism must now be placed in the context of the international market and the European Union, as well as the nation-state.
2
Michelmann, Hans. « Review : Western Europe : Politics and Government in the Federal Republic of Germany ». International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 40, no 1 (mars 1985) : 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208504000116.
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3
Skrobacki, Waldemar A. « The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no 1 (mars 2008) : 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080384.
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The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe, Anthony M. Messina, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. xv, 290.One of the most contentious and politically sensitive issues in Europe is immigration. The demographic trends indicate that the Old Continent is indeed getting older. To maintain their living standards, Europeans have to either increase birth rates or open the gates to immigrants in an orderly and welcoming way. Yet despite the practicality and, sooner rather than later, the necessity for an open, comprehensive and pro-active immigration policy, European countries are far from having one. At best, they have procedures concerning how to handle foreigners. The main “culprits” for this state of affairs are the people rather than governments. The Europeans, however rational the arguments for increasing immigration may be, are unwilling to embrace it. Paradoxically, those who are most opposed (and vote accordingly) are older people, even though they depend most on a large taxpayer base without which cheques from government-run pension plans would stop flowing eventually and publicly managed health care systems would run out of money.
4
Heringa, Aalt Willem. « Book Reviews : Government and Politics in Western Europe – Britain, France, Italy, West Germany ». Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 1, no 2 (juin 1994) : 221–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x9400100206.
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McDonnell, Duncan, et James L. Newell. « Outsider parties in government in Western Europe ». Party Politics 17, no 4 (27 juin 2011) : 443–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811400517.
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Over the past two decades, a growing number of ‘outsider parties’ have entered governing centre-left and centre-right coalitions across Western Europe. In this introduction, we first define outsider parties as those which — even when their vote-share would have enabled it — have gone through a period of not being ‘coalitionable’, whether of their own volition or that of other parties in the system. Based on the articles in this issue, we then discuss the problems which outsider parties encounter when entering government and suggest some reasons for the success and failure of these parties in office. Finally, we propose a number of avenues for further research, in particular that of examining differences between the first and subsequent experiences of office for such parties.
6
Little, Douglas. « Pipeline Politics : America, TAPLINE, and the Arabs ». Business History Review 64, no 2 (1990) : 255–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115583.
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The Arabian American Oil Company's plan to build a pipe-line from eastern Saudi Arabia to the Mediterranean seemed to many an ideal project for business-government cooperation. A sound business project for the company would give American policymakers more and cheaper oil to aid plans to rebuild Western Europe, as well as a significant presence in the Middle East. Events in that tumultuous region, however, soon embroiled both the company and the U.S. government in a more complex relationship than had been envisioned.
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Bursać, Dejan. « Być zielonym na Wschodzie : sukces i wpływ partii Zielonych w krajach postsocjalistycznych ». Przegląd Europejski, no 2-2022 (30 août 2022) : 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.22.9.
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This article examines the presence and activities of Green parties in governments of Central and Eastern Europe. In recent years, many ecologist parties and movements gained considerable electoral and general political success, especially in developed democracies of Western Europe. However, their ideological counterparts in new democracies tend to remain out of power and often out of parliament, albeit with a few notable exceptions. In this study, success of the Greens in CEE is operationalised through their impact on public spending and direct investments allocated to environmental protection. The hypothesis regarding the Greens’ impact on spending is tested within the regression models, along with other potential predictors of government expenditure. The research results demonstrate a low significance of Greens in government participation and also their impact on budgetary allocation, contributing to the debate about the Green politics’ position in the context of social and political cleavages in post-socialist societies.
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Schemers, Henry G. « Human rights in Europe ». Legal Studies 6, no 2 (juillet 1986) : 170–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1986.tb00542.x.
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Through the ages many common legal values have developed in western Europe. Notwithstanding the differences in legal systems there is a remarkable uniformity in the basic concepts of legal thinking. All western European states are democracies with constitutional restrictions to the power of the government. They all have similar defences against absolutism and one of these defences is the protection of fundamental human rights against government interference. The existence of such legal restrictions is a distinguishing feature of western European politico-legal development.
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Wallace, Kyle. « Turkish Politics : Between Europe and Islam ». Constellations 2, no 2 (7 juin 2011) : 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cons10498.
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Since the inception of Turkey as an independent state, the country has based itself on Western modes of governance, with secularism being a hallmark of the nation. In recent years, Islamic parties have made inroads in government, causing consternation among the old guard and allies in Europe. Much of the modern arguments against Turkey's inclusion in the EU rely on psuedo-Orientalist ideas; Turkey is somehow so different and alien from "European" culture that they simply do not belong in the EU. Historical notions of Turkey and Islam as fundamentally different are then propagated to remove Turkey from contemporary Europe. Islamic politics in Turkey do not represent a shift to a more fundamentalist ideology; in actuality, Turkish Islamic parties are very modern movements based in progressive ideas. The rise of Islamic parties in Turkey signals a shift away from a dogmatic following of the strictly secular West into a more hybrid political identity, unshakably tied to the West but allowing for a greater expression of its Middle Eastern Muslim heritage.
10
Naumenko, Olena. « Politics of the British government for the repatriation of soviet DPs from Western Europe in 1944-1948 ». European Historical Studies, no 14 (2019) : 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.101-113.
