Thèses : « Europe – Social policy – 20th century »

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Bartulin, Nevenko School of History UNSW. « The ideology of nation and race : the Croatian Ustasha regime and its policies toward minorities in the independent state of Croatia, 1941-1945 ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/28336.

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This thesis examines the central place of racial theories in the nationalist ideology of the Croatian Ustasha movement and regime, and how these theories functioned as the chief motive in shaping Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the Nazi-backed Independent State of Croatia (known by its Croatian initials as the NDH), namely, Serbs, Jews, Roma and Bosnian Muslims, during the years 1941 to 1945. This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with historical background, concentrating on the history of Croatian national movements from the 1830s to the 1930s. The second part covers the period between the founding of the Ustasha movement in 1930 and the creation of the NDH in 1941. The third part examines the period of Ustasha power from 1941 to 1945. Through the above chronological division, this thesis traces the evolution of Ustasha ideas on nation and race, placing them within the historical context of processes of Croatian national integration. Although the Ustashe were brought to power by Nazi Germany, their ideology emerged less as an imitation of German National Socialism and more as an extremist reaction to the supranational and expansionist nationalist ideologies of Yugoslavism and Greater Serbianism. In contrast to the prevailing historiographical view that has either ignored or downplayed the significance of racial theori! es on Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the NDH, this thesis highlights the marked influence of the question of 'race' on Ustasha attitudes toward the 'problem' of minorities, and on the wider question of Croatian national identity. This thesis examines the Ustashe by focusing on the historical interplay between nationalism and racism, which dominated so much of the modern political life of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The fusion of nationalism and racism was not unique to Ustasha ideology, but the evolution and nature of Ustasha racism was. Ustasha racial ideas were therefore the product of both specific Croatian and wider European historical trends. This examination of the historical intersection between nationalism and racism in the case of the Ustashe will, i hope, broaden our understanding of twentieth-century nation-state formation, and state treatment of minorities, in the Balkans and Eastern Europe.

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Biehl, Lundberg Andrés. « Social policy and income inequality in the Southern Cone during the 20th century : a comparative perspective ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ce998341-6b28-41a7-9453-94a22174e47a.

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This dissertation compares the effects of progressive social reform on income inequality in the Southern Cone of South America, Scandinavia, and Australasia. These regions faced comparable economic challenges at the start of the 20th century, but experienced different trends of income inequality after they introduced progressive policies in this period. Australasia and Scandinavia converged on a downward trend while the Southern Cone remained comparatively more unequal. The dissertation concentrates on three areas that significantly predict inequality in contemporary research: labour markets, education, and taxation and spending policies. Existing explanations usually focus on supply-side aspects of policy reform: wage regulation, and increased taxation and spending on education and social insurance, are thought to bring inequality down in the long-run. These reforms are seen as the outcome of the relative power of working class groups over elites. Despite institutional variation, the three regions enacted progressive policies to address distributional conflict and protect their economies from global risks. I study the demand-side of policy reform; policies faced considerable collective action problems to promote compliance and cooperation in order to work in the long-time and include populations at large. The fact that most people were motivated to comply meant that labour markets generated formality and standard wages, education increased human capital, and spending became stable as the tax base increased in Scandinavia and the Antipodes. The opposite happened in the Southern Cone as social actors tried to link selectively with the state while state officials neglected the material constraints that limited access to welfare and education. Each chapter spells out the conditions through which policy addressed collective action problems to motivate cooperation with wage agreements, sending children to school, and compliance with taxation and spending policies. Behind comparable aggregate numbers in these areas, the underlying social processes differed as Australasians and Scandinavians fostered cooperation between state and social actors, while the Southern Cone did not.

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Visessuvanapoom, Vinit. « State and economy in Thailand : the possibility of establishing a developmental state ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2006. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28173.

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This dissertation addresses the question of whether the Thai state is already a developmental state or could readily become one early in the 21St century. To begin with it identifies the two principal conditions that have to be satisfied, namely commitment to develop and state capacity to influence development. The latter of ‘which in turn depends on the state’s general authority (legitimacy) and its general regulatory capacity. The focus of the dissertation is on the particular capacities that can be said to characterise a developmental state in the present era. These particular capacities are, first, the particular capacities providing the basis of industry policy as identified in the analyses of the earlier formation of developmental states by Chalmers Johnson and his successors and, second, certain complementary capacities which are required to meet the challenges of the twenty—first century. The body of the dissertation is an examination of whether, and to what extent, the particular capacities exist within Thailand or could readily be brought into existence. The dissertation further examines the commitment to development in Thailand through an examination of contemporary Thai polity and specifically the state’s ability, under a Thaksin administration in particular, to govern conflicts within the Thai polity in a manner consistent with broad development. It is recognised that insofar as the state’s capacity to influence development also depends on its general authority (the legitimacy of the state), that authority also is sensitive to its ability to govern conflict resolution. The dissertation ends by speculating about how different the commitment to development might be under another Democrat-led administration. The overall conclusion of the dissertation is that, while the Thai state does indeed possess critical capacities for the pursuit of industry policy, other essential capacities - fundamental and complementary — as well as legitimacy and commitment to development are weak and not obviously being strengthened. That being the case, it would only be wishful thinking to say that Thailand is already a developmental state.

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Beltrán, Tapia Francisco J. « Common lands and economic development in 19th and early 20th century Spain ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4215d6d1-e979-4ac5-b023-b49a4a01d9a0.

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This dissertation contributes to the long-standing debate between those who argue that the enclosure of the commons was as a precondition to foster economic growth and those who defend common property regimes can be efficient and sustainable. Exploiting historical evidence from 19^th century and early 20^th century Spain, this research shows that the persistence of the commons in some Spanish regions was not detrimental to economic development, at least relative to the institutional arrangements they were replaced with. On the contrary, during the early stages of modern economic growth, the communal regime not only did not limit agricultural productivity growth, but indeed constituted a crucial part of the functioning of the rural economics in a number of ways. On the one hand, these collective resources complemented rural incomes and, subsequently, sustained households' consumption capacity. The reduction in life expectancy and heights in the provinces where privatisation was more intense, as well as the negative effect on literacy levels, strongly supports that the privatisation of the commons deteriorated the living standards of a relatively large part of the population. On the other hand, the communal regime also significantly contributed to financing the municipal budget. Deprived from this important source of revenue, local councils became unable to adequately fund local public goods and ended up increasing local taxes. Lastly, the social networks developed around the use and management of these collective resources facilitated the diffusion of information and the building of mutual knowledge and trust, thus constituting a vital ingredient of the social glue that hold these rural communities together. All things considered, the persistence of the commons in some regions provided peasants with cooperation mechanisms different from the market and made the transition to modern economic growth more socially sustainable.

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Limoges, Ronald E. « 'A new tempered spirit to comfort the twenty-first century' : individual choices, public policies, and the philanthropic experience in Western Europe / ». Diss., This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-10022007-144846/.

