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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Europe – Relations – Turkey »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Europe – Relations – Turkey"

Biffl, Gudrun. « The Role of Migration in Economic Relations between Europe and Turkey ». European Review 21, n^o 3 (juillet 2013) : 372–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000331.

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Turkey and Europe are closely interlinked through migration, trade and investment flows. In the year 2000, the interrelationships entered a new phase. Return migration of Turkish migrants to Turkey set in, of often well-educated second-generation migrants, triggered by the fast economic growth and shortages of skilled labour in Turkey. At the same time continued family migration to Europe and Turkish business start-ups in Europe promote trade between Turkey and Europe due to preference and network channels. While economic growth in Turkey is dynamic, it is also volatile, depending on foreign capital. The major challenge for stable and sustainable economic growth is, however, the low labour force participation rate of women and the slow progress in the educational attainment level of its workforce.

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Dodd, Clement H. « Turkey and Europe ». International Affairs 71, n^o 1 (janvier 1995) : 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624024.

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Diez, Thomas. « Expanding Europe : The Ethics of EU-Turkey Relations ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 21, n^o 4 (2007) : 415–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2007.00115.x.

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Haller, Max. « The Image of Turkey in Europe Today ». European Review 21, n^o 3 (juillet 2013) : 327–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279871300029x.

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The relations between different countries and continents have always been important politically and scientifically. This applies in particular to relations between Turkey and Europe. Through centuries, the Ottoman Empire was seen as the main enemy of ‘Christian Europe’. In this paper, three topics are discussed: (1) European, and in particular Austrian and German, attitudes towards Turkey's membership in the European Union. It is argued that the dominantly negative attitudes in this regard do not indicate a generally negative attitude towards Turkey. (2) Some of the reasons for the negative view of Turkish EU-membership in many EU countries are discussed. (3) In conclusion, three issues are taken up: the relevance of Turkish EU-membership; the reasons and persistence of national and ethnic stereotypes; the relevance of the time factor in international relations.

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Jones, Erik. « Turkey, Islam and Europe ». Survival 51, n^o 5 (novembre 2009) : 163–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330903309931.

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Akkaya, Aysun Yaralı. « Europe's Orientalist Approach : Turkey-Europe Union Relations "Refugee" Problem ». European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 5, n^o 1 (19 mai 2017) : 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v5i1.p478-478.

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In this article, the immigration and protective policies carried out for asylum by Europe, has been discussed with the understanding of orientalism. Orientalism which is developed by western countries in order to understand the east, is also anther way to define themselves by an otherization perspective. EU countries remained insensitive and inadequate to the migration due to the çivil war in Syria. As a member of non-western civilization, Syrian refugees are seen as a threat to the sacred values of modern Europe. By the agreements signed by Turkey and EU, refugees are removed from the borders of Europe and are held within Turkey’s borders. EU has commented on refugee problem within this approach and have shaped the position of Turkey.

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Málnássy, András. « Turkey and Its Northwest Borderland Region : Interdependence Within Southeastern European Relations ». Foreign Policy Review 14, n^o 3 (2021) : 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.85-111.

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This paper examines the relationship between Turkey and the countries in Southeastern Europe in terms of complex interdependencies. The study uses Buzan and Waever’s Regional Security Complex Theory as a theoretical framework, in which Southeastern Europe is viewed as a regional security sub-complex. Sectors of interdependence are reviewed and examined in relation to the region, including the military, political, economic, societal, and environmental segments. The study focuses on the economy in more depth and sees it as a sector the development of which can promote and increase not only social welfare but also the stability of the region. In this sector, EU Member States are considered key players with respect to the region, although Turkey may also step up its efforts in the post-Covid period. The EU and Turkey represent two different poles in Southeastern Europe, geographically and economically. Ankara has strong positions mainly in the Balkan countries that are more dependent on Turkey and have significant Muslim minorities.

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Teitelbaum, Michael S., et Philip L. Martin. « Is Turkey Ready for Europe ? » Foreign Affairs 82, n^o 3 (2003) : 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033581.

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Timofeyev, P. P. « THE INFLUENCE OF MIGRATION CRISIS IN EUROPE ON EU-TURKEY RELATIONS (2015–2016) ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, n^o 2(47) (28 avril 2016) : 62–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-62-71.

