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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Europe – Relations – Turkey »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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1

Biffl, Gudrun. "The Role of Migration in Economic Relations between Europe and Turkey." European Review 21, no. 3 (2013): 372–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000331.

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Turkey and Europe are closely interlinked through migration, trade and investment flows. In the year 2000, the interrelationships entered a new phase. Return migration of Turkish migrants to Turkey set in, of often well-educated second-generation migrants, triggered by the fast economic growth and shortages of skilled labour in Turkey. At the same time continued family migration to Europe and Turkish business start-ups in Europe promote trade between Turkey and Europe due to preference and network channels. While economic growth in Turkey is dynamic, it is also volatile, depending on foreign capital. The major challenge for stable and sustainable economic growth is, however, the low labour force participation rate of women and the slow progress in the educational attainment level of its workforce.

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Dodd, Clement H. "Turkey and Europe." International Affairs 71, no. 1 (1995): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624024.

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Diez, Thomas. "Expanding Europe: The Ethics of EU-Turkey Relations." Ethics & International Affairs 21, no. 4 (2007): 415–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2007.00115.x.

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Haller, Max. "The Image of Turkey in Europe Today." European Review 21, no. 3 (2013): 327–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279871300029x.

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The relations between different countries and continents have always been important politically and scientifically. This applies in particular to relations between Turkey and Europe. Through centuries, the Ottoman Empire was seen as the main enemy of ‘Christian Europe’. In this paper, three topics are discussed: (1) European, and in particular Austrian and German, attitudes towards Turkey's membership in the European Union. It is argued that the dominantly negative attitudes in this regard do not indicate a generally negative attitude towards Turkey. (2) Some of the reasons for the negative view of Turkish EU-membership in many EU countries are discussed. (3) In conclusion, three issues are taken up: the relevance of Turkish EU-membership; the reasons and persistence of national and ethnic stereotypes; the relevance of the time factor in international relations.

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Jones, Erik. "Turkey, Islam and Europe." Survival 51, no. 5 (2009): 163–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330903309931.

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Akkaya, Aysun Yaralı. "Europe's Orientalist Approach: Turkey-Europe Union Relations "Refugee" Problem." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 5, no. 1 (2017): 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v5i1.p478-478.

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In this article, the immigration and protective policies carried out for asylum by Europe, has been discussed with the understanding of orientalism. Orientalism which is developed by western countries in order to understand the east, is also anther way to define themselves by an otherization perspective. EU countries remained insensitive and inadequate to the migration due to the çivil war in Syria. As a member of non-western civilization, Syrian refugees are seen as a threat to the sacred values of modern Europe. By the agreements signed by Turkey and EU, refugees are removed from the borders of Europe and are held within Turkey’s borders. EU has commented on refugee problem within this approach and have shaped the position of Turkey.

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Málnássy, András. "Turkey and Its Northwest Borderland Region: Interdependence Within Southeastern European Relations." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 3 (2021): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.85-111.

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This paper examines the relationship between Turkey and the countries in Southeastern Europe in terms of complex interdependencies. The study uses Buzan and Waever’s Regional Security Complex Theory as a theoretical framework, in which Southeastern Europe is viewed as a regional security sub-complex. Sectors of interdependence are reviewed and examined in relation to the region, including the military, political, economic, societal, and environmental segments. The study focuses on the economy in more depth and sees it as a sector the development of which can promote and increase not only social welfare but also the stability of the region. In this sector, EU Member States are considered key players with respect to the region, although Turkey may also step up its efforts in the post-Covid period. The EU and Turkey represent two different poles in Southeastern Europe, geographically and economically. Ankara has strong positions mainly in the Balkan countries that are more dependent on Turkey and have significant Muslim minorities.

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Teitelbaum, Michael S., and Philip L. Martin. "Is Turkey Ready for Europe?" Foreign Affairs 82, no. 3 (2003): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033581.

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Timofeyev, P. P. "THE INFLUENCE OF MIGRATION CRISIS IN EUROPE ON EU-TURKEY RELATIONS (2015–2016)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 62–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-62-71.