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The article describes the legal aspect of repatriation of displaced people in British government; The article describes the legal aspect of British politics on repatriation of displaced people; briefly outlines and analyzes the decisions of international meetings of senior officials, that were called upon maintain the organization and operation of this process; discloses the essence and significance of the Yalta agreements for the return of displaced people. In particular, after the Yalta conference, we can clearly see the formation of two separate approaches to repatriation. Thus, we can make a conclusion, that at first time the USSR people’s repatriation had a forcing nature, according to Yalta agreements and clarified protocol to them. But in future, the USA and Great Britain’s governments, especially, after the beginning of Cold War, were giving all kinds of legal and material help DPs, which, because of personal reasons and motives, didn’t aspire to come back, that, in return, on the other hand, considerably deteriorated inter union relations. The Soviet government sought to return all displaced people without any exception, while the Great Britain gave an alternative to all those people, who didn’t want to return to their homeland. In view of this claim, such people were transferred automatically from the category of displaced people to the category of refugees eligible for shelter in Western Europe. The approaches of the British side to different ethnic groups of repatriates are traced; the categories of displaced persons who have not been able to avoid forced return to the USSR under interstate agreements have been identified. As of the end of 1945, with the rise of crisis trends between the governments of the Big Three countries and the controversy surrounding the repatriation issue, the British government decided to halt the forced return of Soviet DPs. In particular, its concerned soldiers of the Waffen SS Galychyna Division, who did not partially come under the conditions of forced return to the USSR, but were able to use the refugee shelter in the Great Britain.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. « A Game-Theoretical Interpretation of Inflation and Unemployment in Western Europe ». Journal of Public Policy 7, no 3 (juillet 1987) : 227–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004438.
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ABSTRACTThe paper aims at a more complete, yet still parsimonious, explanation of macro-economic policy failure and success during the ‘stagflation’ period of the 1970s. Focusing on four countries, Austria, Great Britain, Sweden and West Germany, it is shown that both runaway inflation and rising unemployment could be avoided whenever it was possible to achieve a Keynesian concertation between fiscal and monetary expansion on the one hand and union wage restraint on the other. The actual policy experiences of the four countries are then explained in terms of the linkage between a ‘coordination game’ played between the government and the unions in which macro-economic outcomes are determined, and a politics game in which the government tries to anticipate the electoral responses of different voter strata to these outcomes.
12
Glied, Viktor. « The Populist phenomena and the reasons for their success in Hungary ». Politics in Central Europe 16, s1 (1 février 2020) : 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0002.
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AbstractAfter the parliamentary elections in 2014, the weakened legitimacy of the Hungarian government could be re-established through activism in migration issues. Fidesz-KDNP that won elections twice already highlighted migration as the main theme of governance from 2014 to 2018, suppressing every other topic on the political agenda. The position that was established for purposes of the Hungarian domestic situation and politics initially faced intense rejections all over Europe, but then garnered some supporters as well, mostly in post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe, and to a smaller extent among the right-wing and populist parties of Western Europe. The anti-refugee and populist approach caused significant success in the communication field to the subscribing parties and governments, and also legitimised Hungarian government’s efforts that could mean it met the majority of the Hungarian society’s expectations. The most essential question is that how can political science reshape its terms and thoughts on populism to understand this phenomenon better, moreover what are the reasons of populism and why is the populist propaganda such successful in Hungary and Eastern Europe.
13
Vass, Ágnes. « The Extended Nation as a Political Project – Hungarian Diaspora Living in Western Canada ». Polish Political Science Review 6, no 2 (1 décembre 2018) : 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0015.
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AbstractPolicy towards Hungarians living in neighbouring countries has been a central issue for Hungarian governments, yet Hungarian diaspora living mainly in Western Europe and North America have received very little attention. This has changed after the 2010 landslide victory of Fidesz. The new government introduced a structured policy focused on engaging Hungarian diaspora, largely due to the nationalist rhetoric of the governing party. The article argues that this change reflects a turn of Hungarian nationalism into what Ragazzi and Balalowska (2011) have called post-territorial nationalism, where national belonging becomes disconnected from territory. It is because of this new conception of Hungarian nationalism that we witness the Hungarian government approach Hungarian communities living in other countries in new ways while using new policy tools: the offer of extraterritorial citizenship; political campaigns to motivate the diaspora to take part in Hungarian domestic politics by voting in legislative elections; or the never-before-seen high state budget allocated to support these communities. Our analysis is based on qualitative data gathered in 2016 from focus group discussions conducted in the Hungarian community of Western Canada to understand the effects of this diaspora politics from a bottom-up perspective. Using the theoretical framework of extraterritorial citizenship, external voting rights and diaspora engagement programmes, the paper gives a brief overview of the development of the Hungarian diaspora policy. We focus on how post-territorial nationalism of the Hungarian government after 2010 effects the ties of Hungarian communities in Canada with Hungary, how the members of these communities conceptualise the meaning of their “new” Hungarian citizenship, voting rights and other diaspora programmes. We argue that external citizenship and voting rights play a crucial role in the Orbán government’s attempt to govern Hungarian diaspora communities through diaspora policy.
14
Miller, JoAnn L., Christopher Hood et Gunnar Folke Schuppert. « Delivering Public Services in Western Europe : Sharing Western European Experience of Para-Government Organization. » Contemporary Sociology 18, no 2 (mars 1989) : 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074107.
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Turner, Louis. « Comparative government-industry relations : Western Europe, the United States, and Japan ». International Affairs 64, no 2 (1988) : 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621873.
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Jensen, H. T., et V. Plum. « From Centralised State to Local Government the Case of Poland in the Light of Western European Experience ». Environment and Planning D : Society and Space 11, no 5 (octobre 1993) : 565–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d110565.
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Several countries in Western Europe have experienced a restructuring of local and regional government. In Scandinavia local government has been a cornerstone in the building of the welfare society. In the last couple of years Poland (and other Eastern European countries) has been restructured to reduce the central state and to give more power to the private sector and the local government. It is argued that coordination at the local-government level is important for a relevant economic and political response to local problems. A framework is provided for an understanding of the development of the central and local states at the cost of activities performed earlier by the family and the local community, but also as a support (in service and regulation) to activities of the private sector. Second, it is argued that the new EC slogan, ‘a Europe of regions’, has the purpose of strengthening the regional level economically and politically and thereby of dismantling and weakening the national state in order to strengthen the EC. Third, the problems and scope of the Polish local-government reform are illustrated, from vertical control to horizontal coordination. There are difficulties in building powerful local governments at a time when they have nearly no money and are unable to provide the social services which used to be provided through the state firms. There is now a political vacuum for which the upcoming new private sector and the new local governments fight.