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Richardson, Theresa Marianne Rupke. « The century of the child : the mental hygiene movement and social policy in the United States and Canada ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27518.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the dynamics between professional knowledge and the power to construct social realities. The focus is on the institutions which contributed to mental hygiene as a protocol for public policies directed toward children. The social history of the child in the twentieth century is juxtaposed with shifts in the configurations of private and public institutions in a sociology of mental illness. The mental hygiene movement created one of the twentieth century's major paradigms. Mental hygiene was conceptualized as the development of a science of promoting mental health and preventing mental illness. The' working premise of the movement was that early life experiences determined adult competence and constituted the root cause of major social problems from crime and dependency to labour unrest and war. The National Committee for Mental Hygiene was established in the United States in 1909 and a second National Committee was established in Canada in 1918. Mental hygienists developed an ideology of child oriented prevention in public health, welfare and educational policies which legitimated public intervention into the private spheres of family relations and child rearing. The idea of mental hygiene was based on a medical model and as such it was part of the new psychiatry and public health movements of the Progressive Era. As a paradigm mental hygiene fostered the identification of children according to scientific standards. Mental hygiene contributed to the transformation of juvenile delinquency into a psychiatry of maladjustment in childhood. As a positivistic approach to public health, mental hygiene research elaborated criteria to determine age related stages of normal psychological and biological progress. Mental hygiene was a product of professional researchers and policy makers. The knowledge base of mental hygiene grew with the expansion of higher education in the United States especially in regard to scientific medicine. The medical model was subsequently applied to research in the behavioural and social sciences. Scientific philanthropy provided funds for research, professional education, and the distribution of knowledge. The accumulation of monetary resources by nineteenth century entrepreneurial capitalists, who applied these funds to further the growth of scientific models, were a sustaining factor in twentieth century mental hygiene. The agents of power described as part of the mental hygiene movement include: 1) the National Committees for Mental Hygiene in the United States and Canada; and, 2) general purpose foundations in Rockefeller related philanthropy and the Commonwealth Fund. By mid-century, the federal, state/provincial and local governments of the United States and Canada had assumed major aspects of the former role of the National Committees and philanthropy in mental health advocacy. The theoretical foundation of mental hygiene evolved in conjunction with the development of the scientific method as applied to preventive medicine, especially in fields related to psychiatry. Mental hygiene was a primary carrier of the medical model into applied disciplines in the social and health sciences. The professionalization of education, social welfare and psychology, as imbued with mental hygiene, translated technological change into revised concepts of public and private spheres in relationship to family and child life. The medicalization of human differences limited the potential for radical revisions in social organization. It justified unequal access to political and economic power on the basis of psychological and biological characteristics. The mental hygiene paradigm served to maintain established social configurations in the face of social change. The function of justifying inequalities was especially important in the United States but less so in Canada for reasons of the timing of nation-building, national history, character, and culture.
Education, Faculty of
Educational Studies (EDST), Department of
Graduate

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Piper, Stamatia A. J. « The emergence of a medical exception from patentability in the 20th century ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:85e2c91c-182e-45aa-8580-3908ac343a54.

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Many patent law dilemmas arise from a failure to understand technologies as embedded in broader social, economic and political realities and to contextually analyze these legal phenomena. This narrowness leads to poor legal development, of which the modern medical exception from patentability is one example. Judges have difficulty interpreting it, patentees do not understand its purpose and it does not protect the important medical technologies to which the public would like access. This thesis applies a legal pluralist analysis to examine the emergence of the medical methods exception in order to understand why it was created and legislated. It starts by examining the origins of the exception in the caselaw, and the informal, concurrent norm established by the emerging medical profession in the early 20th century. It then proceeds to examine why the medical profession might have sought and enforced a norm prohibiting its members from patenting, and concludes that this arose from the need of the medical profession to distance itself from the patent law. As a result, professionalizing physicians established an internal normative order that mimicked and in many cases replaced the effect of the formal law. The thesis then proceeds to examine how the form of the informal norm evolved in the period between WWI and WWII, finding that the profession’s norm transformed and broke down concurrently with its efforts to achieve external legitimacy through legislation. That breakdown arose from factors which included growing labour mobility, greater understanding of the benefits of patents, and a growing role of science and industry in medicine that threatened the profession’s access to valuable medical innovation. The thesis concludes with a study of a current case (Myriad Genetics) that applies the thesis’ theoretical framework to a present dispute over the role the law should play in regulating genetic diagnostic tests.

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Brankovich, Jasmina. « Burning down the house ? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998 ». University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.

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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a

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Lemar, Susan. « Control, compulsion and controversy : venereal diseases in Adelaide and Edinburgh 1910-1947 ». Title page, contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl548.pdf.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 280-305). Argues that despite the liberal use of social control theory in the literature on the social history of venereal diseases, rationale discourses do not necessarily lead to government intervention. Comparative analysis reveals that culturally similar locations can experience similar impulses and constraints to the development of social policy under differing constitutional arrangements.

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Vimont, Michael. « The anthropological construction of Czech identity : academic and popular discourses of identity in 20th century Bohemia ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bb316968-60a1-472c-bee4-b8de3af5ebbd.

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Through close textual analysis of 20^th century Czech anthropological texts from the Revivalist and Socialist periods and contemporary social research conducted after the Velvet Revolution, I demonstrate certain prominent discourses of identity developed in early Bohemian anthropology and their continuities in present day popular discourses. In each period, identity is deeply intertwined with teleological theories of history with Czech populations at the apex of cultural evolutionary development. In the Revivalist period this apex was believed to be the democratic nation state, transitioning to a Marxist nation state in the Socialist period, and in the contemporary period is conceived of as a neoliberal nation state. A major function of anthropology in the Revivalist and Socialist periods was to legitimate either period’s respective teleological theory and Czech possession of relevant values as 'objective' and 'natural' fact, a general mode of discourse which continued in the contemporary period in numerous editorials in the 1990s on the advantages of capitalism. The contemporary manifestation has particularly noteworthy consequences for the Roma minority, which I argue has provided Czech discourses with an ethnic category 'anti-thetical' to their own identity, providing a 'repository' for negative Czech self-stereotypes emerging from collaboration in the Socialist period.

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Stefanovski, Ivan. « Raised on streets ? The influence of social movements over policy outcomes in South East Europe : the cases of Macedonia, Bulgaria and Bosnia and Herzegovina ». Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86225.

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CHINCOLI, Veronica. « Black North American and Caribbean music in European metropolises : a transnational perspective of Paris and London music scenes (1920s-1950s) ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/62230.

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Defence date: 15 April 2019
Examining Board: Professor Stéphane Van Damme, European University Institute; Professor Laura Downs, European University Institute; Professor Catherine Tackley, University of Liverpool; Professor Pap Ndiaye, SciencesPo
This thesis examines black music circulation in the urban spaces of London and Paris. It shows the complexity of the evolutionary processes of black musical genres, which occurred during the late imperial period (1920s-1950s) within the urban music scenes of two imperial metropolises, and how they played an important role on the entertainment circuit. Both cities functioned as sites of crossfertilisation for genres of music that were co-produced in a circulation between empires and Europe. Musicians of various origins met in the urban spaces of the two cities. The convergence and intermingling of musical cultures that musicians had brought with them produced new sounds. This process was influenced by a minority group (blacks), but had a significant and lasting influence on the musical world. By creating an historical account of the encounters and exchanges between people of different origins within the music scenes, this thesis examines music development and the complexity of processes of racialisation according to their historical locality and meaning. Using a variety of sources including police reports, government documents, interviews, guidebooks and newspapers, this work contributes to widen the perspective of historical studies on music developments, emphasising their social and spatial dimensions, which are fundamental for the exploration of music scenes, in general, and for the spread of black genres of music in particular. Black music styles spread internationally, but were produced in several specific locations where music industry infrastructure was developing. In the urban spaces of the music scenes of London and Paris social networks were formed by various actors - both blacks and whites - and were crucial for music production and reception; different perceptions of blackness, processes of competition, and debates on authenticity emerged; and processes of regulation and negotiation underpinned the intervention of public authorities.
Chapter 4 'Black Music Styles as Vehicles for Trans-racial Interplay: Practices of Learning, Perceptions of Blackness and Commercialisation of Music' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article “Black Music Styles as Vehicles for Transnational and Trans-Racial Exchange: Perceptions of Blackness in the Music Scenes of London and Paris (1920s-1950s),” (2017) in the journal 'Zapruder world'

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Redman, Lydia Catherine. « Industrial conflict, social reform and competition for power under the Liberal governments 1906-1914 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708257.

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Paterson, Craig. « Prohibition & ; resistance : a socio-political exploration of the changing dynamics of the southern African cannabis trade, c. 1850 - the present ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002403.

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Looking primarily at the social and political trends in South Africa over the course of the last century and a half, this thesis explores how these trends have contributed to the establishment of the southern Africa cannabis complex. Through an examination of the influence which the colonial paradigm based on Social Darwinian thinking had on the understanding of the cannabis plant in southern Africa, it is argued that cannabis prohibition and apartheid laws rested on the same ideological foundation. This thesis goes on to argue that the dynamics of cannabis production and trade can be understood in terms of the interplay between the two themes of ‘prohibition’ and ‘resistance’. Prohibition is not only understood to refer to cannabis laws, but also to the proscription of inter-racial contact and segregation dictated by the apartheid regime. Resistance, then, refers to both resistance to apartheid and resistance to cannabis laws in this thesis. Including discussions on the hippie movement and development of the world trade, the anti-apartheid movement, the successful implementation of import substitution strategies in Europe and North America from the 1980’s, and South Africa’s incorporation into the global trade, this thesis illustrates how the apartheid system (and its collapse) influenced the region’s cannabis trade.