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The paper examines the impact of the migration crisis in the EU on the European Union's relations with Turkey. It is shown that for a number of reasons, including a result of EU actions taken from 2011 to 2015, EU has experienced an influx of migrants on a number of routes from the Western to the Eastern Mediterranean. The largest of them fell on Turkey, which has tried to use this factor to exert pressure on the EU in order to obtain economic and political preferences. The author examines the development of the EU migration policy in the context of the crisis, its trying to bring Turkey to cooperate and difficult negotiations, which took place at the summits of the EU-Turkey at the end of 2015. There have been disagreements among the EU countries, and the time factor, which Turkey took advantage of, advancing conditions for the closure of borders to Europe for migrants. Facing the influx of migrants the EU had to agree with a number of conditions, though not with all. The author shows that the agreement reached by the country in March 2016 is not universal, and a number of issues important to the resolution of the crisis, are waiting to be decided upon. However, according to the author, the development of the current crisis can lead both to the reform of the migration and border policy within the EU, and to restarting relations with Turkey. Though guessing on possibilities on Turkey's entry to the EU in the near future is still premature.

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Satana, Nil S. "Civil-Military Relations in Europe, the Middle East and Turkey." Turkish Studies 12, no. 2 (2011): 279–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2011.572634.

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Ertuğrul, Kürşad. "AKP's neo-conservatism and politics of otherness in Europe-Turkey relations." New Perspectives on Turkey 46 (2012): 157–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001540.

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AbstractThis study uncovers the neo-conservative “style of thought” informing the ideology of theAdalet ve Kalkinma Partisi(Justice and Development Party, AKP). The AKP's politico-cultural strategy in pursuing Turkey's goal of full membership to the EU is constituted on this ideological ground. Based on critical constructivism, this article argues that the AKP constitutes a domestic-foreign policy nexus of change characterized by a neo-conservative “style of thought” that aims to redefine the identity of Turkey. Along this line of politics, Europe appears as a politico-cultural space, as an ideational structure, enabling and limiting the AKP to act as a political and cultural agent. While the AKP adopts and sublimates the position of the “other” in the ideational structure of Europe, it reconstitutes the identity and interests of Turkey through neo-conservative ideas. Both are mutually reinforcing.

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Hasanova, Jamila. "EU’s Eastward Enlargement Policy in the 1990s and Turkey." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 1-2 (2022): 177–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202201statyi68.

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In Europe the share of international organizations in state-to-state relations sprang up at the close of the 1980s and outset of the 1990s. Early in the 1990s, the European Union, represented by the most powerful states of Europe stood out owing to its specific role and importance in worldwide policy. Bypassing Turkey’s continued efforts to join the European Union, creation of artificial obstacles in this count galvanized attention. Double standard policy against Muslim countries was also rebounded in the EU - Turkey relations.

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Wood, Steve. "Turkey and EUrope: Identity and Other Crises." Turkish Studies 14, no. 2 (2013): 272–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2013.802917.

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Emmer, Pieter. "Turkey and Europe: The Role of Migration." European Review 21, no. 3 (2013): 394–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000355.

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In spite of the fact that negotiations have been going on for years, the chances that Turkey will eventually become a full member of the European Union are slim. At present, a political majority among the EU-member states headed by Germany seems to oppose Turkey entering the EU. In the Netherlands, however, most political parties are still in favour of Turkey's membership. That difference coincides with the difference in the position of Turkish immigrants in German and Dutch societies.

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Demiri, Naile. "Relations Between Albanians and Croats Across the Centuries." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (2016): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i2.p399-407.

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The Balkan Peninsula is part of South Eastern Europe, with a surface area of 550 square kilometers and a population of nearly 55 million inhabitants. This is a corner of the Earth with a very attractive geography. It is shaped like a triangle and goes deep into the Mediterranean Sea. This peninsula is bordered with the Adriatic Sea, Ionian Sea, Marmaris Sea, Aegean Sea, and the Black Sea, whereas on the other part with Central Europe. The Balkan Peninsula is, or serves, as a connecting bridge between Europe and Asia. The countries of the Balkan Peninsula are: a part of Turkey, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, Macedonia, Kosovo, Albania, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina and part of Croatia (up to Sava River).

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Bitkova, T. "Romania’s Interests in South-Eastern Europe and Cooperation with Turkey." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2022): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-3-57-68.

