Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Europe, Western – Politics and government »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Europe, Western – Politics and government"
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Keating, M. « The Invention of Regions : Political Restructuring and Territorial Government in Western Europe ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 15, no 4 (décembre 1997) : 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150383.
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Regionalism has come back to prominence, as the political, economic, cultural, and social meaning of space is changing in contemporary Europe. In some ways, politics, economics, and public policies are deterritorializing; but at the same time and in other ways, there is a reterritorialization of economic, political, and governmental activity. The ‘new regionalism’ is the product of this decomposition and recomposition of the territorial framework of public life, consequent on changes in the state, the market, and the international context. Functional needs, institutional restructuring, and political mobilization all play a role. Regionalism must now be placed in the context of the international market and the European Union, as well as the nation-state.
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Michelmann, Hans. « Review : Western Europe : Politics and Government in the Federal Republic of Germany ». International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 40, no 1 (mars 1985) : 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208504000116.
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Skrobacki, Waldemar A. « The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no 1 (mars 2008) : 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080384.
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The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe, Anthony M. Messina, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. xv, 290.One of the most contentious and politically sensitive issues in Europe is immigration. The demographic trends indicate that the Old Continent is indeed getting older. To maintain their living standards, Europeans have to either increase birth rates or open the gates to immigrants in an orderly and welcoming way. Yet despite the practicality and, sooner rather than later, the necessity for an open, comprehensive and pro-active immigration policy, European countries are far from having one. At best, they have procedures concerning how to handle foreigners. The main “culprits” for this state of affairs are the people rather than governments. The Europeans, however rational the arguments for increasing immigration may be, are unwilling to embrace it. Paradoxically, those who are most opposed (and vote accordingly) are older people, even though they depend most on a large taxpayer base without which cheques from government-run pension plans would stop flowing eventually and publicly managed health care systems would run out of money.
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Heringa, Aalt Willem. « Book Reviews : Government and Politics in Western Europe – Britain, France, Italy, West Germany ». Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 1, no 2 (juin 1994) : 221–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x9400100206.
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McDonnell, Duncan, et James L. Newell. « Outsider parties in government in Western Europe ». Party Politics 17, no 4 (27 juin 2011) : 443–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811400517.
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Over the past two decades, a growing number of ‘outsider parties’ have entered governing centre-left and centre-right coalitions across Western Europe. In this introduction, we first define outsider parties as those which — even when their vote-share would have enabled it — have gone through a period of not being ‘coalitionable’, whether of their own volition or that of other parties in the system. Based on the articles in this issue, we then discuss the problems which outsider parties encounter when entering government and suggest some reasons for the success and failure of these parties in office. Finally, we propose a number of avenues for further research, in particular that of examining differences between the first and subsequent experiences of office for such parties.
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Little, Douglas. « Pipeline Politics : America, TAPLINE, and the Arabs ». Business History Review 64, no 2 (1990) : 255–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115583.
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The Arabian American Oil Company's plan to build a pipe-line from eastern Saudi Arabia to the Mediterranean seemed to many an ideal project for business-government cooperation. A sound business project for the company would give American policymakers more and cheaper oil to aid plans to rebuild Western Europe, as well as a significant presence in the Middle East. Events in that tumultuous region, however, soon embroiled both the company and the U.S. government in a more complex relationship than had been envisioned.
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Bursać, Dejan. « Być zielonym na Wschodzie : sukces i wpływ partii Zielonych w krajach postsocjalistycznych ». Przegląd Europejski, no 2-2022 (30 août 2022) : 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.22.9.
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This article examines the presence and activities of Green parties in governments of Central and Eastern Europe. In recent years, many ecologist parties and movements gained considerable electoral and general political success, especially in developed democracies of Western Europe. However, their ideological counterparts in new democracies tend to remain out of power and often out of parliament, albeit with a few notable exceptions. In this study, success of the Greens in CEE is operationalised through their impact on public spending and direct investments allocated to environmental protection. The hypothesis regarding the Greens’ impact on spending is tested within the regression models, along with other potential predictors of government expenditure. The research results demonstrate a low significance of Greens in government participation and also their impact on budgetary allocation, contributing to the debate about the Green politics’ position in the context of social and political cleavages in post-socialist societies.