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Kostera, Thomas. « When Europa meets Bismarck : cross-border healthcare and usages of Europe in the Austrian healthcare system ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209268.

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In a series of landmark rulings on patient mobility and cross-border healthcare, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has made clear that Member States’ healthcare systems have to comply with the rules of the EU’s Internal Market when it comes to individual patient rights and the non-discrimination of healthcare providers. The rulings increased the possibilities for EU Member State citizens to get medical treatment in another Member State (“cross-border healthcare”), yet providing that under certain conditions the home Member State has to pay for these treatments in the other country. After a decade of negotiations, these rulings have been codified in a European Directive. Assuming that European integration has an impact on national welfare states and taking the example of European rules on access to cross-border healthcare, this thesis suggests analyzes the domestic impact of European integration in terms of Europeanization of the Austrian healthcare system within the context of the interplay between actors’ interests and practices on the one hand, and institutional effects on the other. European cross-border healthcare in forms of regional projects and privately or publicly organized healthcare arrangements has already become a reality in many European countries, especially in border regions. The main research questions which guides this thesis can be be put as follows: How does European integration in healthcare impact on the interests, practices and strategies of national actors that operate between national institutional constraints and European opportunities? And if national actors’ interests and strategies change, does this in turn have repercussions on the national institutional rules of healthcare governance? Given that European integration in healthcare delivery is a rather a “recent” phenomenon, and based on the assumption that actors’ strategies change more easily than national institutions, the following hypothesis is tested: Even if national healthcare actors use Europe – and hence their practices and strategies change – their interests remain largely determined by the national institutional set-up of the healthcare system. The institutional boundaries of the national healthcare system may have become porous, but for the time being they remain intact. The main findings of this study confirm the hypothesis and can be summarized as follows: Austrian actors responsible for the delivery of healthcare actively integrate various usages Europe into their existing practices of healthcare governance. These usages of Europe are more frequent at European level than at national level. Those actors who have important legal competencies, financial resources, and hence power in healthcare governance at national level, are also in a better position to use Europe effectively than those actors who lack such national resources. Limited usages of Europe at national level by corporate actors can best be accounted for by practices of consensually governing a typically Bismarckian healthcare system. None of the actors analysed, no matter how critical their stance vis-à-vis their own healthcare system might be, puts into question the legitimacy of the national healthcare system in the light of increased European competencies in regulating cross-border healthcare. Advancing European integration, mainly through the ECJ’s rulings on cross-border healthcare, might have rendered national institutional boundaries porous, but national institutions retain – at least for the time being – their power of channelling actors’ interests and of influencing corresponding practices of healthcare governance. These results invite us to further investigate which kind of healthcare governance structures are being developed at European level in parallel to those existing at national level, and to what extent Bismarckian welfare regimes might be showing resistance to institutional change induced by European integration.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Ternar, Yeshim 1956. « The book and the veil : a critique of orientalism from a feminist perspective ». Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74261.

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"The Book and the Veil" is an experimental ethnographic study that presents a feminist critique of Orientalist discourse as it relates to Istanbul at the turn of the twentieth century.
The Preface reviews relevant anthropological literature in order to construct the theoretical context of the thesis. The Introduction then elaborates on the various voices embodied in the text, each of which expresses different types of cultural and critical information.
Part 1 (Chapters 1-4), comments on Grace Ellison's stay in Istanbul harems in 1914, as described in An Englishwoman in a Turkish Harem. Part 2 (Chapters 5-7), engages in a dialogue with Pierre Loti as a representative of Orientalist discourse and comments on Zeyneb Hanoum's A Turkish Woman's European Impressions. Zeyneb Hanoum's experiences in Europe are then compared with Grace Ellison's stay in Turkey.
The Conclusion offers a discussion and critique of feminism and representative writing.

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Sjöblom, Alf. « Trygghet som handelsvara : Privat folkförsäkring i det framväxande välfärdssamhället 1900–1950 ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-129069.

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Industrial Life Insurance (ILI) was introduced in Sweden in the beginning of the 1900s. Following models already used in the United Kingdom and the United States, this insurance was specifically aimed at manual labourers, promising pension savings and compensation to surviving relatives. The insurance was an immediate success, with almost three million insurance policies in force by the mid-1900s. ILI was characterised by extensive and carefully monitored marketing practices. By managing an army of agents, the companies sold policies and collected premiums on a regular basis in the homes of the insured. The purpose of the dissertation is to analyse the development of a commercial business with social policy aspirations, and how it interacted with other social security institutions. How could ILI thrive in the emerging Swedish welfare state that, according to existing research, allowed little space for market-based welfare alternatives? The dissertation also seeks to contribute to a broader understanding of the contemporary “welfare market” in Sweden today. From a perspective of welfare formation as a social process, the emergence and expansion of ILI is interpreted as a phenomenon that has shaped, and been shaped by, the social policy arena. The insurance industry’s capacity to adapt to the changing ambitions of the state in this arena is emphasised. Furthermore, its leading representatives’ ability to continuously locate the role of life insurance in the shifting landscape of social policy is underlined. By locating welfare in separate but complementary public and private spheres, the industry contributed to the shaping of the compulsory pension scheme introduced in 1913 and the overall regulation of insurance in the mid-twentieth century. The social security of Swedish citizens was now to be ensured according to the vision of complementary spheres that the insurance industry had advocated for almost fifty years. The insurance companies’ commercial activities are analysed as a form of governmentality, where the agency system is scrutinized as an interventionist practice that created a long lasting relationship between the companies and the working classes. The dissertation shows how the industrialists’ role as “insurance experts” was used to influence public policies. As public figures and experts on various committees, representatives of the industry advocated a welfare formation that left ample space for their own business interests. The scientisation of security was also essential in creating a product where social aspirations and commercial logics could be united. The success of ILI thus rested on the interaction with the state apparatus. An arena of social policy was established where commercial companies were to be the supplier of all welfare above the level of “meagre basic security”. Through intense marketing measures, commercial actors influenced the perceptions of security and welfare. The process of welfare formation led to the internalisation of commercial ideals about social security that now constitutes an essential dimension of the Swedish welfare state.

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Svedin, Glenn. « "En ohyra på samhällskroppen" : Kriminalitet, kontroll och modernisering i Sverige och Sundsvallsdistriktet under 1800- och det tidiga 1900-talet ». Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-24942.