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The article deals with Romania’s foreign policy vectors in South-Eastern Europe regarding its membership in NATO and in the European Union. It is noted that the main foreign policy vector of Bucharest in the region is an alignment with the Republic of Moldova and a prospect of these two states uniting. The role of Romania is presented in a platform for negotiations which is the South-Eastern European Cooperation Process (SEECP), in the Three Seas Initiative, the Bucharest Nine Initiative and in the Romania –Poland– Turkey trilateral dialogue. The place of the Black Sea region in ambitions of the Romanian leadership and its significance in a strategic partnership between Romania and the Republic of Turkey are revealed. The author notes that the Balkans are not a priority vector of Romanian foreign policy, but the Western Balkan states are always present in Bucharest’s objects of attention, since here, as well as in the Black Sea region, global players are present, including Russia, a country Romania’s relations with has been in a critical condition for many years. In regards to the Romania’s relations with the Western Balkan countries, cooperation between Romania and Serbia stands out. Despite the pressure from Brussels, Romania supports Serbia in not wanting to tolerate the self-declared independence of Kosovo. Different approaches to policies of the Russian Federation are the reason behind the inconsistencies in the Romanian-Serbian relations. Romania does not possess enough recourses to lead an independent activity in the Balkans region and it mainly integrates in the policy of the European Union and the USA. Turkey pursues a policy of increasing its influence in the Balkans, with the cultural strategy of reconstruction of the Turkic world being one of the evident manifestations of the policy. The Romanian leadership abstains from any comment on this topic. Having not the same weight in world politics, Romania and Turkey на декларативном уровне demonstrate complete trust in one another and mutual understanding on a declarative level, but, according to the analysis of foreign policy platforms and partners’ particular political acts, their relations develop in the context of varying and sometimes even opposite approaches to a list of crucial international events.

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JACOBY, TIM. "Turkey and Europe: culture, capital and corruption." Review of International Studies 36, no. 3 (2010): 663–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000239.

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AbstractThis article argues that current discourses on Turkish corruption are marked by a disproportionate emphasis on culture and can thus be understood as part of a broader relationship with Europe's perennial ‘other’. Having traced elements of this within European political elites' response to Turkey's prospective accession to the Union, the article goes on to suggest that the association of corruption with a different cultural orientation represents a useful means of legitimising the extraneous guidance of administrative and economic change. The ultimate aim of such reforms are, the article concludes, to extend the penetrative capacity of European capital, to reduce the transaction costs involved in acquiring Turkish assets and to disable domestic resistance to further marketisation.

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Suppan, Arnold. "Welcoming the Conference on Turkey and Europe." European Review 21, no. 3 (2013): 325–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000288.

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Jones, Erik. "Just How Special is Turkey in Europe?" International Studies Review 11, no. 1 (2009): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2008.01833.x.

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Pesmazoglou, Stephanos. "Turkey and Europe, Reflections and Refractions: Towards a Contrapuntal Approach." New Perspectives on Turkey 13 (1995): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002338.

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Turkey’s association over the past thirty years with what is now known as the European Union has further stimulated the debate about the nature of European-Turkish relations. This debate began early in the nineteenth century, intensified after the modern Turkish state was founded, and has continued throughout the post-war period.Because it derives from a conceptual heritage developed within a cohesive world of academic reviews, political journals, research projects, institutes, and other bodies and organizations, the body of literature accumulated during the last two decades, particularly during the 1980s, can be deciphered and its overt as well as latent reasoning sketched. The basic elements of this conceptual heritage come primarily from students of Turkish-European relations and Turcological historians, but also from public officials (such as diplomats and bureaucrats), military personnel, and researchers in social sciences.

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Has, K. "Turkey’s SCO Perspective: Possible Contributions to the Regional Security Architecture and Economic Prosperity." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2015): 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-2-102-104.

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The paper discusses the benefits of Turkey’s cooperation with SCO countries. Turkey’s economic indices reveal the shift of trade volumes from Europe to Asia, the country is interested in free trade zones in the region and support most initiatives brought forward by China. Being the member of NATO Turkey seeks nevertheless fundamental security co-operation with adjacent states. Especially important for Turkey are relations with Afghanistan.

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Ayan Musil, Pelin, and Jan Vašenda. "Party regulation in Turkey: a comparison with modern Europe." Turkish Studies 21, no. 1 (2019): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2018.1564623.

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Buttimer, Anne. "Academia Europaea Welcomes Insight on Turkey and Europe." European Review 21, no. 3 (2013): 323–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000276.