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Schemers, Henry G. « Human rights in Europe ». Legal Studies 6, no 2 (juillet 1986) : 170–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1986.tb00542.x.
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Through the ages many common legal values have developed in western Europe. Notwithstanding the differences in legal systems there is a remarkable uniformity in the basic concepts of legal thinking. All western European states are democracies with constitutional restrictions to the power of the government. They all have similar defences against absolutism and one of these defences is the protection of fundamental human rights against government interference. The existence of such legal restrictions is a distinguishing feature of western European politico-legal development.
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Wallace, Kyle. « Turkish Politics : Between Europe and Islam ». Constellations 2, no 2 (7 juin 2011) : 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cons10498.
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Since the inception of Turkey as an independent state, the country has based itself on Western modes of governance, with secularism being a hallmark of the nation. In recent years, Islamic parties have made inroads in government, causing consternation among the old guard and allies in Europe. Much of the modern arguments against Turkey's inclusion in the EU rely on psuedo-Orientalist ideas; Turkey is somehow so different and alien from "European" culture that they simply do not belong in the EU. Historical notions of Turkey and Islam as fundamentally different are then propagated to remove Turkey from contemporary Europe. Islamic politics in Turkey do not represent a shift to a more fundamentalist ideology; in actuality, Turkish Islamic parties are very modern movements based in progressive ideas. The rise of Islamic parties in Turkey signals a shift away from a dogmatic following of the strictly secular West into a more hybrid political identity, unshakably tied to the West but allowing for a greater expression of its Middle Eastern Muslim heritage.
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Naumenko, Olena. « Politics of the British government for the repatriation of soviet DPs from Western Europe in 1944-1948 ». European Historical Studies, no 14 (2019) : 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.101-113.
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The article describes the legal aspect of repatriation of displaced people in British government; The article describes the legal aspect of British politics on repatriation of displaced people; briefly outlines and analyzes the decisions of international meetings of senior officials, that were called upon maintain the organization and operation of this process; discloses the essence and significance of the Yalta agreements for the return of displaced people. In particular, after the Yalta conference, we can clearly see the formation of two separate approaches to repatriation. Thus, we can make a conclusion, that at first time the USSR people’s repatriation had a forcing nature, according to Yalta agreements and clarified protocol to them. But in future, the USA and Great Britain’s governments, especially, after the beginning of Cold War, were giving all kinds of legal and material help DPs, which, because of personal reasons and motives, didn’t aspire to come back, that, in return, on the other hand, considerably deteriorated inter union relations. The Soviet government sought to return all displaced people without any exception, while the Great Britain gave an alternative to all those people, who didn’t want to return to their homeland. In view of this claim, such people were transferred automatically from the category of displaced people to the category of refugees eligible for shelter in Western Europe. The approaches of the British side to different ethnic groups of repatriates are traced; the categories of displaced persons who have not been able to avoid forced return to the USSR under interstate agreements have been identified. As of the end of 1945, with the rise of crisis trends between the governments of the Big Three countries and the controversy surrounding the repatriation issue, the British government decided to halt the forced return of Soviet DPs. In particular, its concerned soldiers of the Waffen SS Galychyna Division, who did not partially come under the conditions of forced return to the USSR, but were able to use the refugee shelter in the Great Britain.
Thèses sur le sujet "Europe, Western – Politics and government"
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DULLAGHAN, Neil. « Getting into bed with the enemy : exploring trends and effects of coalition congruence in Western Europe 1945-2015 ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/70875.