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This thesis presents an analysis of crime trends and social control during the dramatic transformation of Sweden's social landscape in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, set against the background of the modernization process in the country as a whole and the city of Sundsvall and environs in particular. What assumptions about crime were evident in public debate? How did crime levels vary from region to region, and what were the changes over time? What strategies did government and local authorities try for combating crime? Did the joint efforts by government, local communities, and the voluntary sector actually solve the problems that social change was believed to have caused?When it comes to theory, the interpretative framework is based on Anthony Giddens's argument about modernity and modernization, making particular use of a few central points about what the changes meant for the structuration of society. Giddens's ideas about changes in social control are refined with Michel Foucault's and David Garland's work on the increasingly disciplinary trend seen in the exercise of the law and public control. The analysis of modernity's ramifications for the transformation of both social structures and crime alike has also benefitted from Robert Putnam's and Travis Hirschi's insights into the importance of social capital and social bonds for a well-functioning, low-crime society.The process by which Sweden was transformed from an overwhelmingly agrarian country to an urban, industrial society left its mark on crime patterns. To the contemporary mind, industrialization, migration, and urbanization were the underlying causes of the high levels of serious crime in the society. The start of the nineteenth century had seen a rise in criminality, with both petty crime and lethal violence becoming more common. At the same time, there was a heated debate about the socio-economic problems that were such a strain on the structure of society. The analysis finds that there were large differences in prosecutions in the country and between cities. The Sundsvall area was among those that saw a dramatic change in crime in the course of becoming a major industrial region. At the same time, the thesis shows that there were plenty of cities in Sweden, however rapidly they grew, that had low crime rates. However, the widespread fear of industrialization, migration, and urbanization was often unfounded. For example, both lethal violence and public order offences reached their lowest recorded levels in the interwar period. By then, new cures were sought for the social and moral ills of society. The state's sphere of influence had expanded. New social reforms, including a modified crime policy, were launched. The state became even more assertive, and the same was true of civil society. Society would attend to the moral education of a number of different groups. Moral virtues were to be instilled in the workshy, alcoholic, or criminal, in order to produce disciplined and cultured citizens. The attention of social activists, the scientific community, civil servants, and local and national politicians shifted from crime per se to the far broader issue of asociality. Modernization gave the voluntary sector a significant role in the social organization of the day, shaping new forums for interpersonal relationships and strengthening social ties. The thesis makes the case that two distinct periods, each with its specific social structures and crime patterns, can be observed; one belonging to the nineteenth century, the other to the first four decades of the twentieth century.Finally, the similarities between the history of crime in Sweden and, for example, the US or the UK are highlighted. As in Britain and North America, the early industrialization period saw weakened social bonds, and a time of greater violence and disorder ensued. After a while however, the situation stabilized, and crime rates began to drop again. When industrial societies ceased to be 'frontier communities' at the forefront of modernization, and instead became more mature communities, crime levels fell as people's commitment to their communities was renewed.

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Aurand, Marin Elizabeth. « The Floating Men : Portland and the Hobo Menace, 1890-1915 ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2400.

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At the beginning of the twentieth century, transient laborers in Portland, Oregon faced marginalization and exploitation at the hands of the classes that relied on them for their own prosperity. Portland at this time was poised to flourish as a major population and industrial center of the American West. The industries that fueled the city's growth were dependent on cheap and mobile manual labor made available by the expansion of the nation's railroads. As the city prospered and grew, the elite of the city created and promoted an image of Portland as an Eden of material abundance where industriousness and virtue would lead inevitably to prosperity. There was no room in Portland's booster image for unemployed but otherwise able-bodied men that fueled this prosperity but saw no benefit from it. Their very existence challenged both the image of the city itself, and broader and deeper pillars of American identity. The response to the presence of this mobile, underemployed and largely white male labor class by Portland citizens and institutions was driven by, and in turn helped shape, competing mythologies of both the American West and American masculinity at a time when the country was struggling to define and redefine these constructs. Examining these floating men through their portrayal in popular culture, laws, and charitable efforts of the time exposes a deep anxiety about the notions of worth, gender, and American virtue.

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Assis, Luciano de. « O Estado perverso : a razão instrumental na critica neoconservadora ao Estado de Bem Estar Social (EUA - decadas de 1970 e 1980) ». [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279249.

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Orientadores: Reginaldo Carmello de Moraes, Armando Boito Junior
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T13:17:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Assis_Lucianode_M.pdf: 3678413 bytes, checksum: e82a69904f5cf6f20e88b07834923ef2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: o objetivo geral da presente dissertação de mestrado é explorar a ideologia política individualista contemporânea em busca de seus pressupostos, matrizes e fluxos lógicos. Para tanto assumimos o objetivo específico de sintetizar algumas das teses favoráveis ao recuo da intervenção social do Estado, recolocadas no debate político nos EUA, nas décadas de 1970 e 1980.Propostas por autores contemporâneos entre si, e por vezes conterrâneos - novayorkinos -, as teses sobre as quais nos debruçamos estão associadas em geral ao que se convencionou chamar de neoliberalismo, e de modo mais circunscrito, ao termo neoconservadorismo. Empreendemos, portanto, uma ,síntesedas idéias deste grupo sobre o papel do Estado, precedido por uma breve localização histórica do debate. Ao final do presente trabalho propomos alguns pontos de partida para futuras pesquisas que visem o avanço na compreensão dos objetivos gerais propostos acima
Abstract: The general purpose of this research is to explore the contemporary individualístic polítical ideology, to finally undertake they bases and logical fluxoTherefore was assumed as specific issue, the synthesis of some thesis that criticizes the social State (Govemment) interferences, disputed in USA, on 1970 and 1980 decades. Them authors, in general contemporaries and neighbors - citizens ofNew York City of cited decades- produced thesis associated with the term neo-liberalísm, in general, and with neo-conservatism, more precisely. In sum, was made a synthesis ofthe main idea about the social role ofthe State (Govemment), preceded by a briefhistoricallocalization ofthe debate. Finally, at the end ofthis work, was presented some hypothesis and virtual interpretation ofthis intellectual movement, as an initial starting point to other researches
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política

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Tollardo, Elisabetta. « Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.

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This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.

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Ghattas, Micheline Germanos. « The Consolidation of the Consociational Democracy in Lebanon : The Challenges to Democracy in Lebanon ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1415.

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This dissertation looks at democracy in Lebanon, a country that has a pluralistic society with many societal cleavages. The subject of this study is the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon, described by Arend Lijphart as a "consociational democracy". The research question and sub-question posed are: 1- How consolidated is democracy in Lebanon? 2- What are the challenges facing the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon? The preamble of the 1926 Lebanese Constitution declares the country to be a parliamentary democratic republic. The political regime is a democracy, but one that is not built on the rule of the majority in numbers, since the numbers do not reflect the history of the country and its distinguishing characteristics. The division of power is built on religion, which defies the concept prevailing in western democracies of the separation between church and state. As the internal and the external conditions change, sometimes in a violent manner, the democracy in the country still survives. Today, after the war that ravaged Lebanon from 1975 to 1990, the Syrian occupation that lasted until 2005, the Israeli war in the summer of 2006, and the roadblocks in the face of the overdue presidential election in 2008, democracy is still struggling to stay alive in the country. There is no denying or ignoring the challenges and the attempts against democracy in Lebanon from 1975 to the present. Even with these challenges, there are some strong elements that let democracy survive all these predicaments. The reasons and events of the 1975-1995 war are still being sorted out and only history will clear that up. Can we say today that the Consociational democracy in Lebanon is consolidated? To answer this question Linz & Stepan's three elements of a consolidated democracy are used as the criteria: the constitution of the land, people's attitude towards democracy and their behavior. The analysis examines the Lebanese Constitution, surveys about people's attitude towards democracy, and reported events about their behavior, such as political demonstrations and political violence narrated in the media. The findings of this study show that although the Lebanese find democracy as being the only game in town, the consolidation of democracy in the country still faces some challenges, both internal and external. The study also shows that the criteria used for western democracies need to be adjusted to apply to a society such as the one in Lebanon: plural, religious and traditional.

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Cheze, Mathilde. « La France en Grèce : étude de la politique culturelle française en territoire hellène du début des années 1930 à 1981 ». Phd thesis, Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales- INALCO PARIS - LANGUES O', 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00966630.

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Ce travail se propose d'étudier les ambitions, d'envisager les modalités et enfin de mesurer les résultats de la politique culturelle française menée en Grèce du début des années 1930 à 1981 (date d'entrée de la Grèce dans la Communauté Economique Européenne). Durablement implantée comme culture étrangère dominante depuis la fin du XVIIIème siècle, la culture française se heurte, en Grèce, au cours d'un long XXème siècle à une rude concurrence et connaît une période de déclin au profit de la culture américaine après 1945. Cette étude présente donc le double intérêt de mettre en exergue à une "échelle locale", traversée par les influences de nombreuses puissances étrangères, l'évolution de la diplomatie culturelle française. Partant du postulat d'une "décadence" de la politique étrangère française à partir des années 1930, ce qui se joue en territoire hellénique serait, à bien des égards, le reflet de ce qui se joue plus globalement au niveau mondial pour le rayonnement français.

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Tsampiras, Carla Zelda. « Politics, polemics and practice : a history of narratives about, and responses to, AIDS in South Africa, 1980-1995 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001653.