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Yenigun, Cuneyt, and Saranjam Baig. "Turkish Public Perceptions About Oman." European Journal of Behavioral Sciences 3, no. 4 (2020): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/ejbs.v3i4.515.

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Oman has long lasting peaceful relations with its neighbours and the world. It is a small size Arabian Gulf state with very rich natural resources. Relations between Oman and Turkey was very pleasant in 15-19th centuries. A century of interrupted relations has started to resurrect in the recent years with the new economic, political treaties and socio-cultural relations between two nations. Turkey and its policies, TV serials, and political leaders are very well known in Oman, whereas Oman is not very familiar to the Turkish people. In this research, to understand the level of Oman’s image in Turkey, a survey was orchestrated on more than 500 respondents and striking findings demonstrate that Oman is not well-known well in Turkey. The survey was conducted physically in the shopping malls in Istanbul and virtually via online questionnaire. Social representation of the survey overlaps on the Turkish social facts. In comparison with Europeans and Asians, the Turkish public knows Oman more than double of the world public opinion. For example, the location of Oman is known 51.9% in Turkey, but 38.2% in the world; the existence of general elections in Oman is known in Turkey on the level of 32.7%, whereas in Europe 16.3%. This study, as a primary resource, shares and interprets the result of conducted survey and then suggests some policy alternatives to Oman to be known better in Turkey and the world as a public diplomacy tool.

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Aydin-Düzgit, Senem. "Legitimizing Europe in Contested Settings: Europe as a Normative Power in Turkey?" JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 56, no. 3 (2017): 612–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12647.

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Brocate Pirón, Roberto Luis, and Jerónimo Rios Sierra. "The black sea: the energetic corridor between Europe and Asia." Reflexión Política 18, no. 35 (2016): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.29375/01240781.2460.

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The Black Sea is one of the most important geostrategic enclaves in the oil and gas connection linking Asia with Europe and Russia. However, the presence of Turkey on the Bosphorus Strait directly affects how the geo-strategic interactions of the region develop. The crisis in Ukraine has spurred Turkish-Russian relations, positioning the country as a key player in the gas transit to Eurasia and projecting the aspirations of the Kremlin, under President Vladimir Putin has sought to regain an influential weight in the region - as shown by the crisis in Georgia or, more recently, Crimea - especially in the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea. Thus, the following work seeks to put a little light on new relationships and geopolitical aspirations, especially in Russia and Turkey and, likewise, have a direct impact on the European context.

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Kaya, Ayhan. "Right-wing populism and Islamophobism in Europe and their impact on Turkey–EU relations." Turkish Studies 21, no. 1 (2018): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2018.1499431.

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Jevtic, Miroljub. "How nations of former Yugoslavia look on modern Turkey." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 141 (2012): 551–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1241551j.

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The states that were created after the breakup of former Yugoslavia in the last decade of the 20th century had long been either part of the Ottoman Empire or in conflict with it. It is all reflected in their relationship with today?s Turkey, the successor of the Ottoman Empire. The author shows how the newly independent states look on Turkey today. Special attention was dedicated to the causes of different views on Turkey. In author?s opinion, it is the basis for mutual understanding and the development of good relations among Balkan States and in the European Region and it is also the condition for peace and stability in Europe (and in the Mediterranean).

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Yurdatapan, MA, Arda. "An Introduction to Polish-Turkish Relations in the Context of European Security." Kwartalnik "Bellona" 707, no. 4 (2022): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.7899.

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This article is an introduction to the analysis of bilateral relationship between Poland and Turkey, with particular focus on its influence on Europe’s security. Since this relationships is not an isolated one, we have to take into consideration the main actors having a geopolitical interest in the region between the Baltics and the Black Sea as well as the Middle East and their potential to influence on Polish-Turkish relations to their own benefit. It seems that a geopolitical relationship between Poland and Turkey has the potential to influence the relations of other actors in order to favor peaceful stabilization and increase security in the region. However, one has to take into account the reactions of current partners of both states, since the consequences of a strategic Polish-Turkish alliance would be manyfold for nations in closer as well as wider geopolitical context. Such political factors as geographical barriers, cultural and religious differences, conflicting interests of other regional players or unexpected socio-political developments might serve as disruptive tools against which both, Poland and Turkey, would have to counteract actively and systematically. The benefits of the Polish-Turkish alliance – not only for Poland and Turkey, but for the entire region – seem to significantly outweigh its potential disadvantages. The increased security in the region is a major stabilizing factor that paves the way for a long-term sustainable socio-economic progress in all Europe.