17
De Groot, Michael. « Western Europe and the collapse of Bretton Woods ». International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no 2 (juin 2019) : 282–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019852698.
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This article contends that Western Europe played a crucial and overlooked role in the collapse of Bretton Woods. Most scholars highlight the role of the United States, focusing on the impact of US balance of payments deficits, Washington’s inability to manage inflation, the weakness of the US dollar, and American domestic politics. Drawing on archival research in Britain, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United States, this article argues that Western European decisions to float their currencies at various points from 1969 to 1973 undermined the fixed exchange rate system. The British, Dutch, and West Germans opted to float their currencies as a means of protecting against imported inflation or protecting their reserve assets, but each float reinforced speculators’ expectations that governments would break from their fixed parities. The acceleration of financial globalization and the expansion of the Euromarkets in the 1960s made Bretton Woods increasingly difficult to defend.
18
Tomlinson, Jim. « Marshall Aid and the ‘Shortage Economy’ in Britain in the 1940s ». Contemporary European History 9, no 1 (mars 2000) : 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001065.
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This article assesses the impact of Marshall aid on the economy and politics of Britain in the 1940s. It draws on recent literature on the domestic policies of the Attlee government and on the general impact of Marshall aid on Western Europe, together with the notion of the ‘shortage economy’ developed by Kornai. The central argument is that the deployment of Marshall aid primarily to maintain British consumption levels derived not from a governmental disregard for the importance of reviving investment and industrial output, but from a realistic appreciation of the economic and political consequences of trying to hold consumption down to an excessively austere level.
19
Cox, Kevin R. « Development policy, Western Europe and the question of specificity ». European Urban and Regional Studies 27, no 1 (2 octobre 2018) : 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776418798689.
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In the Anglophone literature on local and regional development policy there are tendencies to overextension of claims from one side of the Atlantic to the other, or there is no comparative framing at all. As a result the specificity of the West European case tends to be lost. In contrast with the USA, the West European instance is very different indeed. Although there have been changes since the postwar golden years of urban and regional planning, central government remains crucial in the structuring of local and regional development and has given expression to counter-posed class forces: regional policy was historically an aspect of the welfare state as promoted by the labor movement, while urbanization policy has been much more about the forces of the political right. In the USA, by contrast, local governments and to a lesser degree, the states, have been and continue to be supreme; in contrast to Western Europe, location tends to be much more market-determined, with local and governments acting as market agents. Class forces have seemingly been much weaker, territorial coalitions occupying the center ground. As a first cut, these differences have to do with state structure: the Western European state is far more centralized, facilitating the implementation of policies that are relatively indifferent to local specificity, while in the USA the converse applies. State structures, however, are parts of broader social formations and reflect the different socio-historical conditions in which West European societies, on the one hand, and their American counterpoint, on the other, have emerged.
20
Brogi, Alessandro. « Ending Grand Alliance Politics in Western Europe : US Anti-communism in France and Italy, 1944–7 ». Journal of Contemporary History 53, no 1 (9 janvier 2017) : 134–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416678919.
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The postwar ascendancy of the French and Italian Communist Parties (PCF and PCI) as the strongest ones in the emerging Western alliance was an unexpected challenge for the USA. The US response during this time period (1944–7) was tentative, and relatively moderate, reflecting the still transitional phase from wartime Grand Alliance politics to Cold War. US anti-communism in Western Europe remained guarded for diplomatic and political reasons, but it never mirrored the ambivalence of anti-Americanism among French and especially Italian Communist leaders and intellectuals. US prejudicial opposition to a share of communist power in the French and Italian provisional governments was consistently strong. A relatively decentralized approach by the State Department, however, gave considerable discretion to moderate, circumspect US officials on the ground in France and Italy. The subsequent US turn toward an absolute struggle with Western European communism was only in small part a reaction to direct provocations from Moscow, or the PCI and PCF. The two parties and their powerful propaganda appeared likely to undermine Western cohesion; this was the first depiction, by the USA and its political allies in Europe, of possible domino effects in the Cold War.
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Elias, Anwen, et Filippo Tronconi. « From protest to power : Autonomist parties in government ». Party Politics 17, no 4 (27 juin 2011) : 505–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811400528.
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In many Western European states, an increasing number of autonomist parties are taking part in government at state and regional levels. To date, however, scholars have paid little attention to the repercussions of government incumbency for these actors. This article aims to take a first step towards redressing this oversight. Based on an extensive literature examining political parties in government, we formulate hypotheses about how autonomist parties will approach, behave within and be affected by government office. We test these hypotheses by examining the participation of autonomist parties in regional and state governments in Western Europe since 1945. The findings demonstrate that the difficult decisions autonomist parties must make when entering government, the subsequent dilemmas and challenges that must be resolved once the threshold of government has been crossed, and the consequences of government incumbency, are similar to those faced by any political party in government. However, the fact that autonomist parties operate within a multi-level political context can render these challenges more complex than is the case for political parties operating (mainly or exclusively) at a single territorial level, usually that of the state. The article concludes by identifying key factors that affect the success of autonomist parties in government.
22
Volodin, A. « South Asian Migration to Western Europe : Origins, Trends, Perspectives ». World Economy and International Relations 66, no 4 (2022) : 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-101-110.