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The ongoing urgency of addressing AIDS in South Africa has kept academics and activists focussed primarily on the immediate crises of AIDS ‘in the present’. This thesis, covering the period 1980 – 1995, examines narratives about, and responses to, AIDS ‘in the past’ and explores the interplay between these narratives and elites in medical and political communities trying to address AIDS during a period of political transition. The thesis begins by examining the hegemonic medico-scientific narratives about AIDS that featured in the South African Medical Journal, an important site of enquiry as AIDS was primarily conceived of as a ‘medical issue’. The SAMJ narratives, which often relied on constructed ‘AIDS avatars’, framed understandings of the syndrome and influenced responses to it by medical and political communities. The first community that the thesis explores is the African National Congress (ANC) in exile, which had to address AIDS in exile communities and prepare health strategies for ‘the new South Africa’. Secondly, the thesis analyses government responses to AIDS and argues that four phases of response can be identified. These phases were characterised by minimum concerns about obtaining information and providing health advice; efforts to gather infection data while exploiting political and public fear; attempts to extend health education and (belatedly) encourage broader engagement; and finally, consultative, democratic ideals. The thesis then examines the National Medical and Dental Association (NAMDA) a progressive medical organisation that worked with the ANC on influential health (and AIDS) strategies. NAMDA members ‘crossed over’ between various medical and political communities and both reinforced and challenged hegemonic AIDS narratives. Finally, the thesis moves from the abstract, via the practical, to the personal and concludes with a detailed account of the experiences of two sexuality activists at the intersections of these communities and narratives. By focussing on these medical and political communities, and analysing the relationships between these communities, the existing AIDS narratives, and individuals, the thesis also reveals the constructions of morality, ‘race’, gender, and sexuality that infused them. In doing this it shows how polemic and politics combined to influence practical responses to, and personal experiences of, AIDS.

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Parker, Joseph Lynn. « Beyond Sustainable Bounds : Changing Weather, Emigration, and Irrigation in a Farming Village of Sichuan, China, 1945-2012 ». PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1514.

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This thesis presents the results of research in a small village located in the mountains of Sichuan Province in southwestern China. The thesis argues that traditional irrigation practices vital to paddy-rice production in the village have been stressed by local weather events. It also argues that local villagers have not responded effectively to such changes, and that failure to adjust has contributed to social stress observed at the site. During the earlier years of the study period (1945 to 2012), improvements were made in local irrigation, which seem to have helped farmers continue with traditional subsistence wet-rice farming in a fragile mountain environment. However, in later years of the period village social order showed two significant signs of collapse: first, because of emigration, fewer people were left to farm higher mountain levels so farm land was being abandoned; second, social crowding in lower level riverside farming areas, partly the result of highland emigration, began reducing the amount of land being farmed there. While reducing intensive cropping of highland farming areas can result in spontaneous recovery of natural resources such as soil and water, crowding in lower areas can contribute to deterioration of natural resources in the lower village farmland. Crowding can, in addition, have a bearing on community health problems. The thesis results are of value to researchers concerned with the adaptive behavior of local farming communities trying to maintain their traditional irrigation-dependent way of life in a fragile mountain environment while experiencing the effects of changeable weather. Thesis results are of additional value to those who study the impact on society of earth-warming, especially if variable local weather in the Dabashan is shown to be related to global climate change.

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Claro, Mauro. « Dissolução da Unilabor : crise e falência de uma autogestão operária - São Paulo, 1963 - 1967 ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16133/tde-04032013-103923/.

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Este estudo busca trazer elementos para explicar a crise que dissolveu a Unilabor, uma experiência autogestionária operária única a seu tempo, em São Paulo, através da análise da documentação interna da empresa, das informações prestadas por alguns dos participantes, entrevistados, e pelo recurso à hipótese de prevalência de uma racionalidade instrumental, a certa altura dos acontecimentos, em lugar da racionalidade substantiva pressuposta nos fundamentos da comunidade. Os elementos para a formulação e exame dessa hipótese provêm das teorias marxistas do trabalho, conforme reformuladas e atualizadas por autores como Robert Kurz, Roberto Schwarz, Moishe Postone, Jürgen Habermas, André Gorz e Ricardo Antunes, os quais, mesmo não uniformemente, apontam os elementos atuais de uma crise da categoria \'trabalho\' como elemento central da formação da riqueza. Também os conceitos de comunidade, solidariedade, esperança e amizade, conforme expostos e analisados por Giorgio Agamben e Terry Eagleton, servirão para problematizar as conclusões do trabalho. O aspecto estético, consubstanciado no desenho industrial utilizado nos móveis produzidos pela Unilabor, aparece como fundamento secundário da hipótese de insuficiência substantiva apresentada, pois pretendeu ser fator pedagógico, portanto de aprendizado de ofício, para os operários envolvidos na autogestão. Tal programa estético, tanto quanto a solidariedade, a amizade e a racionalidade substantiva, também mostrou-se insuficiente para a manutenção dos laços comunitários.
This study aims to gather elements to explain the crisis that dissolved Unilabor, a workers\' self-management experience in São Paulo that was unique in its time, through the analysis of the company\'s internal documentation, through information provided by some of the participants who were interviewed, as well as by resorting to the hypothesis of prevalence of an instrumental rationality, at one point, in place of the substantive rationality assumed in the fundamentals of the community. The elements for the formulation and analysis of this hypothesis come from Marxist theories of labor, as reformulated and updated by authors such as Robert Kurz, Roberto Schwarz, Moishe Postone, Jürgen Habermas, André Gorz, and Ricardo Antunes, who, albeit not uniformly, have pointed out the current elements of a crisis of the category \'work\' as a central element in the creation of wealth. Additionally, the concepts of community, solidarity, hope, and friendship, as defined and analyzed by Giorgio Agamben, and Terry Eagleton will be used to open the conclusions of this paper up to discussion. The aesthetic aspect, embodied in the industrial design of the furniture produced by Unilabor is present as a background for the substantive insufficiency hypothesis that is presented, since it intends to function as a factor that is pedagogical, thus concerning the learning of one\'s craft by workers involved in the self-management. This aesthetic program, as much as the solidarity, friendship, and substantive rationality, also proved to be insufficient for the maintenance of community ties.

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Neacsa, Vasile I. « The black sea economic cooperation as an element of regional stability and security ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211093.

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ANDRY, Aurélie. « 'Social Europe' in the long 1970s' : the story of a defeat ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49325.

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Defence date: 4 December 2017
Examining Board: Prof Federico Romero, European University Institute; Prof Laura Lee Downs, European University Institute; Prof Eric Bussière, Université Paris-Sorbonne; Prof Lorenzo Mechi, Università degli Studi di Padova
‘Social Europe’ is an elusive concept. Although largely forgotten today, it was a vibrant idea and project in the 1970s. Promulgated mostly by West European socialdemocratic forces, it was basically a European governance reform project. Its fundamental objective was to transform the nature of European cooperation and integration, by using the European Community as a vehicle to realise democratic socialism in Europe. ‘Social Europe’ took shape around the ideas of wealth redistribution, social and economic planning, economic democratisation, improved working and living conditions, regulation and control of economic forces, guarantee of the right to work, upward harmonisation of European social regimes, and access to social protection for all. It also included environmental concerns, democratisation of the European Community’s institutions, and claims to rebalance the international system to favour the development of the rising ‘South’. It made ambitious proposals to empower the Community in the social field and to increase social and economic coordination between its member states. It was, in short, a proposal for a radically different future than the one we actually inhabit today. This work investigates the rise and demise of ‘social Europe’ in the ‘long 1970s’. It highlights the socialist efforts to build a common European project, explores the concrete proposals it contained, traces its evolution and assesses the strategies and alliances envisaged between the different forces of the Left for its realisation. It sheds light on the reasons for the defeat of ‘Social Europe’, which had long-lasting, and arguably dramatic repercussions for the nature of European integration and European societies, for the relations of Western Europe with the rest of the world, for the history of capitalism and its shift to the ‘neoliberal’ paradigm, and for the ‘European Left’ itself.

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DE, DEKEN Johan Jeroen. « The politics of solidarity and the structuration of social policy regimes in postwar Europe : The development of old-age pensions and housing policies in Belgium, Czechoslovakia, and Sweden (1939-1989) ». Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5164.