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Durugönül, Esma. "Turkish Return Migration from Europe." European Review 21, no. 3 (2013): 412–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000379.

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Return migration has been one of the rather neglected aspects of migration until recently, although a considerable number of international migrants as well as inter-regional migrants return to their place of origin. Nevertheless, since the beginning of the 1990s, the interest for issues related to return migration has grown considerably. In the context of Turkish return migration there still is a lack of information about the motives for returning, the new social status, the levels of satisfaction and reintegration as well as the employment and income of emigrants who have returned home. This paper aims at shedding light on this neglected aspect of Turkish migration in the context of Europe as well as on the history of Turkey as a country of immigration.

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Kuşçu, Işık. "Changing perception of homeland for the Kazakh diaspora." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 3 (2016): 380–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1123681.

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There is a sizable Kazakh diaspora living in Turkey and Europe. Since their initial migration, these Kazakhs have been involved in actions aiming to preserve their group's cultural and ethnic boundaries. By studying these actions and related discourses, this article seeks to explain how these groups formulated and reformulated their identities and loyalties in their host states over generations. Many Kazakhs in Turkey and Europe originally came from Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang) and considered this area their homeland. However, Kazakhstan's independence in 1991 led to an important change in their homeland orientation and, after 1991, the activities of an increasing number of Kazakh diaspora organizations shifted toward Kazakhstan as the homeland. Therefore, this article focuses mainly on two periods: the period before and the period after Kazakhstan's independence. The fieldwork was conducted in Turkey, Germany, France, and the Netherlands and includes interviews with leaders of Kazakh diaspora organizations and other members of the diaspora.

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Mamedov, Ilgar. "ON THE QUESTION OF THE FOREIGN POLICY DOCTRINE OF TURKEY: BETWEEN EUROPE AND ASIA." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no. 2 (2022): 128–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran22022128139.

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The author investigates traits of foreign policy which is based on ideological principles and values. Osmanism was a cosmopolitan doctrine and extended to all subjects of the empire. It meant that regardless of religious, confessional, ethnic or other affiliation, all subjects of the Osman Empire have equal rights and responsibilities and belong to a single Osman nation. Mustafa Kemal replaced Osman cosmopolitanism with Republican nationalism. He established good-neighborly relations with Russia/USSR – Eurasia, the Balkans – Europe and the Middle East – Asia. After the war, Turkey joined NATO and became part of Europe. T. Ozal supplemented unilateral orientation towards the West during the Cold War with relations with neighboring regions and restored the approaches of Kemalism proceeding however from more extended understanding of nationalism. A. Davutoglu conceptually rationalized foreign policy regionalism in the concept of «strategic depth». Relying on the evolving ideology – neokemalism, T. Ozal and the Justice and Development Party, through their transformations, created a new republic, which restored Ataturk’s regionalism in foreign policy. Therefore, «Neo-Republicanism», «Turkish Regionalism» and «Neokemalism» seem to be more appropriate terms for the issue under study.

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Wannöffel, Manfred, Josef Le, and Julia Kramer. "Industrial relations structures in south-east Europe and Turkey: a view from the metalworking industry." SEER 10, no. 3 (2007): 7–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-2869-2007-3-7.

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Gilbert, Geoff. "The Arrest of Abdullah Öcalan." Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no. 3 (1999): 565–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215659900028x.

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Abdullah Öcalan's arrival in Turkey in February 1999 followed a prolonged search in Europe for asylum following his expulsion from Syria in late 1998. His coming within Turkish jurisdiction raises questions about the international processes to bring alleged transnational fugitive offenders before the courts. This article looks at the extradition regime within Europe and the alternative methods of rendition that were eventually employed to remove him from Kenya. Extradition law developed during the nineteenth century and is based on ideas of revolution, the principle of nationality and liberal democracy which pervaded that period. The late twentieth century has a different ethos that offers fewer protection to the political revolutionary, but has incorporated international human rights standards. Extradition law straddles the enforcement of criminal law, non-interference in the domestic affairs of another State and international human rights law. The article concludes by examining the demands of international human rights law for the trial in Turkey.

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Yılmaz, Gözde. "Labour Migration from Turkey to Western Europe, 1960–1974: A Multidisciplinary Analysis." Turkish Studies 10, no. 4 (2009): 631–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683840903384885.