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Defence date: 09 April 2021Examining Board: Professor Dr. Stefano Bartolini (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Elias Dinas (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel); Professor Dr. Heike Klüver (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin)
Over the last seventy years Europe has seen government authority decentralised to subnational bodies, offering up new arenas for political contestation. At the same time, the typical cleavages in society that provided solid bases of support for political parties have crumbled, leaving parties in search of new alliances to obtain governing power. Political parties find themselves caught between the desire to get into office in as many government authorities as possible and the desire to present a coherent brand to the public, as signalled by their coalition partner choices. This research project stands at this tense intersection of interests and provides new clarity to the historical record and some exploratory lines of inquiry into the effects of this dynamic. The existing work on measuring the extent to which regional and national governments mirror each other is investigated and critiqued in order to develop a new operationalisation of coalition congruence that is amenable to large-N research. On the basis of this new measure, the historical record from 1945 to 2015 of coalition congruence in nine Western European countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) is mapped out in order to identify broad trends running alongside the wider trend of dealignment from party politics. Following this, a number of hypotheses about the institutional determinants of congruence and effects of congruence on party perceptions are explored. The number of regional governments that cut across the government-opposition divide has been on the increase in Europe, especially so in some countries, and these cross-cutting governments appear to play a role in party attachment, but not through the causal mechanism of shifting left-right perceptions of party brands as expected by the literature. This project adds a new operationalisation of a concept, a new empirical dataset, extends the branding model of partisanship to the subnational level, and contributes to moving forward the fourth wave of coalition studies.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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Rubio, Diego. « The ethics of deception : secrecy, transparency and deceit in the origins of modern political thought ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3e92fabc-9e47-41a5-a739-00a0f67d6dcf.
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The purpose of this thesis is to reflect on the importance that deception has had on the efficient functioning of societies and the development of individuals. I attempt to do so by adopting an historical perspective, analysing the development of the notion of lawful deception during the Middle Ages and, mainly, the Early Modern Age through theological and political discourses. The scope of my investigation is pan-European. I examine sources from the major Western territories, but I pay special attention to those produced in the Spanish-Habsburg Empire, which was a major political and cultural entity during this period. My claim is that between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries, the West witnessed the formation of what I call an "Ethics of Deception:" a trend of thought that, without challenging the Augustinian prohibition of lying, recognised deception as intrinsic to nature and mankind, thereby justifying its use from moral and political perspectives. I explain how this intellectual process was conducted, fostered by new social realities, and helped by the flourishing of casuistry, tacitism and neostoicism. Furthermore, I argue that the acceptance of deception contributed to the creation of a new view of the world, language and human interaction. A view that is in the very basis of some of the most characteristic features of Baroque art and that opened the door to some of the most transcendental cultural changes of the period, such as the creation of politics governed by reason rather than faith, the secularisation of social behaviour, and the emergence of the notions of individualism, privacy and freedom of thought. For these reasons, I claim that deception played an important role in the shaping of Modernity.
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Fletcher, Jody D. (Jody Daniel). « The Pull to the Right in Western Europe : an Analysis of Electoral Support for the Extreme-Right ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278202/.
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This study develops a model explaining support for contemporary extreme-right parties. The history and political setting of relevant countries are examined. The research explores necessary state-level conditions, which are postindustrialism, convergence to the center by major parties, and proportional representation. Individual support is probed using survey data with bivariate and probit analyses. Being male and younger proved to be significant variables, while socio-economic status did not. Concerning issues, personal disaffection for immigrants, favoring nationalistic hiring practices, and free-market tendencies were significant variables. Opposition to feminism and pride to be from one's nation were insignificant explanations for extreme-right support. Implications of the analysis are discussed as are issues concerning future research.
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Maor, Moshe. « The dynamics of minority rule : intra-party politics and minority governments in Western Europe ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1174/.