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Defence date: 20 October 1995
Examining board: Colin Crouch, European University Institute, Florence ; Klaus Eder, European University Institute, Florence, Humboldt Universität zu Berlin ; Gøsta Esping-Andersen, Supervisor, European University Institute, Florence, Università di Trento ; Franz-Xaver Kaufmann, Universität Bielefeld ; Ivan Szelenyi, University of California at Los Angeles
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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ROMEI, Valentina. « Competitive strategies, commercial organization and the growth of marketing services : Europe : 19th and 20th centuries ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6586.

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Defence date: 4 December 2006
Examining Board: Prof. Giovanni Federico (EUI) supervisor ; Prof. Bartolomé Yun Casalilla (EUI) ; Prof. Marc Casson (University of Reading) ; Prof. Albert Carreras (Pompeu Fabra University)
First made available online on 14 May 2018

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JEWACHINDA, MEYER Morakot. « Architectural heritage and polity making : a cultural policy of the European community 1970s-1990s ». Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5845.

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Defence date: 14 May 2004
Examining board: Prof. Gerard Delanty, University of Liverpool ; Prof. Cris Shore, University of Auckland ; Prof. Alan Milward, European University Institute ; Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute (Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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ASBEEK, BRUSSE Wendy. « West European tariff plans, 1947-1957 : from study group to Common Market ». Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5708.

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Defence date: 23 May 1991
Examining board: Prof. R.T. Griffiths (supervisor) ; Prof. J. Pelkmans (second supervisor) ; Prof. G. Gerbet ; Prof. P. Hertner ; Prof. A.S. Milward
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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Potter, Angela B. « From social hygiene to social health : Indiana and the United States adolescent sex education movement, 1907-1975 ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/7984.

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Indianapolis
This thesis examines the evolution of the adolescent sex education during from 1907 to 1975, from the perspective of Indiana and highlights the contingencies, continuities, and discontinuities across place and time. This period represents the establishment of the defining characteristics of sex education in Indiana as locally controlled and school-based, as well as the Social Health Association’s transformation from one of a number of local social hygiene organizations to the nation’s only school based social health agency. Indiana was not a local exception to the American sex education movement, but SHA was exceptional for SHA its organizational longevity, adaptation, innovation in school-based curriculum, and national leadership in sex education. Indiana sex education leadership seems, at first glance, incongruous due to Indiana’s conservative politics. SHA’s efforts to adapt the message, curriculum, and operation in Indiana’s conservative climate helped it endure and take leadership role on a national stage. By 1975, sex education came to be defined as school based, locally controlled and based on the medicalization of health, yet this growing national consensus belied deep internal contradictions where sex education was not part of the regular school health curriculum and outside of the schools’ control. Underlying this story is fundamental difference between social hygiene and health, that hygiene is a set of practices to prevent disease, while health is an internal state to promote wellness.

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MOURLON-DRUOL, Emmanuel. « The emergence of a European bloc ? : a trans-and supranational history of European Monetary Cooperation, from the failure of the Werner Plan to the creation of the European Monetary System, 1974-1979 ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14487.

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Defence date: 21 June 2010
Examining Board: Prof. Harold James (Princeton University - EUI) – supervisor; Prof. N. Piers Ludlow (LSE); Prof. Kiran Patel (EUI); Prof. Éric Bussière (Paris IV-Sorbonne)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The creation of the European Monetary System (EMS) represents one of the landmarks of post-war European economic and political history, and constitutes a fascinating case-study of the formation of an incipient trans- and supranational polity, namely the European Economic Community (EEC). This thesis is the first detailed archivally-based study of European monetary cooperation from the mid- to late 1970s. It is based on an extensive multi-archival and multinational research, including archives of the French, British and German governments, as well as of EEC institutions (Commission, Council of Ministers, Monetary Committee, Committee of Central Bank Governors). This thesis analyses the complex interaction between the numerous actors involved in the process (Finance Ministers, heads of government, central bankers, economic advisors, academic economists) at various levels (domestic, EEC, international), and explains why and how the attention shifts from one level to another. In order to explain the reasons, modes and the extent to which Western European governments were willing to further their monetary cooperation through the EEC, it is essential to go beyond a strictly intergovernmental approach based on 'material interests.' Instead, this thesis delves into a more sophisticated and refined understanding of the process, looking at different modes of governance (transnational, international, supranational), as well as the interplay between different policy areas (transatlantic relations, trade, common agricultural policy) and various connected issues (political, political-psychological, economic, institutional, financial). Contrary to the conventional account of the EMS negotiations, which focuses primarily on the year 1978, this thesis presents a different way of understanding the creation of the EMS by highlighting two longer-term processes: a transnational learning process among a transnational monetary elite, and the impact of the emergence of the European Council on the monetary discussions in the EEC. The interaction of these two features explains why the EMS fundamentally was a fairly trivial technical step, but a tremendously important political one. This thesis therefore shows that more profound trends considerably influenced the inception of the EMS, which remain crucial to a thorough understanding of today's economic and financial world.

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Marcus, Benny Charles. « Growth without equity : inequality, social citizenship, and the neoliberal model of development in Chile ». Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2238.

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OBADIĆ, Ivan. « In pursuit of stability : Yugoslavia and Western European economic integration, 1948–1970 ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/47304.

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Defence date: 14 July 2017
Examining Board: Prof Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Pavel Kolář, European University Institute; Prof Josip Glaurdić, University of Luxembourg; Prof Tvrtko Jakovina, University of Zagreb
This thesis examines the origins and evolution of Yugoslav policy towards Western European integration from the early 1950s until the signing of the first Yugoslav–EEC Trade Agreement in 1970. It examines the emerging role of Western Europe in the Yugoslav foreign and internal politics within the larger context of the Cold War and development of European integration. Increased trade relations with the EEC and the domestic introduction of the 1965 Economic Reform proved vital in persuading Belgrade to become the first socialist country to establish diplomatic and trade relations with the Community in 1968. The thesis argues that these relations became of increasing relevance to the economic and, ultimately, political stability of Yugoslavia. Besides the basic foreign (trade) policy concepts towards the EEC, this study focuses on the perceptions of the Western European integration process among the political elite by addressing the following research questions: How did Yugoslav policymakers react to the Western European integration process? What impact did the success of the EEC have on Yugoslav foreign policy and internal differences among the political elite? In what way did the League of Communists of Yugoslavia rationalize their cooperation with the EEC? What did it mean for the internal coherence of the LCY and for Yugoslavia’s pronounced cooperation with the developing countries? The overarching question is how and why already in the 1960s the EEC became such an important external factor, crucial for the economic development and stability of Yugoslavia. By analysing the complex interaction between the external factors and internal dynamics of Yugoslavia and their impact on Belgrade´s policy towards the EEC, this study provides an explanation of the underlying long-term structural problems of the economy that determined the Yugoslav diplomatic and economic responses to the creation and evolution of the EEC until the breakup of the country.
Chapter ‘Conclusion' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'A troubled relationship : Yugoslavia and the European economic community in détente' (2014) in the journal ‘European review of history’

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SORENSEN, Vibeke. « Social democratic government in Denmark under the Marshall Plan,1947-1950 ». Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5981.

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DÜR, Andreas. « Protecting Exporters : discrimination and liberalization in transatlantic trade relations, 1932-2003 ». Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5258.

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Defence date: 7 July 2004
Examining board: Prof. Walter Mattli (St. John's College, Oxford) ; Prof. Gerard Schneider (University Konstanz) ; Prof. Daniel Verdier (Ohio State University, supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
The liberalization of transatlantic trade relations since the Great Depression is one of the key developments in the global political economy of the last hundred years. This period has seen the negotiated reduction of both tariffs and nontariff barriers among developed countries, which allowed for the rapid expansion of trade flows, a driving force of economic globalization. In Protection for Exporters, Andreas Dür provides a novel explanation for this phenomenon that stresses the role of societal interests in shaping trade politics. He argues that exporters lobby more in reaction to losses of foreign market access than in pursuit of opportunities, thus providing a rationale for periods of acceleration and slowdown in the pace of liberalization. Dür also presents hypotheses about the form in which protection for exporters is provided (preferential or nonpreferential) and the balance of concessions that is exchanged in trade negotiations. Protection for Exporters includes case studies of major developments in international trade relations, such as the passage of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act in the 1930s, the creation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in the 1940s, the Kennedy Round in the 1960s, the debate over Fortress Europe in the 1980s, and U.S.-European competition over access to emerging markets in the early 2000s. Dür's rigorous argument and systematic empirical analyses not only explain transatlantic trade relations but also allow for a better understanding of the dynamics of international economic relations.