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The paper examines the impact of the migration crisis in the EU on the European Union's relations with Turkey. It is shown that for a number of reasons, including a result of EU actions taken from 2011 to 2015, EU has experienced an influx of migrants on a number of routes from the Western to the Eastern Mediterranean. The largest of them fell on Turkey, which has tried to use this factor to exert pressure on the EU in order to obtain economic and political preferences. The author examines the development of the EU migration policy in the context of the crisis, its trying to bring Turkey to cooperate and difficult negotiations, which took place at the summits of the EU-Turkey at the end of 2015. There have been disagreements among the EU countries, and the time factor, which Turkey took advantage of, advancing conditions for the closure of borders to Europe for migrants. Facing the influx of migrants the EU had to agree with a number of conditions, though not with all. The author shows that the agreement reached by the country in March 2016 is not universal, and a number of issues important to the resolution of the crisis, are waiting to be decided upon. However, according to the author, the development of the current crisis can lead both to the reform of the migration and border policy within the EU, and to restarting relations with Turkey. Though guessing on possibilities on Turkey's entry to the EU in the near future is still premature.

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Satana, Nil S. « Civil-Military Relations in Europe, the Middle East and Turkey ». Turkish Studies 12, n^o 2 (juin 2011) : 279–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2011.572634.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Europe – Relations – Turkey"

Isiksal, Hüseyin. « Asymmetric negotiations : dichotomous international order and Turkey-Europe relations ». Thesis, Keele University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602798.

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This study critically analyses Turkey-Europe relations with the new conceptualisations, design, and interpretation. Specifically, dichotomous international order, asymmetric negotiations, and hermeneutical interpretation are the tools of this new investigation that are the main pillars of this thesis. The research initially reads the theoretical and historical discussions regarding the international order from the dichotomy perspective. Simply it is argued that there are two patterns of modern international order, with different and mostly contrasting objectives, and different normative and institutional arrangements. This dichotomy caused the asymmetric negotiations in Turkey-Europe relations. The study supported its theoretical assumptions with the case studies of human and minority rights, and the Cyprus problem as empirical explanations of the consistent and continuous patterns of political standards of Europe for Turkey. Hermeneutical interpretation is used as the main research approach. With a critical scrutiny of the contending texts, the historical and social dynamics seek to be identified for the interpretation of the meaning of events/ factions/behaviour from Turkey's point of view. While doing this, the cultural, political, and social forces that influenced the actor's outlook are identified. In this way, the research aims to make modest contribution to explain Turkey's international behaviour and position on certain key political issues including human and minority rights, and the Cyprus problem, and contribute to the understanding of the existing problems between Turkey and the EU.

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Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. « In or Out : Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe ». PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.

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Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.

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Nisancioglu, Kerem. « The Ottomans in Europe : uneven and combined development and Eurocentrism ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/48353/.

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This thesis challenges the Eurocentric division of international history into distinct 'Western' and 'Eastern' strands by demonstrating the intensive historical interactivity between the Ottoman Empire and Europe. Addressing Weberian, Marxian and postcolonial inspired historiography, it seeks to overcome a series of interconnected binaries- East versus West, tradition versus modernity and inside versus outside- that characterise the one-sidedness of these approaches. This thesis argues that Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD) is a theoretical framework primed to overcoming precisely such partialities, and can therefore make an original contribution to Ottoman historiography. More specifically the thesis tackles problems in Ottoman historiography across three key junctures. Through a treatment of the origins of the Empire, I demonstrate that the Ottoman tributary state was a product of international determinations- a form of combined development. Analysing the Ottoman apogee of the sixteenth century, I argue that Ottoman geopolitical pressure on Europe created sociological conditions for that emergence of capitalism. Finally, I show that Ottoman decline was inextricable from the uneven and combined development of capitalism over the course of the long nineteenth century. These historical analyses offer distinct contributions to historical sociological debates around the 'tributary mode of production', the 'Rise of the West' and 'modernisation' respectively. Theoretically, I show that any historical study from a singular spatial vantage point will always tend to be partial. Instead, multiple vantage points derived from multiple spatio-temporal origins better capture the complexity of concrete historical processes. In presenting this argument, this thesis offers a theoretical reconstruction of U&CD as the articulation of spatio-temporal multiplicity in mode of production analysis, which overcomes the fissure between international relations and historical sociology. It thus extends the theory of U&CD onto the terrain of 'big questions' surrounding pre-capitalist social relations and capitalist modernity.