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The aim of this study is to provide a theoretical and empirical explanation of the question: How do conflicts within a party affect its coalitional behaviour insofar as such conflicts may influence the bargaining power of party elites in the parliamentary arena. There are three major themes around which the theoretical explanation is organized. The first theme is that 'party institutionalization' and the nature of intra-party conflicts are important factors in shaping the ability of the party elites to neutralize internal conflicts. The second theme - a particular application of the first - is that the strength of a party in the parliamentary bargaining plane (i.e. its relative bargaining power) lies in its organization weakness. The third theme reveals that political parties, which are characterized by the existence of heterogeneous and diffused mechanisms for internal dissent, can handle internal conflicts in a variety of ways without forcing members to leave the party. Based upon a comparative analysis of intra-party conflicts and minority governments in Denmark, Norway, France, Italy and the U.K., the study suggests that weakly institutionalized parties can enter into conflict inducing coalition negotiations without risking their hold on their membership, whereas inter-party negotiations can lead to disintegration of highly institutionalized parties as members may be forced to leave the party as their primary mechanism for expression of discontent. A major implication of this study is that in multi-party systems in which minority situations occur, the most attractive strategy (i.e. in terms of bargaining power) for highly institutionalized parties occupying a governmental position is the formation of informal minority governments, whereas the most attractive strategy for weakly institutionalized parties is the formation of formal minority governments.
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Herbert, Stephen. « The Europeanisation of local government in Western Scotland, 1975-1997 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3111/.
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This thesis considers the impact of Europeanisation upon local government in the West of Scotland through analysing firstly, the response of Strathclyde Regional Council to Europeanising influences and the policies which SRC subsequently pursued to respond to these developments. The impact of European policies as a form of multi-level governance is also evaluated through research into the role of local government within two institutions established in Strathclyde to deal with aspects of European policy :- Strathclyde European Partnership and the Ouverture programme. Lastly, the impact of local government reorganisation upon SRC's successor unitary authorities to engage with European policy is considered. The research findings illustrate that the process of Europeanisation has developed through a number of cyclical stages which has resulted in the development of changing and varying response from SNAs to European policy developments. The initial engagement of SRC with European Institutions occurred at an early stage as the Council attempted to discover new sources of finance. The pro-active stance of the Council resulted in financial benefits for Strathclyde but also an increasing engagement within SRC with European policy as the Council responded to the emerging Single European Market. This engagement also led SRC to attempt to utilise a variety of means to influence European policy. The research suggests that while local government was able to influence the European policy process this tended to occur where European Commission and / or member-state(s) interests overlapped with those of local government. While multi-level governance exists in Western Scotland, the key partners remain the European Commission and the member state.
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BIRNIE, Rutger Steven. « The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.
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Defence date: 19 February 2019Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.
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Kiss, Csilla. « Constitutional democracy in Eastern Europe ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85176.
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The dissertation examines the establishment and strengthening of constitutional democracies during democratic consolidation from an institutionalist point of view. Focusing on Hungary and Poland, it examines how the right institutions can advance the creation and strengthening of a constitutional order. Among the institutions special attention is paid to the constitutional courts. The establishment and prominence of constitutional courts in most new democracies in East Central Europe fits into the general trend that was perceivable throughout Western Europe after WWII. The main rationale of these new institutions was to safeguard the democratic order from the return of authoritarianism. The main practical as well as theoretical significance of the introduction of judicial review was that it put an end to the then prevailing primacy of unlimited popular sovereignty and recast the concept of democracy in constitutional, rather than majoritarian terms.Such an innovation plays an even more significant role in Eastern Europe, where concepts of majoritarian democracy on the one hand, and reliance on a strong leader, especially in times of difficulties on the other, were prominent due to both communist and pre-communist legacies. Furthermore, the often ambiguous constitutional documents produced by the negotiated transitions, as well as the sometimes irreconcilable aspirations of political forces, provided the courts with a prominent role in shaping the new order.
Through the study of two issues, transitional justice and the presidency, the dissertation examines the various functions constitutional courts can play in democratic consolidation in general and in advancing rule of law systems, in resolving constitutional ambiguities and in controlling political actors in particular.
Drawing on the analysis of political events, primary sources, parliamentary minutes, newspaper articles and court decisions, the dissertation concludes that while the courts' record in solving institutional problems cannot be regarded as an unequivocal success, their role in defining fundamental constitutional principles is more praiseworthy. Not only did they manage to settle controversial issues as in the case of transitional justice, they also successfully curbed majoritarian endeavors and steered the new systems towards the acceptance of basic liberal constitutional values.