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Zinman, Donald Albert. « Constructing and reconstructing the New Deal regime ». Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2664.

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Briscoe, Mark. « Political realism and American foreign policy ». Thesis, 2004. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32984/.

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America's war in Afghanistan and on Iraq classified as part of the war on terror have come in the aftermath of the atrocities of September 11, 2001 when America was attacked by Islamist terrorists. America's response to these attacks, especially the war on Iraq, has been criticized heavily throughout the world. The U.S. has been criticized on the basis of morality, in terms of increasing the danger of further attacks on American soil and by its lack of understanding of the Islamic world. Criticism of U.S. foreign policy will continue long into the fixture, especially if the U.S. maintains its status as the only superpower in the world, which is unlikely in the long term, however we need to understand why America is criticized. The purpose of this thesis is to better understand American foreign policy and why the U.S. embarks on the policies that it does. This understanding will come by way of analysing America's stance towards both Afghanistan and Iraq in the last quarter of a century to see how it has changed in correlation with American needs at the time. Since the events of 9/11 America has become more aggressive in its foreign policy stance toward both Afghanistan and Iraq. It has ousted both the Taliban and the Saddam Hussein regime, with the help of allies, from these respective nations. This thesis will argue that this is natural given the tenets of political realism. Political realism is a theory based upon self-interest, power and opportunity. America's policy towards Afghanistan and Iraq will be intimately tied with these notions, as these notions have been called upon throughout history. The thesis should be viewed as a microcosm of the realities of international relations. The essay will discuss different aspects of International Relations political theory and draw the conclusion that political realism provides the more relevant and stronger theories. I use the word theories because there exists differing approaches within the nexus of realism, although core assumptions are maintained. The thesis will explore America's role in Afghanistan and Iraq in the 1980s as well as in its post 9/11 context. Placed in its proper context American foreign policy should be seen as something that is natural, rather than something unique to America.

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Kamp, Alanna. « Invisible Australians : Chinese Australian women's experiences of belonging and exclusion in the White Australia Policy era, 1901-1973 ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.7/uws:53060.

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This thesis moves beyond patriarchal accounts of Chinese Australian settlement and experience in the White Australia Policy era (1901-1973) by providing an analysis of the presence and lived experiences of Chinese Australian women in this historical period. Through a historical geography approach that is deeply rooted in postcolonial feminist epistomologies, this research aimed to understand the lived experiences of Chinese Australian women as remembered and told from their own perspectives, while also providing a revised account of their demographic characteristics as officially recorded in government records. Qualitative data for this research were collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with nineteen Chinese Australian women who lived throughout the White Australia Policy era, while quantitative demographic data were collected from historical census records for the period between 1911 and 1966. This research makes substantive contributions to Chinese Australian research as well as feminist historical geography in Australia more broadly. By illustrating the presence of Chinese Australian women throughout the period, this research challenges androcentric accounts of the ‘bachelor society’ of Chinese Australian men, patriarchal understandings of Chinese migration, and ethnocentric understandings of national identity and belonging in the White Australia Policy era. By presenting an examination of Chinese Australian women’s lived experiences across a range of spaces and social contexts (e.g. home, school, work, and neighbourhood) and with acknowledgement of their various subject positions as gendered, classed, and racialised individuals, this research also brings to light the diversity and complexity of Chinese Australian women’s lives in regards to identity, maintenance of ‘traditional’ Chinese culture, and experiences of belonging and exclusion. The postcolonial feminist approach utilised therefore provides an alternative lens through which to examine Australia’s Chinese past and move towards a more inclusive understanding of Chinese Australian communities and experiences in White Australia. This research also highlights one way in which postcolonial and feminist research can be conducted when research ‘subjects’ lie outside the researcher’s own class, racial and privileged position.

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DeVerteuil, Geoffrey Paul. « Evolution and impacts of public policy on the changing Canadian inner city : case study of Southwest Montreal 1960-90 ». Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1346.

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The inner city has seen significant social and economic changes in the post-war period. The purpose of this thesis is to explore the evolution of public policy and its impacts on the changing Canadian inner city, between 1960 and 1990, by using a case study, that of Southwest Montreal. Southwest Montreal was Canada's first and longtime most important industrial area, and has suffered substantial decline since the 1950s. In order to set the context for the case study, it is necessary to outline the variety of the Canadian inner city, the socio-economic changes facing it, as well as the policy responses to these changes. The case study will trace the evolution of transportation, housing and economic/industrial policies between 1960 and 1990, and ascertain the impacts of these policies according to the theories of inner-city change (policy as factors of decline, stability, and revitalization). The policy input of the three levels of government (local, provincial and federal) will be covered. The case study will also be compared to other Canadian inner cities. It was found that public policy is an important, though not decisive, factor in inner-city change, and that policy has evolved significantly in the last thirty years.

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Jenkins, Stephen (Stephen William). « Australia's Commonwealth Self-determination Policy 1972-1998 : the imagined nation and the continuing control of indigenous existence ». 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj522.pdf.

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"September 2002." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-366) Argues that the Australian nation is the primary obstacle to the granting of self-determination to indigenous people because it is imagined and constituted as a monocultural entity, one that resists any divisions within the national space on the basis of culture or 'race'.

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Mora, Mariana. « Decolonizing politics : Zapatista indigenous autonomy in an era of neoliberal governance and low intensity warfare ». 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/18194.

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Grounded in the geographies of Chiapas, Mexico, the dissertation maps a cartography of Zapatista indigenous resistance practices and charts the production of decolonial political subjectivities in an era of neoliberal governance and low intensity conflict. It analyzes the relationship between local cultural political expressions of indigenous autonomy, global capitalist interests and neoliberal rationalities of government after more than decade of Zapatista struggle. Since 1996, Zapatista indigenous Mayan communities have engaged in the creation of alternative education, health, agricultural production, justice, and governing bodies as part of the daily practices of autonomy. The dissertation demonstrates that the practices of Zapatista indigenous autonomy reflect current shifts in neoliberal state governing logics, yet it is in this very terrain where key ruptures and destabilizing practices emerge. The dissertation focuses on the recolonization aspects of neoliberal rationalities of government in their particular Latin American post Cold War, post populist manifestations. I argue that in Mexico's indigenous regions, the shift towards the privatization of state social services, the decentralization of state governing techniques and the transformation of state social programs towards an emphasis on greater self-management occurs in a complex relationship to mechanisms of low intensity conflict. Their multiple articulations effect the reproduction of social and biological life in sites, which are themselves terrains of bio-political contention: racialized women's bodies and feminized domestic reproductive and care taking roles; the relationship between governing bodies and that governed; land reform as linked to governability and democracy; and the production of the indigenous subject in a multicultural era. In each of these arenas, the dissertation charts a decolonial cartography drawn by the following cultural political practices: the construction of genealogies of social memories of struggle, a governing relationship established through mandar obedeciendo, land redistribution through zapatista agrarian reform, pedagogical collective selfreflection in women’s collective work, and the formation of political identities of transformation. Finally, the dissertation discusses the possibilities and challenges for engaging in feminist decolonizing dialogic research, specifically by analyzing how Zapatista members critiqued the politics of fieldwork and adopted the genres of the testimony and the popular education inspired workshop as potential decolonizing methodologies.
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Jenkins, Stephen (Stephen William). « Australia's Commonwealth Self-determination Policy 1972-1998 : the imagined nation and the continuing control of indigenous existence / Stephen Jenkins ». Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21932.