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Caglar, Ayse. "Turkey and Europe: Locating Homeland Ties and Re-scaling Migration Scholarship." European Review 21, no. 3 (2013): 400–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000367.

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This article aims to open a theoretical space to address the variation of migrant settlement and transnationalism in time and space beyond the national scale and ethnic lens. On the basis of the emergent homeland ties and Hometown Associations of Syriac migrants from Mardin (Turkey) in Europe it approaches migrant dynamics through the lens of the repositioning struggles Mardin has undergone within the context of neo-liberal development agendas.

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RENDALL, MATTHEW. "Defensive realism and the Concert of Europe." Review of International Studies 32, no. 3 (2006): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210506007145.

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Why do great powers expand? Offensive realist John Mearsheimer claims that states wage an eternal struggle for power, and that those strong enough to seek regional hegemony nearly always do. Mearsheimer’s evidence, however, displays a selection bias. Examining four crises between 1814 and 1840, I show that the balance of power restrained Russia, Prussia and France. Yet all three also exercised self-restraint; Russia, in particular, passed up chances to bid for hegemony in 1815 and to topple Ottoman Turkey in 1829. Defensive realism gives a better account of the Concert of Europe, because it combines structural realism with non-realist theories of state preferences.

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Rumelili, Bahar. "Turkey: Identity, Foreign Policy, and Socialization in a Post‐Enlargement Europe." Journal of European Integration 33, no. 2 (2011): 235–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2011.543528.

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Demirel, Nuri. "TURKEY AND RUSSIA AS MAJOR PLAYERS IN THE BLACK SEA: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES." International Journal of Engineering Technologies and Management Research 7, no. 2 (2020): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/ijetmr.v7.i2.2020.506.

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Currently, the Republic of Turkey plays a vital role in international processes taking place on the world stage. Since ancient times, at the crossroads of the paths between the world of East and West, the Republic of Turkey claims to have an excellent position in the relations of these regions with each other, as well as in their internal processes and events. The universal location between Europe and Asia makes Turkish foreign policy one of its main political issues, especially in the field of regional cooperation. Moreover, the changes in the world of recent decades, such as the collapse of the USSR, revolutions and military operations in eastern countries, the transition of Crimea to Russia, lead to the fact that Turkey pursued its foreign policy thoughtfully and actively, taking the most advantageous positions for itself. An essential region for pursuing Turkish policy is the Black Sea region. The events of recent years have significantly affected him and the role that large states play in him, such as the Republic of Turkey and the Russian Federation. It also began to arouse great interest among states and regions of the Western world, such as the European Union. The changed geopolitical structure of the Black Sea region has led to the need for its members to determine their positions and areas of interaction in which they are ready to cooperate or, on the contrary, to oppose each other. In this article, the author will examine the relations of the Turkish Republic and the Russian Federation in the Black Sea region and its importance. In this study, political relations, security, economy, energy, and security will be discussed. In the conclusion of the study, the current state of Turkey-Russia relations and assessments will be made about its future.

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Dolgov, B. V. "Russia and Turkey in Regional and Geopolitical Space." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (2021): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-8.

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The article is devoted to examine Russian-Turkish relations in the historical retrospective review. The regional and geopolitical goals which Russia had to realize in XVII – beginning XX centuries and which is stipulated the necessity to ensure Russia security and further economical development are revealed. The factors which led to push of Russia and Turkey interests and which became the cause of Russian-Turkish military conflicts which is occurred at interval of cooperation and partnership in this period are represented. The results of Russian military and political efforts which allowed realize the tasks to liberate Crimea, for Russia passage to Black Sea and to Mediterranean Sea basin, to support Balkan peoples to win their national independence, what strengthened Russian regional and geopolitical positions considerably are examined. The character of Russian-Turkish relations in Soviet period which passed the stages of the cooperation and confrontation which caused “Cold War” is revealed.The main attention is allotted to analyze in details the recent stage of Russia – Turkey relations. The character of the actual Turkish ruling elite, which is represented of the Justice and Development Party (JDP), which is confessing the ideology of the moderate Islamism and Neo Osmanism is exposed. The internal social and economical politics of JDP is examined. The goals and intentions, which Turkish leadership pushed forward, are analyzed and their influence on Russian-Turkish relations is inspected. The activity of the Turkish foreign politics on the different directions in the Arab World, Europe, countries of CIS, Moslem regions of Russian Federation is examined. In the conclusions the differences and common interests in the foreign politics of Russia and Turkey and the possibility of their cooperation are analyzed.