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The article is concentrated on the phenomenon of Indian and South Asian migration to the countries of Western Europe. Initially, migration flows from this region were an inalienable part of metropolis–colonies interrelationship and were sustained on the notion of free and unrestricted movement of human resources from South Asia to the British Isles. After the dissolution of the British Empire and gaining independence, the inhabitants of India and South Asia, in search for a “happier life” overseas, set their course for the United Kingdom and Western Europe, where later migrants were put under rigorous political control. However, the flows of those seeking economic prosperity and political asylum remained intensive and became subject to methodical social regulations in Western Europe. Equilibrium of this kind was put to a severe test when the migration crisis of 2015 and 2016 broke out. Only the most advanced groups of migrants could adjust themselves to the newly emerged reality as demonstrated by the cases of the Netherlands and Italy. The Dutch government has restricted the inflow of low-skilled labour, while encouraging skilled immigration. Indian labour force is generally employed in IT, consultancy, engineering or management. Local and national governments work together with private partners to make the lives of these newcomers easier. High-skilled migrants are welcome as new citizens. Most Indians in Italy have settled in the north of the country and work in agriculture. Indians are considered industrious, business-minded, hard-working and law-abiding. The Indian migrant community has integrated successfully into Italian economic and social life. The author argues that the Dutch and Italian practice of handling the Indian migrants could be critically absorbed in Russia that is keen to attract the “demographic dividend” from outside.
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Smith, J. D., et H. R. Glick. « The Right to Die : A Cross-National Analysis of Agenda Setting and Innovation ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 13, no 4 (décembre 1995) : 479–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c130479.
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Through theories of agenda setting and innovation, the origin, development, and enactment of right-to-die policy in four Western nations—the United States, the Netherlands, Germany, and Great Britain—are examined. Different social and government structures produced varied right-to-die politics in each of these countries, although similar issues received more emphasis in Europe. However, it is discovered that policy entrepreneurs, organizations, and governments are important in similar ways in moving the issue from the public to the governmental agenda and to policy innovations in each country. The paper is concluded with a discussion of elements to be included in a model of agenda setting and innovation and with a proposal for the application of theory to a wider range of policies.
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Badaeva, A. S. « The Pandemic Strategies of the Far-Right Parties in Western Europe ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 13, no 5 (27 novembre 2020) : 94–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-5-6.
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The author explores the behavior of the West-European far-right parties under the coronavirus crisis circumstances. In the beginning stage of the COVID-19 pandemic in spring 2020 opposition right-wing nationalist parties tried immediately to take advantage of the difficult health situation and of the following social shock and economic problems. The actions and the rhetoric of these parties varied depending on the each country specific circumstances: number of pandemic casualties, strictness and effectiveness of measures taken by the government, national characteristic. Right-wing nationalist were able to achieve success exactly in those West-European countries, where the society was not enough consolidated. For example, Vlaams Belang in Belgium and Brothers of Italy became very popular. In front of this national cohesion and unity of society have created a formidable opposition to anti-government right-wing agitation. Political campaigns of Scandinavian far-right parties, Alternative for Germany, National Rally and the Freedom Party of Austria were almost ineffective. The current situation is unprecedented and indefinite. All sides of the political process are under tension and they are trying to calculate all possible scenarios for further development of events.
25
Ru, Sung Hee. « The State Formation of Late Qing China within Global Geopolitical Dynamics ». Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies 22, no 1 (1 mai 2022) : 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15982661-9767212.
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Abstract This article views the nineteenth-century Qing government's acceptance of modern state logics as a momentous occasion in the government-led modern state transition amid pressure from across the geopolitical landscape. In the process of this transition, the Qing government strove to adopt the rules of the interstate system, such as border demarcation and the system of international law, which were fine-tuned to the politico-economic expansion of the modern world-system. Perspective builds on theories of China's process of incorporation into the modern world-system; however, it is qualitatively different from previous approaches such as the impact-response approach or the colonial perspective in that it is based on an understanding of global geopolitics as a transnational entity and, as such, a unit of analysis. Global geopolitics first appeared in Western Europe, but as it expanded into non-European areas, its logics gradually became global logics that encompassed European and non-European practices alike. This paper makes two significant theoretical contributions. First, from a macroscopic perspective, it suggests that the global connected histories between Western Europe and China can be examined without excluding the distinctive dynamics of either Europe or China. Second, by using global geopolitics as a unit of analysis, it argues that the role of the Qing government is as important as the influence of Western colonial powers in the formation of the modern Chinese state. This approach challenges the Eurocentric perspective that considers European powers to be active and progressive and China to be passive and lethargic.
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Ru, Sung Hee. « The State Formation of Late Qing China within Global Geopolitical Dynamics ». Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies 22, no 1 (1 mai 2022) : 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15982661-9767212.
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Abstract This article views the nineteenth-century Qing government's acceptance of modern state logics as a momentous occasion in the government-led modern state transition amid pressure from across the geopolitical landscape. In the process of this transition, the Qing government strove to adopt the rules of the interstate system, such as border demarcation and the system of international law, which were fine-tuned to the politico-economic expansion of the modern world-system. Perspective builds on theories of China's process of incorporation into the modern world-system; however, it is qualitatively different from previous approaches such as the impact-response approach or the colonial perspective in that it is based on an understanding of global geopolitics as a transnational entity and, as such, a unit of analysis. Global geopolitics first appeared in Western Europe, but as it expanded into non-European areas, its logics gradually became global logics that encompassed European and non-European practices alike. This paper makes two significant theoretical contributions. First, from a macroscopic perspective, it suggests that the global connected histories between Western Europe and China can be examined without excluding the distinctive dynamics of either Europe or China. Second, by using global geopolitics as a unit of analysis, it argues that the role of the Qing government is as important as the influence of Western colonial powers in the formation of the modern Chinese state. This approach challenges the Eurocentric perspective that considers European powers to be active and progressive and China to be passive and lethargic.
27
Kasparavičius, Algimantas. « Views of Western countries on the 1926 coup d’état in Lithuania ». Lithuanian Historical Studies 12, no 1 (28 décembre 2007) : 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01201006.