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"September 2002."
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-366)
vii, 366 leaves ; 30 cm.
Argues that the Australian nation is the primary obstacle to the granting of self-determination to indigenous people because it is imagined and constituted as a monocultural entity, one that resists any divisions within the national space on the basis of culture or 'race'.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 2002

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Hadi, Sudharto P. « Planning for industrialization in central Java, Indonesia : the process, the impacts and the alternatives ». Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2260.

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This study identifies the Indonesian policies that established large scale, export oriented and externally controlled (LEE)industrialization from the perspective of local people in the industrializing area, the planning that implemented these policies in Central Java and the ways in which the local people's lives are being affected. It identifies the links between the policy and the planning, and between the planning and the impacts. This study is based on data gathered from provincial, municipal and local planners, affected people, factory owners, and workers. LEE industrial development has often been successful in terms of its contribution to Regional Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and to the creation of low wage employment opportunities. However, this success has been accompanied by significant economic, social and environmental impacts on local people. The economic impacts include loss of livelihood and jobs, and decrease of family income. The social impacts comprise the weakening of community cohesion and the disruption of the people's daily lives. The environmental impacts include floods, lack of clean water, water pollution, and air pollution. The impacts of LEE industrialization have been documented by various studies including this one. What has not been adequately analyzed and documented is the process that produces the impacts. This study helps to fill the gap. It concludes that the impacts stem from the following factors. The national development emphasizes large scale and export oriented industrialization. The top-down development planning ensures that this policy is supported at the provincial level regardless of local conditions, needs and priorities. The arbitrary nature of provincial decision-making provides for no popular input. Impact assessment studies fail to provide the information necessary for planners, decision-makers and ideally the local leaders about the likely impacts of industrialization. The way the responsible government agencies solve environmental problems tends to protect factory interests. The impacts are exacerbated by a lack of adequate monitoring and enforcement of environmental regulations. The thesis concludes that substantive policy reform and process restructuring are required to achieve sound planning for industrial development. If quality of life is to be protected and enhanced, industrial policies should be reoriented to strengthening existing local economic activities; and planning restructured to enable local planners and affected people to be fully involved at all stages including impact management.

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Badertscher, Katherine E. « Organized charity and the civic ideal in Indianapolis, 1879-1922 ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/7818.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
The Charity Organization Society of Indianapolis experienced founding, maturing, and corporate phases between 1879 and 1922. Indianapolis provided the ideal setting for the organized charity movement to flourish. Men and women innovated to act on their civic ideal to make Indianapolis a desirable city. As charity leaders applied the new techniques of scientific philanthropy, they assembled data one case at a time and based solutions to social problems on reforming individuals. The COS enjoyed its peak influence and legitimacy between 1891 and 1911. The organization continually learned from its work and advised other charities in Indianapolis and the U.S. The connected men and women engaged in organized charity learned that it was not enough to reform every individual who came to them for help. Industrialization created new socioeconomic strata and new forms of dependence. As the COS evolved, it implemented more systemic solutions to combat illness, unemployment, and poverty. After 1911 the COS stagnated while Indianapolis diversified economically, culturally, ethnically, and socially. The COS failed to adapt to its rapidly changing environment; it could not withstand competition, internal upheaval, specialization, and professionalization. Its general mission, to aid anyone in need, became lost in the shadow of child saving. Mid-level businessmen, corporate entities, professional social workers, service club members, and ethnic and racial minorities all participated in philanthropy. The powerful cache of social capital enervated and the civic ideal took on different dimensions. In 1922 the COS merged with other agencies to form the Family Welfare Society. This dissertation contributes to the scholarship of charity organization societies and social welfare policy. The scientific philanthropy movement did not represent an enormous leap from neighborhood benevolence. COSs represented neither a sinister agenda nor the best system to eradicate poverty. Organized charity did not create a single response to poverty, but a series of incremental responses that evolved over more than four decades. The women of Indianapolis exhibited more agency in their charitable work than is commonly understood. Charitable actors worked to harness giving and volunteering, bring an end to misery, and make Indianapolis an ideal city.

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Ratu, Sikeli Neil. « Anti–Semitism and American Immigration Policy during the Holocaust : A reassessment ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1957.

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Since the publication of David Wyman's seminal monograph on the American immigration policy during the Second World War— Paper Walls: America and the refugee crisis—the historiography has been framed by a fundamental assumption: that, at its heart, decisions on refugee immigration policy were motivated by anti-Semitism. By examining many of the same primary sources used by Wyman and the historians who have followed him, my thesis argues that the claim that anti-Semitism was the primary, or even major, motivation is not supported by the evidence, and that the shaping of policy was much the product of general xenophobia and nativism.

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Winter, Wilbur. « The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and social development : an exploratory study of the link between the Bill of Rights and social development ». Diss., 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/27570.

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Text in English with summaries in English and Afrikaans
Bibliography: leaves 89-108
Democracy in South Africa came at a price. The apartheid era did not accommodate or incorporate democratic and constitutional principles. The year 1996 saw a democratic Constitution being adopted, having been certified by the Constitutional Court. The Bill of Rights in the Constitution guarantees the rights and freedoms of all South Africans. The apartheid era ensured that the rights which are enjoyed today were reserved for only a portion of the South African population. This study emphasises the importance of the Constitution and the role and responsibility of every citizen to defend it. In defending the Constitution, the rights and freedoms of all South Africans are defended. The Bill of Rights promotes social development for all South Africans, as opposed to disparate social development under the divisive apartheid era. The Constitution is a powerful enabler for democracy and social cohesion and unity. This study depended on secondary sources which are vital to keeping historical facts alive and truthful. Desktop research is qualitative and, while less expensive, produces acceptable results and findings.
Demokrasie in Suid-Afrika het met 'n prys gekom. Die apartheidsera het nie demokratiese en grondwetlike beginsels geakkommodeer of opgeneem nie. In 1996 word 'n demokratiese Grondwet aanvaar, wat deur die Grondwet Hof gesertifiseer was. Die Handves van Menseregte in die Grondwet waarborg die regte en vryhede van alle Suid-Afrikaners. Die apartheidsera het verseker dat die regte wat vandag geniet word, slegs vir 'n gedeelte van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevolking gereserveer is. Hierdie studie beklemtoon die belangrikheid van die Grondwet en die rol en verantwoordelikheid van elke burger om dit te verdedig. Deur die Grondwet te verdedig word die regte en vryhede van alle Suid-Afrikaners verdedig. Die Handves van Menseregte bevorder sosiale ontwikkeling vir alle Suid-Afrikaners, in teenstelling met uiteenlopende sosiale ontwikkeling onder die verdelende apartheidsera. Die Grondwet is 'n kragtige instaatsteller vir demokrasie, sosiale samehorigheid en eenheid. Hierdie studie was afhanklik van sekondêre bronne wat noodsaaklik is om historiese feite lewendig en waaragtig te hou. Desktop-navorsing (boek) is kwalitatief en hoewel dit goedkoper is, lewer dit aanvaarbare resultate en bevindings op.
Development Studies
M.A. (Development Studies)

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Poletika, Nicole Marie. « "Wake up ! Sign up ! Look up!" : organizing and redefining civil defense through the Ground Observer Corps, 1949-1959 ». Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4081.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
In the early 1950s, President Dwight Eisenhower encouraged citizens to “Wake Up! Sign Up! Look Up!” to the Soviet atomic threat by joining the Ground Observer Corps (GOC). Established by the United States Air Force (USAF), the GOC involved civilian volunteers surveying the skies for Soviet aircraft via watchtowers, alerting the Air Force if they suspected threatening aircraft. This thesis examines the 1950s response to the longstanding problem posed by the invention of any new weapon: how to adapt defensive technology to meet the potential threat. In the case of the early Cold War period, the GOC was the USAF’s best, albeit faulty, defense option against a weapon that did not discriminate between soldiers and citizens and rendered traditional ground troops useless. After the Korean War, Air Force officials promoted the GOC for its espousal of volunteerism and individualism. Encouraged to take ownership of the program, observers appropriated the GOC for their personal and community needs, comprised of social gatherings and policing activities, thus greatly expanding the USAF’s original objectives.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Europe – Social policy – 20th century »

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