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Kouider, Mohamad. « Syrian Secondary Migration : A study on push and pull factors behind the irregular migration of Syrians from Turkey to Europe ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-40330.

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This research aims to gain a detailed understanding of the push and pull factors that lead many Syrians in Turkey to migrate to Europe. Syrians are pushed to migrate for various reasons, including socio-economic difficulties in Turkey. It explores the Syrians’ experiences in Turkey and the elements that have deterred them from gaining the fundamental rights of accommodation, access to the labor market, and refugee status. The pull factors refer to the gains that the Syrians might achieve when migrating to Europe. These gains are socio-economic gains that assure a better future for them in Europe in comparison to their presence in Turkey. In this case, this research also explores how the Syrians plan to migrate to Europe by employing the influence of their social networks to conduct their secondary migration. This qualitative study uses seven semi-structured interviews and analyzes the experiences of the interviewees in order to reach concrete conclusions. The results of this study, according to the interviewees’ experiences, show that restrictive Turkish policies and procedures have pushed many Syrians to migrate. At the same time, the Syrians are attracted to migrating to Europe for better protection for them and their children. The findings also demonstrate that social ties influenced Syrians in their decision to migrate to Europe and avoid being deported to Syria.

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Yagmurlu, Filiz. « &quot ». Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615598/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes EU'
s education and training policy together with EU-Turkey relations and Turkey'
s path in candidacy regarding the education and training policy. Treaty base of the European Union Education and Training Policy together with is chronological development and its institutions of ET policy, the benchmarks in education and training, strategic objectives and European Union and Education Youth Programmes will be discussed. Moreover, since Helsinki, Turkey'
s legislative regulations and adaptations, institutional arrangement and changes, national and regional projects/campaign in line with the EU'
s education objectives, programmes and funds benefitted will be examined with a case study, this thesis will be trace the impact of education and training action programmes on education in Turkey within the context of impact on personal and professional development, impact on institutional cooperation and capacity building.

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Zora, Gülnihal. « Les relations franco-turques à l'epoque du Général De Gaulle (1958-1969) ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA087/document.