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Keough, Leyla J. "Driven women." Focaal 2004, no. 43 (2004): 14–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/092012904782311380.

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This article focuses on the skill and fortitude of Gagauz Moldovans who migrate to Istanbul to work as domestic laborers. I consider how these 'driven' women negotiate their subject positions as mothers and wives, educated workers, migrants and paid domestic laborers, Turkish-speaking Christians and former Soviets. While their understandings reproduce certain power relations in Turkey and Moldova, their journeys also constitute a route for empowerment. Their situation is presented in the context of a 'discourse of sexual threat' that circulates about them in Turkey. I examine how this discourse and the women's understandings of their own subjectivities work to open or close off, contribute to or limit, the subject positions, the goals and desires, and the potential agency of Gagauz and Turkish individuals. By considering these issues in this way, I argue that this case study may challenge traditional academic conceptualizations of migration in Europe, female subjects and power relations.

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Bharti, Mukesh Shankar. "EU-Russian Relations and the Eastern Enlargement: Integration or Isolation." Journal of Scientific Papers "Social development and Security" 11, no. 6 (2021): 158–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33445/sds.2021.11.6.12.

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Initially, in the first half of the 1990s, Russia’s plans to include the countries of the former Eastern bloc within the EU were not seen as a threat to its interests. Furthermore, in the context of NATO’s enlargement, some Russians regarded them as an advantageous alternative. Russia is aware that the EU enlargement with the Central and Eastern European states resulted in a present increase in the number of EU members supporting close trans-Atlantic relations. Moscow’s fears of further EU enlargement were softened due to a dispute that continues to grow within the Union, regarding the rationale and limits of further enlargement, primarily for the Balkan states, Turkey, and the CIS states. Moscow expects that the reluctance of European societies towards further enlargement will inhibit this process. The external relations dimension of the European Union's enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe has received surprisingly little attention despite the fact that in the long‐term the issues it raises may be far more important than those currently dominating the debate. Nowhere is this more likely to be correct than about Russia, for which the EU's enlargement poses a risk of increasing isolation from the rest of Europe. The danger of creating a new dividing line across Europe is widely recognised, and the challenge, therefore, is to find ways of ensuring that Russia can be fully integrated with Europe while almost certainly remaining outside the EU Itself. This article focuses on relations between the EU and Russia and addresses three fundamental questions: how Russia has responded to the prospect of the EU's eastern enlargement; the specific issues arising from expansion, and the kind of long‐term relationship that could develop between Russia and an enlarged EU.

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Demir, Fatih. "Post-NPM and re-centralisation: current themes in Europe and Turkey." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 26, no. 2 (2017): 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2017.1352494.

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Kourkouvelas, Lykourgos. "Denuclearization on NATO's Southern Front: Allied Reactions to Soviet Proposals, 1957–1963." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 4 (2012): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00280.

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In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the Soviet Union and its East European allies sought to prevent the installation of U.S. nuclear missiles in Western Europe by embarking on a diplomatic “peace offensive” that included proposals for the creation of denuclearized zones in various geographical areas of Europe. This article considers how the NATO countries responded to these proposals. In the end, the Western allies rejected proposals for the denuclearization of the Balkans and other areas in Europe, but discussions within NATO's councils often proved complicated, especially regarding southern Europe. In the case of the 1957 Stoica proposal for the denuclearization of the Balkans, the leading NATO countries stepped back and let Turkey and Greece reject the proposal, but by 1963, in the aftermath of the Cuban missile crisis, the United States and other key allied countries as well as the NATO bureaucracy assumed a more active role in evaluating and ultimately rejecting the notion of denuclearization in the Mediterranean.

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Hussain, Ejaz. "The Belt and Road Initiative and the Middle Corridor: Complementarity or Competition?" Insight Turkey 23, Summer 2021 (2021): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2021233.12.