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The analysis and evaluation of the 17 December 1926 coup d’état in Lithuanian historical scholarship to a large extent remain a relevant and controversial problem. The authoritarian regime formed after the coup has received various, yet not always well-grounded, descriptions and evaluations in historical writings. The aim of this article is (without attempting to answer at once all the questions pertaining to this issue) to tackle this problem from a different angle and as if from a distance, namely to analyse the political-diplomatic reaction to the coup d’état in Lithuania of the parties, which were not directly interested (foreign states). On the one hand, the majority of democratic governments in Europe and the US administration had at least reserved and unopposed, if not favourable, view of the events of the 17 December 1926 in Lithuania. On the other hand, public, labour professional organisations and a part of the media in a number of foreign democracies were critical about the unconstitutional change of the government in Lithuania and the dictatorial domestic policy of the government formed on authoritarian grounds. Thirdly, in the eyes of liberal and democratic citizens or societies of the Western Europe the 1926 coup impaired the international prestige of Lithuania since it prompted doubts over the democratic traditions of the young state, the maturity of its social and political culture as well as prospects of maintaining its statehood.
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Shogimen, Takashi. « Marsilius of Padua and Ogyu Sorai : Community and Language in the Political Discourse in Late Medieval Europe and Tokugawa Japan ». Review of Politics 64, no 3 (2002) : 497–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500034999.
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The article explores a cross-cultural approach to the history of political thought. With reference to Maruyama Masao's classic equation of fourteenth-century European scholasticism with eighteenth-century Japanese Confucianism, a comparison between Marsilius of Padua and Ogyu Sorai reveals, behind their ostensibly similar “communal functionalist” outlook, their contrasting views on the role of language as a medium for political communication. Marsilius believed in human's associative power by means of such linguistic communication as oratory and discussion, whereas Sorai underrated speech to favor government by ritual. This contrast has repercussions for the two traditions of political thought in Western Europe and Japan. The exalted status of speech in political communication constituted a mainstream of late medieval and early modern political discourse in Western Europe, whereas the Japanese Confucian idea of government by ritual survived until the mid-nineteenth century when it clashed with European thought then being imported into Japan.
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Ramel, Alicia, Agnieszka Bezat-Jarzębowska et Sebastian Jarzębowski. « EPIC approach as a tool for comparison of transport infrastructure in Poland and France ». Ekonomika i Organizacja Logistyki 1, no 2 (17 juillet 2016) : 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/eiol.2016.1.2.16.
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The EPIC structure allows to know strengths and weaknesses of each part of the world and of several countries in each part. It helps decision-makers, in accordance with their problem, to choose the best option of development and investments. It is a tool to have more information about economy, politics, infrastructure and competence. The goal of the paper is to compare the infrastructure in Poland and France by using of the EPIC approach. Poland is one of very good investment destinations for companies targeting both western and eastern as well as northern and southern parts of Europe. Unfortunately the transportation infrastructure in Poland is still poor if you compare with countries in the Western Europe, even if internationals routes have been developed and modernized. France is a very good investment destination for companies. The French government invests in repairs of the railway, maintenance of all the transports, development of ecological transport and the building of some new roads and new logistics area.
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von Beyme, Klaus. « Economics and Politics in a Socialist Country : Gorbachev's New Concepts ». Government and Opposition 23, no 2 (1 avril 1988) : 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00076.x.
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SINCE GORBACHEV'S COMING TO POWER THE RELATIONSHIP between economics and politics in the Soviet Union has been changing rapidly. But even from the outset one could see that there would be limits to change. The primacy of politics which characterizes the relationship between economics and politics under the conditions of socialism in power will be fully maintained in the future, too. All proposals for more decentralization meet with obstacles when they seem to call into question the leading role of the party. The party is only advised to observe a kind of ‘economic restraint’: it should stop mingling every aspect of public administration with the economy. The idea is to free the party from its responsibility for detail in order to allow it to concentrate more on its central political tasks. In this respect socialism has problems similar to those which Western governments face in the welfare state. After the end of the hegemony of social democracy it is, above all, the conservative parties in Western Europe who are ready to reduce the responsibility of the governments of the day for many economic and social tasks: this is why we find deregulation efforts, privatization of public enterprises and the transfer of political functions to non-state social organizations everywhere.
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Garzia, Diego. « The Italian election of 2018 and the first populist government of Western Europe ». West European Politics 42, no 3 (6 décembre 2018) : 670–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2018.1535381.
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Langford, Paul. « British Politeness and the Progress of Western Manners : An Eighteenth-Century Enigma ». Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 7 (décembre 1997) : 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679270.
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IN March 1802, the peace treaty of Amiens was signed, resulting in a two-way flow of travellers across the English Channel. Among those arriving at Dover was Joseph Fiévée, printer by trade,littérateurby vocation, and latterly politican by profession. It is said that he was commissioned by Bonaparte himself to report on affairs in London. In any event, his findings were published in theMercureand reprinted in a work whose title,Lettres sur l'Angleterre, et réflexions sur la philosopkie du XVIIIe siècle, challenged comparison with the most famous of French commentaries on England, that of Voltaire. It reads as polemic rather than analysis, confronting what Fiévée took to be serious errors made by his countrymen when they wrote about Britain. But little of the book was what one might expect of such a work. Fiévée was not primarily interested in British politics, law and government, but in the character and manners of the people. His conclusions may be summed up in one of his many generalizations. ‘If civilization … is the art of rendering society pleasing, agreeable and congenial, the English constitute the least civilised nation of Europe.’
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GILSDORF, ROBERT R. « Government, Equality, and Economic Growth in Western Europe : A Cross-National Empirical Study ». Governance 2, no 4 (octobre 1989) : 425–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.1989.tb00101.x.
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Banai, Ayelet, Fabio Votta et Rosa Seitz. « The Polls—Trends ». Public Opinion Quarterly 86, no 1 (1 mars 2022) : 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac001.
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Abstract This article presents trends in public opinion toward immigration in the European Union (EU), between 2002 and 2018. Immigration is a salient and contentious issue in contemporary politics across Europe and is used by Eurosceptic parties in both government and opposition to mobilize support. Public opinion data—drawn from the European Social Survey and the Eurobarometer—reveals the following noteworthy trends over the past two decades. First, positive public attitudes toward immigration have increased across member states, with a temporary setback in 2015–16. Second, immigration is a divisive issue throughout the EU. While public opinion in some regions generally favors immigration, opinion is divided everywhere. Third, despite regional variations between northern, western, and southern Europe, EU-wide trends suggest the emergence of a collective public opinion, crossing national borders. Fourth, despite vocal political opposition to immigration, solid majorities of the public view immigration favorably over time and across regions. To the numerous studies of European public opinion on immigration, this article contributes a useful overview of the long-term trends, with regional and EU-wide presentation and data visualization.