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Les rapports entre les deux pays sont l’une des plus longues relations diplomatiques de l’histoire française. C’est avec René Massigli, un personnage diplomatique, que ces relations ont été réanimées. Son court séjour entre 1939-1940, juste avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, témoigne d’une période charnière. Il a été nommé ambassadeur à Ankara, la nouvelle capitale de la Turquie moderne tout juste fondée par Atatürk. La visite officielle de de Gaulle en 1968 représente également une date importante dans les relations des deux pays.Peut-on parler d’un rapprochement stratégique des deux pays pendant la période gaullienne ? Quels étaient les divers facteurs et limites de ce rapprochement ? Peut-on parler de la montée de l’anti-américanisme, à partir du milieu des années 1960, dans les deux pays comme un de ces facteurs de leur rapprochement ? Est-ce que les Etats-Unis avaient un rôle catalyseur dans les relations bilatérales franco-turques ? Que pensait de Gaulle de la Turquie d’Atatürk? Est-ce que les situations respectives de la France et de la Turquie leurs offraient les meilleurs raisons de rapprocher leurs politiques au cours de la période de 1958 à 1969 ? Comment de Gaulle, qui jugeait que le système des blocs hégémonies divisant l’Europe et s’étendant sur l’Orient devait faire place à la détente, l’entente et la coopération internationale, considérait-il la Turquie par rapport à l’Europe ? À travers ces questions, notre problématique se cristallise par : comment la vision gaullienne a-t-elle influencé les rapports franco-turcs ?Le prolongement de cette vision gaullienne jusqu’à nos jours est une des plus importantes conséquences de cette période. « La saison de la Turquie » de 2011 en France à l’initiative du président Chirac, qualifié de vrai gaullien, dont l’objectif était de permettre à la Turquie d’être mieux connue par les Français à travers des événements culturels, économiques et intellectuels sur l’ensemble du pays, témoigne d’un certain effet de cet héritage gaullien dont la vision vis-à-vis de la Turquie était de la rapprocher de l’Europe. Que signifient les autres conséquences de cette vision sur la politique extérieure française et plus spécifiquement sur les relations franco-turques ?
The relationship between France and Turkey are one of the longest diplomatic relations of French and Turkish history. By a diplomatic character, René Massigli, these relationships were revived. His short stay in Ankara between 1939-1940, during the first two years of Second World War, constitutes a transition period. He was appointed ambassador to Ankara, which is the capital of the newly created modern Turkey by Atatürk. Also, the official visit of De Gaulle to Turkey in 1968, is a milestone in the relations between two countries.Can we speak of a rapprochement between the two countries in the de Gaulle era? What is the opinion of De Gaulle on Atatürk's Turkey? Did their respective situations provide them an opportunity to converge their foreign policies in the 1940-1968 period? How did De Gaulle in whose opinion international blocks formed around hegemonies divided Europe and spanned towards the East should give way to détente, understanding and international cooperation see Turkey?The most important issue in this context is that the consequences of this Gaullist vision still survives today. The Season of Turkey in France in 2011, initiated by a decision of President Chirac who has regarded as a true Gaullist, is one of the most tangible results. What other consequences of this vision on the French foreign policy, and especially on the Franco-Turkish relations can be seen today?
Türkiye-Fransa diplomatik ilişkileri, Fransız tarihinin en uzun ilişkileridir. İki ülke arasındaki bu ilişkiler, Diplomatik bir karakter olan René Massigli sayesinde canlanmıştır. Hemen İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesindeki kısa sureli kalışı bu önemli dönemin dönüm noktası olmuştur. Atatürk tarafından kurulan modern Türkiye’nin yeni başkenti Ankara’ya Büyükelçi olarak atanmıştır. Buna benzer şekilde, 1968 yılında General de Gaulle tarafından Türkiye’ye gerçekleştirilen resmi ziyaret de bu ilke ilişkileri açısından bir başka önemli donum noktasıdır.Charles de Gaulle döneminde iki ülkenin stratejik yakınlaşmasından bahsedebilir miyiz? Bu yakınlaşmanın çeşitleri faktörleri ve sınırları nelerdir? 1960li yılların ortasından itibaren her iki ülkede de yükselişe geçen Amerikan karşıtlığı bu stratejik yakınlaşmada bir faktör olabilir mi? Avrupa’yı ikiye bölen ve Doğu’ya da uzanan iki kutuplu dünyanın yerini yumuşama, anlaşma ve uluslararası işbirliğine bırakması gerektiğini düşünen General de Gaulle, Türkiye’nin Avrupalılığı hakkında ne düşünüyordu? Bu sorular ışığında sorunsalımız şu şekilde somutlaşıyor: General de Gaulle’ün dünya görüşü Türkiye-Fransa ilişkilerini nasıl etkiledi?Bu görüşün sonuçlarının günümüze kadar uzanması, General de Gaulle döneminin ve vizyonunun Türkiye Fransa ilişkileri açısından en önemli sonuçlarından birisidir. 2011 yılında, gerçek bir gaullist olarak nitelendirilen Fransa Cumhurbaşkanı Chirac öncülüğünde gerçekleştirilen, gerçek amacının Türkiye’nin Fransızlar tarafından kültürel ve ekonomik faaliyetler aracılığı ile daha iyi tanınması olan “Türkiye sezonu”, General de Gaulle’ün günümüze kadar uzanan mirasıdır. Bu vizyonun, Fransız dış politikası ve özellikle Fransa-Türkiye ilişkileri üzerindeki diğer sonuçları ne ifade etmektedir?

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Aydin, Hanifi. « Turkey-European Union relations : great expectations ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/7815.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited
Since 1963 Turkey has been struggling to join the European Union (EU) . Despite strong Turkish aspirations, it appears unlikely that Turkey will be accepted as an EU member in the near future due to Turkey's shortcomings in its political, economic and social structure. Applications submitted prior to December 1999, were rejected by the EU Commission on the basis of poor democracy, human rights abuses, restrictions on political and cultural rights, a high level of influence of the Turkish military in political affairs, weak economy, and disputes with Greece and the Cyprus problem. The EU has certain criteria for membership: a functioning democracy, respect for rule of law, protection of minority and human rights, functioning market economy and settlement of disputes with other member states prior to accession. Turkey is seeking an immediate EU membership to improve economy and democratization, and take an undisputable place inside the European order and civilization. To this end, Turkey has to adopt the necessary reforms and regulations that will help strengthen democracy, economy and social and cultural rights in Turkey. However, Turkey's present domestic infrastructure does not provide a suitable situation to commence key radical political reforms in the immediate future.