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Parau, Cristina Elena. « The interplay between domestic politics and Europe : how Romanian civil society and government contested Europe before EU accession ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2696/.
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The key research questions of this dissertation are: 'How do domestic actors construct Europe.' and 'How do they utilise it in seeking to empower themselves against other actors.' The questions of construction and utilisation of Europe are some of the most topical questions in Europeanization. The first question addresses constructivist/sociological concerns. The second addresses the issue of winners and losers (differential empowerment). Both are key issues in the literature of Europeanization and yet have been little addressed in the context of post-communist EU accession countries. This dissertation aims to bridge this gap by focusing on the post-communist country of Romania, a soon to be EU member-State. The actors under investigation are civil society, which emerged in Romania for the first time ever after 1989 and the central government Executive. The study covers the period during which the EU acquis negotiations were negotiated under the Social Democratic government led by Prime Minister Adrian Nastase (2000-2004). The data was gathered through in-depth case study and process-tracing, the methods found best able to disentangle a complex causal nexus. The Europeanization literature is contradictory with regard to which domestic actors are constrained and which empowered: some scholars theorise that it empowers civil society (Diffusion); others that it empowers the Executive (Executive Empowerment); still others that it promotes co-operation between them (Network Governance). The empirical evidence so far has been inconclusive. This dissertation shows that only a small elite made of civil society entrepreneurs and government Executives constructed and utilised Europe in the pre-membership phase, to empower themselves relative to other actors, particularly opponents. The empirical data support two of the classical Europeanization theses in the literature: the Diffusion and the Executive Empowerment Theses. The Diffusion Thesis better explains civil society empowerment near the beginning and at the peak of acquis negotiations, although some evidence also favours Executive Empowerment. This latter thesis better explains the powerlessness of civil society at the close of negotiations, although some evidence for Diffusion was also found. No evidence was found supporting Network Governance. Instead evidence was found in favour of its critics, namely support for the claim that the EU (or Europe) empowers an elite in both civil society and the State.
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Roy, Christian. « Alexandre Marc and the personalism of l'Ordre nouveau 1920-1940 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66083.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Europe, Western – Politics and government"
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1939-, Dorfman Gerald Allen, et Duignan Peter, dir. Politics in Western Europe. 2e éd. Stanford, Calif : Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1991.
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1939-, Dorfman Gerald Allen, et Duignan Peter, dir. Politics in Western Europe. Stanford, Calif : Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1988.
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Donald, Hancock M., dir. Politics in Western Europe. Chatham, N.J : Chatham House, 1993.
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1949-, Laver Michael, et Mair Peter, dir. Representative government in Western Europe. New York : McGraw-Hill, 1992.
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Warmenhoven, Henri J. Western Europe. 6e éd. Guilford, Conn : Dushkin/McGraw-Hill, 1999.
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Thompson, Wayne C. Western Europe 2012. 3e éd. Lanham, MD : Stryker Post Publications, 2012.
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Western Europe, 2008. 2e éd. Harpers Ferry, WV : Stryker-Post Publications, 2008.
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Thompson, Wayne C. Western Europe, 2007. 2e éd. Harpers Ferry, WV : Stryker-Post Publications, 2007.
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Western Europe 2009. 2e éd. Harper's Ferry, WV : Stryker Post Pubns, 2009.
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Warmenhoven, Henri J. Western Europe. Guilford, Conn : Dushkin Pub. Group, 1989.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Europe, Western – Politics and government"
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Hancock, M. Donald, David P. Conradt, B. Guy Peters, William Safran et Raphael Zariski. « The Institutions of European Government ». Dans Politics in Western Europe, 522–39. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14555-3_27.
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Nugent, Neill. « The Transformation of Western Europe ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 4–37. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23531-5_1.
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Nugent, Neill. « The Transformation of Western Europe ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 3–22. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27605-9_1.
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Nugent, Neill. « The Post-War Transformation of Western Europe ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 23–37. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-45410-2_2.
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Nugent, Neill. « The Post-War Transformation of Western Europe ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 3–17. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-36611-4_1.