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Konrad, Helmut. « Austria on the Path to Western Europe : The Political Culture of the Second Republic ». Austrian History Yearbook 26 (janvier 1995) : 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004215.
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LikeRobert A. Kann, I too am a historian by profession. Despite the close links between their subject and disciplines such as sociology land political science, historians on the whole avoid attempting to analyze contemporary politics. This lecture will therefore concentrate on the first twenty-five years of the Second Republic. Yet I am well aware that in the Kreisky era (notably as a result of the reforms introduced by Hertha Firnberg and Christian Broda) Austria's progress toward Western Europe took on a new character, and the country underwent what was, for the time being at least, its final major modernization. But it was an analysis of the wholly different steps taken toward the West between 1945 and 1970 that laid the foundation on which the single-party Social Democratic (SPÖ) government of the 1970s was able to build. It therefore seems legitimate to focus upon that first half of the history of the Second Republic, and to see the turning point marked by the student movement of 1968 and the election results of 1970 as a natural cutoff point for this discussion. Broadly speaking, the main concerns of the new state in its first two and a half decades were to provide a framework of order for the very disparate elements that it had inherited and to deal with the immense problems now confronting it. NaCenter for Austrian Studiestional Socialism, by its policies and the effects of all-out war, had left behind a country in ruins in every sense—not only materially through the destruction of housing, infrastructure, and industrial plant, but also intellectually and culturally. Most of the leading figures in Austria's cultural and intellectual life had been driven into exile or murdered.
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Sizer, Michael. « Words and Deeds : Shaping Urban Politics from Below in Late Medieval Europe, ed. Ben Eersels and Jelle Haemers. Studies in European Urban History, 48. Turnhout : Brepols, 2020, 224 pp. » Mediaevistik 34, no 1 (1 janvier 2021) : 543–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2021.01.156.
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Abstract: This volume of essays continues the welcome trend in recent years to uncover the crucial role that popular politics played in late medieval societies. This scholarship has convincingly shown that non-elites were frequently engaged in peaceful efforts to participate in government and power relations, and not just in violent and extra-legal activities such as revolt. The volume covers urban communities, largely due to available sources and a focus on institutions such as assemblies and councils, and includes Southern France, Spain, the Low Countries, Germany, Sweden, and England. This expands the geographic range of the argument that non-elites were central players in political action, showing it was pervasive in urban areas throughout Western Europe and also highlights the variety of forms popular politics could take. This scholarship has been excellent in properly placing popular politics – and not just periodic revolts – at the center of the consideration of larger political history of the late Middle Ages, and with this volume of essays this story expands in its detail and specificity. Editors Ben Eersels and Jelle Haemers have been at the forefront of this recent trend in scholarship, and have chosen a series of essays for this volume that are remarkably consistent in quality.
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Haldén, Peter. « Heteronymous politics beyond anarchy and hierarchy : The multiplication of forms of rule 750–1300 ». Journal of International Political Theory 13, no 3 (6 juillet 2017) : 266–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088217715482.
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Anarchy and hierarchy are two central concepts of International Relations theory but as conventionally defined they cannot describe political life for most of Western history. Neither concept describes the structure of medieval politics well. Rather, many different principles of differentiation existed simultaneously, both stratificatory and segmentary. The situation was closer to anarchy as understood as the absence of overarching principles of order rather than as ‘anarchy’ in the conventional sense used in international relations and absence of government. The power of the Popes over temporal rulers was considerable, but it never corresponded to the concept ‘hierarchy’ as conventionally understood either. Between c. 700 and c. 1300, Europe became more heteronymous as time went by, not less. More principles of differentiation were developed, and both Popes and kings became more powerful. The reinvention of the papacy after the ‘Investiture Controversy’ (1075–1122) created a system of law and practices in which European monarchs and realms were embedded, but it did not create an all-powerful papacy.
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Barwicka-Tylek, Iwona. « The Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth as a Border Experience of the City ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 15, no 1 (1 novembre 2019) : 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2019-0002.
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Abstract Referring to Fustel de Coulanges’ distinction of urbs and civitas, the article discusses political theory and practice in 16th-17th-century Poland. While in western Europe an important shift in the notion of politics took place, and the civitas aspect of cities deteriorated as they were conquered by new centralized nation-states, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth was an attempt to recreate the ancient and mediaeval concept of civitas – a community of free citizens, actively participating in the government – at the state level. As its proponents, such as Stanisław Sarnicki, argued, Poland was to become a city rather than a state, and so the theoretical justification, political practice, and eventual failure of this project is an interesting, though extreme, historical example of difficulties embedded in a more universal ‘quest for the political form that would permit the gathering of the energies of the city while escaping the fate of the city’ (Manent 2013: 5).
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Galtung, Johan. « The Cold War as an Exercise in Autism : The US Government, the Governments of Western Europe, and the People ». Alternatives : Global, Local, Political 14, no 2 (avril 1989) : 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437548901400202.
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Mandel, Maud S. « One Nation Indivisible : Contemporary Western European Immigration Policies and the Politics of Multiculturalism ». Diaspora : A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no 1 (mars 1995) : 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.89.