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Buhari, Makbule Didem. « Turkey-European union relations in world polity ». Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2012. http://digirep.rhul.ac.uk/items/77786ee4-e13b-efb3-4c79-027c62978565/1/.

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By ‘bringing in' the global dimension, this thesis aims to explain the main reasons for Turkey's failure to comply with EU conditionality. Existing studies in the field either look at the hardships in Turkish-EU intergovernmental bargains or at the ‘cultural mismatch' that triggers opposition in the conservative circles of both Turkey and Europe. Such tendencies mislead many students to miss the ‘bigger picture'; in other words, the global legitimation processes underlying Turkey's interactions with the EU. By introducing World Polity theory, an innovative sociological institutionalist theory developed by a Stanford University sociologist, John W. Meyer, since the 1970s, this thesis promises a fuller analysis of the difficult relations between Turkey and the EU through the study of three key sectors where EU-led reforms prove particularly problematic: foreign land ownership, ombudsmanship, and Turkey's Cyprus policy. Benefiting from original interview and survey findings, the thesis demonstrates that the likelihood of EU-led reform depends on the extent to which it is perceived as globally legitimate in the candidate country, Turkey. The main argument is that Turkey-European Union relations should be considered within the context of a wider global cultural environment in which they are deeply embedded and which constitute their agency. This argument is innovative in three ways. First, it adds the global context, which is severely neglected in the prevailing studies on EU-Turkey relations, as a constitutive element to the analysis. Second, it offers new analytical tools to rethink the EU as an ‘organizational carrier' of world models and better explain the domestic motivations behind compliance with EU conditionality. Finally, it contributes to World Polity research that is increasingly criticized for having a top-down approach and lacking in-depth case studies on how world models spread.

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Fazlioglu, Akin Zulal. « Cultural Policy in Turkey – European Union Relations ». The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1502860978590657.

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McAfee, Shannon Elizabeth. « Global Positioning Semantics : President Karimov's Evolving Definitions of the Uzbek Nation's Rightful Place in the World, 1991-2011 ». The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306898793.

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Livres sur le sujet "Europe – Relations – Turkey"

Canan, Balkır, et Williams Allan M, dir. Turkey and Europe. London : Pinter Publishers, 1993.

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Institute, Open Society, et Independent Commission on Turkey, dir. Turkey in Europe ? Brussels, Belgium : British Council and the Open Society Institute, 2004.

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İnalcık, Halil. Turkey and Europe in history. Istanbul : Erek, 2006.

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Turkey in Europe : Benefit or catastrophe ? England : Gracewing Ltd, UK, 2009.

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Larrabee, F. Stephen. The troubled partnership : Turkey and Europe. Santa Monica, CA : RAND, 1998.

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Europa und die Türkei im 18. Jahrhundert : Europe and Turkey in the 18th century. Göttingen : V&R Unipress, 2011.

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Hakan, Yılmaz, dir. Placing Turkey on the Map of Europe. İstanbul : Boğaziçi Üniversitesi, 2005.

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K, Riemer Andrea, et Korkisch Fred W, dir. Das Spannungsdreieck USA-Europa-Türkei = : A triangle of tensions : U.S.-Europe-Turkey. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 2003.

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1970-, Taspinar Omer, dir. Winning Turkey : How America, Europe, and Turkey can revive a fading partnership. Washington, D.C : Brookings Institution Press, 2008.

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James, Sperling, Papacosma S. Victor 1942- et Theophanous Andreas 1960-, dir. Turkey and Europe : High stakes, uncertain prospects. Nicosia : University of Nicosia Press, 2008.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Europe – Relations – Turkey"

Balkır, Canan. « International Relations : from Europe to Central Asia ». Dans Turkey since 1970, 195–218. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333977804_8.

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Kaeding, Michael, et Felix Schenuit. « The European Parliament’s Perspective on EU–Turkey Relations ». Dans EU-Turkey Relations, 241–64. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70890-0_10.