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Nugent, Neill. « European Integration and the States of Western Europe ». Dans The Government and Politics of the European Union, 23–35. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27605-9_2.
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Thiebault, Jean-Louis. « Local and Regional Politics and Cabinet Membership ». Dans The Profession of Government Minister in Western Europe, 31–43. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11395-8_4.
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Bartlett, William, Sanja Kmezić et Katarina Đulić. « The Political Economy of Decentralisation and Local Government Finance in the Western Balkans : An Overview ». Dans Fiscal Decentralisation, Local Government and Policy Reversals in Southeastern Europe, 1–18. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96092-0_1.
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van Schaïk, Remi. « The Sale of Annuities and Financial Politics in a Town in the Eastern Netherlands Zutphen, 1400-1600 ». Dans Urban public debts, urban government and the market for annuities in Western Europe (14th-18th centuries), 109–26. Turnhout : Brepols Publishers, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.seuh-eb.3.1944.
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Saalfeld, Thomas. « Government and Politics ». Dans Contemporary Europe, 78–109. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-10340-6_4.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Europe, Western – Politics and government"
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SIMONE, Pierluigi. « THE RECASTING OF THE OTTOMAN PUBLIC DEBT AND THE ABOLITION OF THE CAPITULATIONS REGIME IN THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ACTION OF TURKEY LED BY MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK ». Dans 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara : Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.64.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The recast of the international debt contracted by the former Ottoman Empire and the overcoming of the capitulations regime that had afflicted Turkey for centuries, are two of the most relevant sectors in which the political and diplomatic action promoted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has been expressed. Extremely relevant in this regard are the different disciplines established, respectively, by the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and then by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. After the Ottoman Government defaulted in 1875, an agreement (the Decree of Muharrem) was concluded in 1881 between the Ottoman Government and representatives of its foreign and domestic creditors for the resumption of payments on Ottoman bonds, and a European control of a part of the Imperial revenues was instituted through the Administration of the Ottoman Public Debt. At the same time, the Ottoman Empire was burdened by capitulations, conferring rights and privileges in favour of their subjects resident or trading in the Ottoman lands, following the policy towards European States of the Byzantine Empire. According to these capitulations, traders entering the Ottoman Empire were exempt from local prosecution, local taxation, local conscription, and the searching of their domicile. The capitulations were initially made during the Ottoman Empire’s military dominance, to entice and encourage commercial exchanges with Western merchants. However, after dominance shifted to Europe, significant economic and political advantages were granted to the European Powers by the Ottoman Empire. Both regimes, substantially maintained by the Treaty of Sèvres, were considered unacceptable by the Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kemal and therefore became the subject of negotiations during the Conference of Lausanne. The definitive overcoming of both of them, therefore represents one of the most evident examples of the reacquisition of the full sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey.