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Since World War II, policies with regard to immigrant populations have changed dramatically and repeatedly throughout Western Europe. From 1945 to 1955, Western European nations absorbed an enormous number of refugees uprooted during the war. Until the 1970s, governments did not limit migration, nor did they formulate comprehensive social policies toward these new immigrants. Indeed, from the mid-1950s until 1973, most Western European governments, interested in facilitating economic growth, allowed businesses and large corporations to seek cheap immigrant labor abroad. As Georges Tapinos points out, “For the short term, the conditions of the labor market [and] the rhythm of economic growth . . . determined the flux of migrations” (422). France, Britain, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands welcomed the generally young, single male migrants as a cheap labor force, treating them as guest workers. As a result, few governments instituted social policies to ease the workers’ transition to their new environments. Policies began to change in the 1960s when political leaders, intent on gaining control over the haphazard approach to immigration that had dominated the previous 20 years, slowly began to formulate educational measures and social policies aimed at integrating newcomers.
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Shin, Doh Chull. « Democratic Consolidation in Korea : A Trend Analysis of Public Opinion Surveys, 1997–2001 ». Japanese Journal of Political Science 2, no 2 (novembre 2001) : 177–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109901000226.
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The Republic of Korea (Korea hereinafter) has been widely regarded as one of the most vigorous and analytically interesting third-wave democracies (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). During the first decade of democratic rule, Korea has successfully carried out a large number of electoral and other reforms to transform the institutions and procedures of military-authoritarian rule into those of a representative democracy. Unlike many of its counterparts in Latin America and elsewhere, Korea has fully restored civilian rule by extricating the military from power. As is the case in established democracies of North America and Western Europe, free and competitive elections have been regularly held at all the different levels of the government. In the most recent presidential election, held in December 1997, Korea also established itself as a mature electoral democracy by elevating an opposition party to political power. In Korea today, there is general agreement that electoral politics has become the only possible political game in town.
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Cohen, Gary B. « Nationalist Politics and the Dynamics of State and Civil Society in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1867–1914 ». Central European History 40, no 2 (14 mai 2007) : 241–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000532.
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Historians have conventionally depicted the Habsburg Monarchy as the largest modern European imperial polity to disappear from the map because of its inability to accommodate the national aspirations of its peoples. It is the locus classicus for the failure of an old-fashioned dynastic empire to develop among its subjects a broader civic identity and loyalty to the state to counter the rise of nationalist demands for self-government. For later historians as well as many contemporary observers of the frequent internal crises after the 1890s, this was already a failed state even before World War I brought on the tragic denouement. In this perspective the monarchy's participation in the war was not a purely exogenous factor that led eventually to the polity's demise. Most scholars have agreed that the monarchy's entry into the war came largely because of its need to preserve its status as a Great Power, defend its position in the Balkans, and counter the challenges of its own nationalist political movements, some of them allied with political forces beyond the borders. Older western European and North American histories also tended to view nationalist politics in Habsburg central Europe, in contrast to western European experience, as an intolerant and ultimately anti-democratic force that helped doom hopes for parliamentary democracy both under the monarchy and in the post-1918 successor states.
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Bonoli, Giuliano, et Bruno Palier. « How do welfare states change ? Institutions and their impact on the politics of welfare state reform in Western Europe ». European Review 8, no 3 (juillet 2000) : 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004944.
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In the 1980s and 1990s West European welfare states were exposed to strong pressures to ‘renovate’, to retrench. However, the European social policy landscape today looks as varied as it did at any time during the 20th century. ‘New institutionalism’ seems particularly helpful to account for the divergent outcomes observed, and it explains the resistance of different structures to change through past commitments, the political weight of welfare constituencies and the inertia of institutional arrangements – in short, through ‘path dependency’. Welfare state institutions play a special role in framing the politics of social reform and can explain trajectories and forms of policy change. The institutional shape of the existing social policy landscape poses a significant constraint on the degree and the direction of change. This approach is applied to welfare state developments in the UK and France, comparing reforms of unemployment compensation, old-age pensions and health care. Both countries have developed welfare states, although with extremely different institutional features. Two institutional effects in particular emerge: schemes that mainly redistribute horizontally and protect the middle classes well are likely to be more resistant against cuts. Their support base is larger and more influential compared with schemes that are targeted on the poor or are so parsimonious as to be insignificant for most of the electorate. The contrast between the overall resistance of French social insurance against cuts and the withering away of its British counterpart is telling. In addition, the involvement of the social partners, and particularly of the labour movement in managing the schemes, seems to provide an obstacle for government sponsored retrenchment exercises.
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Edwards, Adam, et Pete Gill. « The Politics of ‘Transnational Organized Crime’ : Discourse, Reflexivity and the Narration of ‘Threat’ ». British Journal of Politics and International Relations 4, no 2 (juin 2002) : 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.t01-1-00004.
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Over the past decade the perceived ‘threat’ of transnational organised crime (TOC) to the security of western political economies has become a principal issue on the agendas of key international forums such as the United Nations, G7/8 elite industrial countries and the Council of Europe. The intense policy activity around this threat is indicative of a key trend in post-Cold War international relations, that is, the reorientation of western security, intelligence and defence agencies toward crime control. Risk assessments and research evidence provided by international relations departments in higher education institutions, especially in the USA, have been particularly influential in providing the rationale for this reorientation. It is argued here, however, that there is a danger of intellectuals being drawn into the legitimisation of policies the terms of which are defined for them rather than by them. This jeopardises the critical contribution which academic research can make to policy change and learning, in particular it precludes a more reflexive approach to ‘evidence-based’ government. The paper draws upon discourse analysis and the study of ‘governmentality’ to develop a more reflexive interrogation of the assumptions underpinning this policy-shift in post-Cold War international relations. This is exemplified through an analysis of the two principal competing discourses on the threat of TOC and these are distinguished in terms of their focus on ‘criminologies of the other’ and ‘criminologies of the self’. The former narrates threats to security in terms of external, nationally and ethnically defined, pressures. The later perceive threats more in terms of the internal challenges now facing ‘sovereign’ governments struggling to command highly diverse, dynamic and complex social-political problems like organised crime. The ways in which these competing discourses constrain and enable alternative policy responses to TOC are examined.
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YOUNG, ANDREW T. « Hospitalitas : Barbarian settlements and constitutional foundations of medieval Europe ». Journal of Institutional Economics 14, no 4 (29 août 2017) : 715–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174413741700039x.