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AbstractOver the last fifteen years, the European Parliament (EP) has served as an important actor in the assessment and design of the politically contested relationship between the EU and Turkey in general, and Turkey’s extended accession talks in particular. In the event of a successful completion of Turkish accession negotiations, the EP will also be responsible for taking the final decision on Turkish accession to the EU. Based on data made available by VoteWatch Europe with regard to the voting behavior of Members of the EP on all Turkey-related files since 2005, we show how the EP’s support for Turkey’s accession to the EU has changed over time. Our findings reveal that the EP has gradually developed from a strong advocate of Turkey’s EU membership to the only EU institution formally closing the ‘accession door’ for Turkey. At the same time, EP resolutions on the country reports on Turkey have collected numerous arguments for the importance of a new strategic partnership—representing majority-winning new narratives on the future trajectory of EU–Turkey relations. These arguments should not be wiped away in an increasingly politicized environment. Vote-seeking and closing the door to accession without identifying possible alternatives for cooperation would be politically and geo-strategically shortsighted.

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Alpan, Başak. « Europeanization and EU–Turkey Relations : Three Domains, Four Periods ». Dans EU-Turkey Relations, 107–37. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70890-0_5.

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AbstractEuropeanization is deservedly one of the most popular yet most volatile buzzwords for Turkish politics and EU–Turkey relations. This chapter takes stock of the Europeanization literature and examines the EU–Turkey relationship by referring to particular mechanisms and variants of Europeanization. The main argument is that Europeanization is a versatile and complex process covering vast areas of policy, politics, and polity, intertwined with larger domestic, regional, and global processes, which is not limited to Turkey’s EU accession. The analysis refers to particular mechanisms and variants of Europeanization in four different phases between 1963 and early 2020: In the first period, ‘Europeanization as rapprochement’, Turkey’s age-old Westernization project was consolidated through Europeanization. In the second period, ‘Europeanization as democratic conditionality’, there has been strong interest in the impact of Europeanization on particular aspects of domestic issues through conditionality and the EU’s role as a ‘democratization anchor’. In the third period, ‘Europeanization as retrenchment’, and the fourth period, ‘Europeanization as denial’, ‘Europe’ was no longer the lingua franca in the Turkish political landscape, a trend that is also associated with a ‘de-Europeanization’ turn in the literature. This does not mean that ‘Europe’ completely disappeared from domestic policy orientations, political debates, and identity negotiations. Rather, Ankara used ‘Europe’ strategically to justify actions that were criticized by the EU.

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Türbedar, Erhan. « Economic Relations Between Turkey and Southeast Europe ». Dans Turkey’s Return to the Western Balkans, 141–77. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10074-1_7.

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Mardin, Şerif, et Ahmet O. Evin. « Cultural Issues in Relations between Turkey and Europe ». Dans Turkey and the European Community, 13–33. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-01422-5_2.

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Aydın-Düzgit, Senem, et Özgehan Şenyuva. « Solidarity Clashes with Geopolitics in EU-Turkey Relations ». Dans European Solidarity in Action and the Future of Europe, 165–68. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86537-5_39.

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Udum, Şebnem. « Arms Control in Europe and Extended Deterrence : A View from Turkey ». Dans Contributions to International Relations, 99–107. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-03891-4_11.

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Tülüş Türk, Cana. « Between Conflict and Compromise : Turkey-Russia Relations and the West ». Dans The Future of Europe, 161–63. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95648-6_39.

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Tocci, Nathalie. « The Europeanization of Minority-Majority Relations in the Greece-Turkey-Cyprus Triangle ». Dans The Protection of Minorities in the Wider Europe, 251–75. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230582293_11.

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Bakir, Caner, et H. Tolga Bolukbasi. « Changing Policy Advisory Dynamics in the 2000s : The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Turkey ». Dans The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Europe, 307–31. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86005-9_14.