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Though the Chinese government has projected the BRI in economic terms, it has been viewed critically by Australia, Japan, and the U.S. Turkey has, as a geostrategic connector of Asia and Europe, registered its trade interest in the BRI along with projecting the Middle Corridor Initiative (MCI) as a means to realize regional market connectivity and commercial cooperation. In view of the aforesaid, this study aims to explain whether the BRI has factored into Turkey’s Asia policy and to what extent the MCI can complement the BRI. Moreover, the study analyzed the existing scale of China-Turkey trade and proposed a set of opportunities offered by both the BRI and the MCI. Nonetheless, the stated opportunities are beset with multiple challenges ranging from transregional instability to socio-economic upheavals. In order to accrue trade dividends in terms of inter-initiative cooperation and connectivity, both China and Turkey will have to play a leading role in developing policy coordination and establishing cultural linkages among the BRI/MCI community. Thus, operationally, Turkey would carry immense influence in Asian affairs economically and strategically.

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Fassmann, Heinz, and Ahmet İçduygu. "Turks in Europe: Migration Flows, Migrant Stocks and Demographic Structure." European Review 21, no. 3 (2013): 349–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000318.

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Presented here is an overview of migration flows and demographic structures of Turks in Europe over the past 50 years. Large-scale labour migration from Turkey to Europe occurred between 1961 and 1974. After that, it gave way to family migration, which today has more or less ended. Recently, there is slightly more emigration than immigration from the European point of view. Thus, stable migrant stocks developed in the receiving countries, especially Germany, Austria, France, and the Netherlands. The migrant stocks lag in many respects behind developments in the receiving countries, yet nonetheless they slowly but surely adapt to these. Despite their low status and feelings of exclusion, most Turkish immigrants are content with their lot and do not plan to leave their new homes in Europe.

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Can, Serra. "Turkey’s EEC membership as a canvas of struggle for identity: The NSP versus the JP." New Perspectives on Turkey 62 (April 9, 2020): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2020.6.

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AbstractThis article uncovers the relationship between the intra-paradigm power struggle of two rival political parties in 1970s Turkey and their identity formations. Given the economy-laden context of Turkish–European relations in the 1970s, the (re)production of Europe as an identificatory reference between the National Salvation Party (NSP) and the Justice Party (JP) is of special interest. This investigation will help shed light on how the power relations—that both actors were situated in—can be mirrored through their struggle for identity. Moreover, will it contribute to highlighting the functionality of foreign policy in the production of identity. In analytical terms, this study borrows case-restricted concepts from the post-structuralist theory of international relations, and gathers its case data from the 1970s National Assembly records.

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Furlong, Paul. "Parliament and democratic consolidation in southern Europe: Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and Turkey." International Affairs 67, no. 2 (1991): 358–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620897.

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Tarifa, F., and B. Adams. "Who's the Sick Man of Europe? A Wavering EU Should Let Turkey In." Mediterranean Quarterly 18, no. 1 (2007): 52–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2006-034.

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Romanenko, Sergei. "STUDYING THE HISTORY OF THE BALKANS / SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE: RESEARCH TASKS AND PROBLEM FORMULATION." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.01.

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The new issue of the journal «Current Problems of Europe» opens with the problem-oriented article, dedicated to the analysis of the state of the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region and its development in 2000-2020. The author gives a systemic description of the processes taking place in the intra-national and international intra-regional political, social and economic development of the countries of the region, and the problems generated by them. The changes are associated with a difficult transition phase, experienced by the states of the region, for the most part belonging to the post-socialist world (Bulgaria, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania). The exceptions are Greece, Turkey and Cyprus, however, these three states are also going through a difficult period in their history, associated with new problems both in interstate relations within this triangle, and in relations with NATO and the EU, as well as with Russia. The article discusses the specifics of translating the terms «people» and «national» into Russian, as well as the toponym Kosovo (Serb.) / Kosova (Alb.), and ethnonyms «Bošnjak» and «bosanac». The first part of the issue contains articles devoted to general problems of regional studies: the relationship between the terms Eastern Europe, Central Europe, South-Eastern Europe, Balkans, Western Balkans; comparative and political science subjects; the role of the European Union and China in the development of the region; the relationship of national Serbian, post-Yugoslavian and European culture and intellectual heritage as well. The second part of the issue examines the relations of the Balkan states with the states of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Romania, Belarus), as well as the specifics of their development in the post-socialist period. Thus, there is the possibility of a multilateral - historical, political and cultural, as well as comparative analysis of the development of this complex region, which is of great importance for international relations worldwide.

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