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Amirjani, Rahmatollah. « Labour Housing and the Normalisation of Modernity in 1970s Iran ». Dans The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online : SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4020p1tmw.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the 1970s, rapid modernisation fuelled population displacement and increased the number of workers in the large cities of Iran, in particular Tehran. In response, the Imperial Government initiated several housing programs focusing on the provision of megastructures on a large scale. Consequently, a new opposition formed among some sectors of society, regarding the dissemination of gigantic buildings in the International or Brutalist styles. Critics and clerics argued that the radical government interventions not only polarised the image of Islamic identity in cities, but also affected the behaviour of people towards, and their opinions concerning, the Islamic lifestyle. Additionally, some claimed the state aimed to normalise its project of modernity and rapid westernisation for the mid- and lower classes using housing. In this regard, this article investigates the 1970s imperial government social housing programs to verify these claims. Using an extensive literature review, documentary research, observation, and descriptive data analysis, this article argues that, despite the government politics and modernisation tendencies in the 1970s, consumerism, political competition, the state of Cold War, and the emergence of new construction techniques, all resulted in the emergence of mass-produced megastructures offering a new luxurious lifestyle to residents. While the life and hygiene of the different classes were improved, these instant products inevitably facilitated the normalisation of Western lifestyle among the mid- and low-income groups of the society. Eventually, this visible social transition was utilised by opposition leaders as another excuse to topple the Pahlavi regime under the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
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Femenia, Jose. « The Siberian Arctic Ocean Highway – Redefining the World’s Trading Patterns ». Dans SNAME 7th International Conference and Exhibition on Performance of Ships and Structures in Ice. SNAME, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/icetech-2006-129.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Over the centuries, the world’s trading patterns have changed due to population migration and growth, climate changes, politics and technological advances. Some trading patterns and routes have declined and others have emerged. This paper will investigate the technical, environmental and economic potential of using an Arctic Ocean route as a substitute for present day northern hemisphere, long-haul, container shipping routes. Issues such as the impact of climate changes on the potential for using the Arctic as an ocean highway will be noted. Proposed routes and ports of call as well as various model containerships movements will be investigated. Issues such as basic ship and terminal design, transit times, and ship induced emissions will also be addressed. The use of nuclear power for ship propulsion will be considered. The paper will concentrate on discussing the shipment of containers to and from the East and West Coasts of the United States, Western Europe, and the Far East with large containerships in liner service using the Arctic Ocean highway and smaller feeder ships moving the containers from four, specifically selected, ports to final destination ports. Winter shipping conditions as well as summer shipping conditions will be considered. Problems, advantages and limitations of the proposed system will be discussed.
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Karabushenko, Pavel, et Ekaterina Gainutdinova. « The concept of Greater Eurasia and geopolitics ». Dans East – West : Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.dxyu5419.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In modern international relations, the emphasis of dominance is beginning to shift more and more from the Western part of the political map of the world to the East. Countries that were previously in colonial dependence on the West (China, India) are beginning to challenge international leadership. Against this background, at the beginning of the XXI century, the concept of Greater Eurasia began to take shape and gradually develop, as a desire to acquire subjectivity and an attempt to establish a new hierarchy of geopolitical leadership. Geopolitical geometry plays an important role in the analysis of these processes, which delineates the Eurasian space in accordance with the currently available geopolitical strategies of the leading world powers. And in this geometry, the Caspian region is increasingly emerging, to which the properties of the axial region of Eurasia are increasingly being attributed. The axial region means a certain space that has an increased degree of attraction (economic, cultural, political), which determines the course of history and politics. As the political history of Eurasia shows, most often significant events and vast empires (Persia, Horde, Russia, etc.) arose precisely in the area of the so-called "Caspian Gate" connecting the expanses of Europe and Asia. This work analyzes the concept of Greater Eurasia through the prism of its geopolitical assessment and the role played in its development by its axial region – the Greater Caspian region.
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İrmiş, Ayşe, Mehtap Sarıkaya et Hatice Çoban. « People's Sector as an Alternative Economic Model and the Example of Denizli ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00662.
Texte intégralRésumé :
People’s sector is an establishment of an enterprise result of bringing together production tools take decisions related to the management of this property and create self-employment opportunities with people’s own savings. This is the most distinctive feature from the private sector and the public sector. As well as the public sector and the private sector, labor is a part of the production, but in people’s sector, employees participate in management, capital and profit. In private sector and public sector there is an up to down organization but in People’s Sector, organization settles from down to top. People’s Sector resemble to publicly held companies and worker companies in Western Europe and United States but differ from them in the form of establishment and statue of partnership. Because in these companies in the West, government or private sector open shares to public or make workers partner to the shares. In these companies, managerial decisions belong to the person or group that holds most of the shares. Whereas in public sector enterprises, people come together and have equal rights in establishment and management of the enterprise, without any person or group keeping the majority of shares in the hand. Without a precedent in the world, this sector is formed in 1970’s with the savings of the workers went from Turkey to Germany and other European countries. In this study, a literature rewiev in the people’s sector has been made, then exemplary research was carried out by the founders of the two People’s sector companies.
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Ugur, Etga. « RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL ? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Europe, Western – Politics and government"
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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).