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AbstractThis chapter maps the changing features of the policy advisory system in Turkey and explores the policy advisory roles of Turkish political scientists in the 2000s. It situates Turkey’s statist policy advisory system in an environment of increasing centralization of executive power in a hybrid regime. In this system, government actors dictate the terms of engagement for key policy actors. They do so against the background of externalization, politicization, privatization, Europeanization and societalization of advice. In addition to case study material, the chapter relies on the ProSEPS survey. According to the survey findings, the typical political scientist in Turkey is a male opinionator, who gives generally informal face-to-face advice to mostly civil society organizations, think tanks and civil servants. This opinionator is an expert in international relations, comparative politics and political theory. Political scientists in Turkey’s advisory system do not differ markedly from their European colleagues in terms of their demographic characteristics, educational attainment, employment status, specialization subfields, channels they use and levels of governance they provide advice at. The chapter concludes by calling for further research on the advisory roles of political scientists in this hybrid regime.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Europe – Relations – Turkey"

Özgün, Tevfik Orçun, et Onur Koçak. « Turkey-Macedonia Relations from Cultural and Historical Perspective ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00975.

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Balkans can be defined as a region which had been under different cultures’ and civilizations’ reign, and experienced different nations, religions and cultures. It is likely possible to see the effects of these multicultural and multinational structure on international politics and economy. In that sense, Macedonia is inevitably placed in an important point for Balkan and Ottoman history, and even for international politics. It is very possible to see Turkish influence on Macedonia, which -ruled by Ottoman for 542 years- has gained its independence, as a result of disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991.When we take a look at condensing political and economic relations between Macedonia and Turkey, the effect of shared cultural and historical heritage on regional and wide economic development and cooperation can be seen with no huge effort. From that point of view, Ottoman Empire’s historical, sociological and cultural effect on sustainable and improvable economic relations are a topic of discussion. If we focus on the changing balance in Europe, resulted by disintegration of Yugoslavia, and developing approaches towards Macedonia, Turkey’s relations with Greece and other regional countries become very important, which are still being operated in terms of development and sustaining. In this study, Turkey’s attitude in recognition of Macedonia, and structure of Turkic population in Macedonia will be inspected and from Macedonia perspective, international politics and economic cooperation will be examined with historical, political and cultural emphasis.

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Kartal, Burak, et Çiğdem Sofyalıoğlu. « A Look at the Perceptions of the Turkish Youth towards Shangai Cooperation Organization from a Marketing Perspective ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00340.

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In search of new markets and trade partners after its thrill for European Union has faded, Turkey began to look at its east recently. Having strong ties with many countries in Central Asia due to its cultural and historical ties, Turkey is a bridge between Europe and Asia. Due to its importance and successful historical development, Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is Turkey’s one of few options. In order to build closer trade relations between Turkey and members of the SCO, it’s better to know what Turkish people, especially youth know and think about the Organization. This pioneer empirical study, by examining a sample of Turkish university students’ knowledge and attitude towards SCO, is a first step of building the relations between the Organization and Turkish people and Turkish youth. Findings indicate that Turkish youth examined have positive attitude towards SCO compared to other alternative integrations and organizations. Besides, they think that a stronger SCO will be in favor of Turkey both economically and politically. Also, gender differences seem to exist like women’s tendency towards North American and South American integrations.

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Tunçsiper, Bedriye, et Ömer Faruk Biçen. « The Effects of European Debt Crisis on Turkey’s Exports ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00827.

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The crisis that arose in Greece at the last quarter of 2009 affected the countries that have heavily government debt like Spain, Portugal, Italy and Ireland as soon as 2008 Global Financial Crisis originating from USA Mortgage Markets affect European Union (EU) countries under heavily debt burden. The effects of that crisis in the short run are demand shrinking and decrease in export. Turkey, which has important economic relations with EU countries in the last fifty years, is the primary country that can be negatively affected from demand shrinking in Europe. Turkey that indirectly experience 2008 global financial crisis because of the decrease in export volume in Europe also seem fatefully affected in this crisis. This article aims to determine the effects of the crisis to Turkey’s export ampirically in the EU countries that have the lion’s share in the Turkey’s export markets. As well, it is trying to explain whether this crisis affects over-all Europe or not.

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Paksoy, Semin. « Economic Analysis of Turkey and European Countries Before and After the Syrian War ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01857.