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AbstractA rough balance of political power between monarchs and a militarized landed aristocracy characterized medieval Western Europe. Scholars have argued that this balance of power contributed to a tradition of limited government and constitutional bargaining. I argue that 5th- and 6th-century barbarian settlements created a foundation for this balance of power. The settlements provided barbarians with allotments of lands or taxes due from the lands. The allotments served to align the incentives of barbarian warriors and Roman landowners, and realign the incentives of barbarian warriors and their leadership elite. Barbarian military forces became decentralized and the warriors became political powerful shareholders of the realm.
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Mitchell, Tony. « Mixing pop and politics : rock music in Czechoslovakia before and after the Velvet Revolution ». Popular Music 11, no 2 (mai 1992) : 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000004992.
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Rock and pop music in the USSR and eastern Europe has become an area of increasing interest to both the western mass media and cultural studies since glasnost, perestroika, the collapse of the Eastern bloc Communist regimes and the constitution of new western-styled democratic governments. This is largely because rock music has represented probably the most widespread vehicle of youth rebellion, resistance and independence behind the Iron Curtain, both in terms of providing an enhanced political context for the often banned sounds of British and American rock, and in the development of home-grown musics built on western foundations but resonating within their own highly charged political contexts. As the East German critic Peter Wicke has claimed,Because of the intrinsic characteristics of the circumstances within which rock music is produced and consumed, this cultural medium became, in the GDR, the most suitable vehicle for forms of cultural and political resistance that could not be controlled by the state. (Wicke 1991, p. 1)
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Akkerman, Tjitske, et Sarah L. de Lange. « Radical Right Parties in Office : Incumbency Records and the Electoral Cost of Governing ». Government and Opposition 47, no 4 (2012) : 574–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2012.01375.x.
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AbstractRadical right parties are becoming increasingly likely candidates to participate in government coalitions in Western Europe. Comparative research on the electoral performance of these parties in government is still scarce. Our overview of the electoral effects of government participation of six parties in national governments shows that they do not run a higher risk of losing votes after government participation than other parties. There is considerable variation, however. Some radical right parties experienced great losses, while others won additional support. Focusing on the ways in which radical right parties conducted themselves in government, we explore why some parties won votes and others lost in post-incumbency elections. We compare their policy achievements with regard to immigration and integration policies, the performance of their ministers, and the party coherence of the six parties in office. Our analysis shows that policy records do not fully explain the variation in post-incumbency electoral results. Weak performance and internal party conflict prevent parties from credibly laying claim to the policy achievements of coalition governments and demonstrate that some of these parties were not ready for office.
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Saharuddin, Desmadi, Meirison Meirison, Inayatul Chusna et Ade Sofyan Mulazid. « Capitulation and Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah Impact on Economic Stability of the 18th & ; 19th Ottoman Turks ». QIJIS (Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies) 7, no 2 (6 janvier 2020) : 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v7i2.4847.
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<p><em></em>Free trade and foreign investment that characterize the 21st Century trade and business model do not benefit all parties, particularly Islamic countries. Only those who have well-established economic system and large capital gain the most benefit. This condition had occurred during the Ottoman Khalifah. Therefore, this article aims to prove that free trade and foreign investment during the Ottoman, in the form of capitulation, brought negative impact on the Ottoman’s economy and politics. Capitulation is an agreement between the Ottoman and Western European countries that regulated economic and legal sectors by giving privilege to the European countries to come and trade in the Ottoman. The Ottoman became a free market place that eliminated the Islamic economic system. The Ottoman saw the agreement as its Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah to protect the political sovereignty when facing European countries. Once the agreement benefited the Ottoman, later it caused economic political problems. The domestic industries faced difficulty when competing with foreign trades. The Ottoman government did not have full authority over the law and justice of the Europeans in the Ottoman. The capitulation that was expected by the Ottoman to protect its economy and politics had put the country under the domination of Western Europe. What happened to the Ottoman is proof that the free market is only beneficial to developed countries with active industries. Therefore, this historical fact should be reference for Islamic countries in conducting their foreign economic system.</p>
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MENDRAS, MARIE. « The French Connection : An Uncertain Factor in Soviet Relations with Western Europe ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no 1 (septembre 1985) : 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001003.
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France's long relationship with the Soviet Union has varied according to the political climate. The crucial factors in the French-Soviet relationship are the state of U.S.-Soviet affairs and Moscow's objectives in Western Europe. Mendras reviews the history of French-Soviet relations from the de Gaulle years. By the early 1970s, she argues, détente with the United States and the recognition of postwar borders in central Europe reduced the instrumentality and priority of France in Soviet policy. In the 1980s, as their relations with the United States deteriorated, the Soviets took a renewed interest in France. But the Socialist government in Paris, more critical of the USSR than were its predecessors, has developed a policy that the Soviets denigrate as “Europeanist” and “Atlantist” and no longer truly independent. Although recent events have made the French leadership more receptive to the Soviet Union, bilateral relations will remain essentially a diplomatic ritual.
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Spaulding, Robert Mark. « "Agricultural Statecraft" in the Cold War : A Case Study of Poland and the West from 1945 to 1957 ». Agricultural History 83, no 1 (1 janvier 2009) : 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-83.1.5.
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Abstract This paper examines how the rise and fall of Polish agriculture affected the larger political and economic relationships among Poland and three key members of the western alliance--the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Federal Republic of Germany--in the first decade of the Cold War. This period is revealing precisely because the reversal of fortunes in the Polish agricultural economy required the Polish government and some western counterparts to maneuver through periods of both agricultural advantage and disadvantage. Agricultural strategies as means and ends motivated the Polish, British, West German, and American governments to actions that bent, stretched, and limited some well-established practices in Cold War relations across divided Europe. By explicating the political consequences of changing flows of agricultural exports and imports in one specific context, this essay serves as case study of the role of agriculture in the global context of the Cold War.