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Undoubtedly, a war in a country is a great destruction for its citizens. The Syrians have had to take refuge in other countries because of their vital problems. European countries have adopted a rigid attitude towards refugees to protect themselves. How did the refugee mobility, arising from internal conflicts in Syria and embodying different qualities within its constitution, affect European countries due to global economic relations? Or did Europe continue its economic development without being negatively affected by the geographically distant war? On the other side, to what extent has Turkey been able to protect itself economically? Can Turkey continue their progress towards the EU? This work investigating answers to these questions is based on the Maastricht criteria set to ensure economic integration at an advanced level among EU countries. The data related to these criteria cover 6 annual data of pre and post of the war. In the analysis, countries are ranked and evaluated with the flows of criteria, using PROMETHEE method. The result of the analysis shows that generally there is a decrease, in comparison, in the net flows of the second period. This implies that countries are not in better situation compared to the first period which covered 2008 financial crisis. In other words, the EU may likely remain behind of its economic and fiscal targets.

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Akbulut, Gizem. « The Role of Extensive and Intensive Margins in Export Growth of Turkey to Central and Eastern European Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01643.

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In the recent years, Central and Eastern Europe Countries-10 (CEEC-10) countries are implementing policies for developing in international trade relations and these countries are relatively small and open economies. On the other hand, they increase both provide a dynamic increase in exports and export market share, to facilitate the European Union (EU) and their activities to integrate into world trade. The purpose of this study, with CEEC-10 of Turkey’s sectoral export growth rates decomposes into extensive and intensive margins. Also intensive margin decomposes into price and quantity components. By building on the methodology pioneered by Feenstra (1994) and Hummels and Klenow (2005) and then “the decomposition of export growth rates” method developed by Bingzhan (2011). Intensive margin is the growth in products that were exported in both periods. Extensive margin is the growth in product variety or new trade partners. In the empirical part of the study were used the BACI international trade database from CEPII. The database provides the export values and quantities for Turkey to CEEC-10 at the Harmonized System’s (HS96) six-digit level over period 2006 to 2013. Foreign trade activities of countries is an important channel both to gain of international qualification and to the realization of economic growths and/ or in terms of sustainability of the current growth rates. According to results of a study, with CEEC-10 Turkey’s export is mainly explained generally by the quantity growth rather than price growth. In other words, export growth carries with the low added value product.

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Koychuev, Turar, et Merim Koichueva. « On the Non-Economic Factors of Impact on the Eurasian Economic Cooperation ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01287.

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Treat the entire Asia and Europe as a geo-economic space is impossible and counterproductive. In our opinion, Eurasian geo-economic space can be considered as a geographical area, which is the junction between Europe and Asia. Geographically, it is - the Urals, the Volga region, the Caspian Sea region of Russia, post-Soviet Central Asia, the Caucasus and the territory where Turkey and Xinjiang is located. The economic interests of the Eurasian countries for "unity" can be the same, but there are non-economic conditions (state and political system, the mode of government - authoritarian, democratic, way of life of the state - secular, religious, moral and cultural values, ideological differences, and historical features of interethnic relations) that as factors may influence positively or negatively. Principles of formation of the Eurasian Economic Cooperation shall include economic feasibility and mutual benefit, political loyalty, ideological, philosophical and ethnic tolerance, peer contacts, peace-loving nature and solving conflict with a positive decision.

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Başeğmez, Nergiz, et Kerem Toker. « A Crossroad For Turkey : European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.

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With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.

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Ugur, Etga. « RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL ? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.

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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.

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Ayaz, Esengul. « The Impact of Turkey on the European Defence ». Dans Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir40.

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Bal, Pınar. « The Effects of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership on the European Union and Turkey ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01101.

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The goal of this paper is to analyze the possible effects of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) Agreement aimed to be signed between the European Union and the United States by the end of 2015. The TTIP is expected to have important social, economic and political benefits for the European Union and the United States. In this respect, following a short description of the TTIP, the possible effects of this agreement on the European Union, the United States as well as on world trade will be described. The effects of such an agreement on Turkey will also be examined both with respect to Turkey’s already existing relations with the European Union and the United States. In parallel with these, the advantages and disadvantages of the existing Customs Union Agreement between Turkey and the European Union will be evaluated with respect to the TTIP. Based on this analysis, some policy alternatives for Turkey will be proposed that might help Turkey to overcome the current disadvantages that will result from the TTIP and that might strengthen its trade relations with both the European Union and the United States by transforming those disadvantages into advantages.

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