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1
Costa, Hermes Augusto. « From Europe as a model to Europe as austerity ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 18, no 4 (26 octobre 2012) : 397–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258912458866.
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Twenty five years after Portuguese EU accession, the labour market in general and the trade unions in particular are faced with severely regressive social measures that undermine past expectations of progress towards the achievement of the Social Europe project in Portugal. Thus, on the one hand, this article identifies some of the ambitions and possibilities earlier opened up for the Portuguese labour market, as well as trade union attitudes to European integration. It is argued, on the other hand, that, in the context of the economic crisis and the austerity measures to which Portugal is subjected, the sense of Portugal’s backwardness in relation to the ‘European project’ has become more acute. The article accordingly focuses on and examines some of the austerity measures and certain controversial issues associated with them. In a final section, the impact of austerity on labour relations and the reactions of social partners, in particular the trade unions, are analysed.
2
Rigby, Mike, et Miguel Ángel García Calavia. « Institutional resources as a source of trade union power in Southern Europe ». European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, no 2 (19 mai 2017) : 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680117708369.
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Institutional resources are one of the sources of power available to trade unions, but recent literature has tended to pay less attention to these than to associational and organizational resources. We examine institutional resources in three Southern European countries, Greece, Portugal and Spain, which share many common characteristics. However, the character of institutional resources in Spanish industrial relations is distinctive. We examine the plasticity of industrial relations institutions in Spain in terms of labour market outcomes but argue that institutional security is an essential platform for unions seeking to develop other sources of power.
3
Fernandes, Sandra, et Andrey Makarychev. « Estonia and Portugal in Europe : escaping peripherality, capitalizing on marginality ». Journal of Contemporary European Studies 27, no 4 (27 juin 2019) : 394–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2019.1635438.
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4
SALM, Christian. « Diffusing Democracy in Europe : The European Parliament and European Community Enlargement Policy 1974-79 ». Journal of European Integration History 27, no 1 (2021) : 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2021-1-99.
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The article explores the role of the European Parliament (EP) in European Community (EC) Southern enlargement policy during the phase of democratic transitions in Greece, Portugal and Spain. It demonstrates how the EP insisted on adherence to core democratic principles as a condition for any accession negotiations, in particular the holding of free and fair parliamentary elections. Furthermore, the article shows how the EP made strategic use of the Southern European democratic transitions to demand the democratisation of the EC and the EP itself, with the holding of direct elections to the EP as its primary demand. Moreover, it discusses the EP’s attempt to make the observance of democratic principles a formal requirement of EC membership, both for applicant countries and for existing member states. Finally, it reconstructs the EP’s relations with counterparts in Greece, Portugal and Spain, which were intended to prepare the baselines of enlargement policy and EC accession.
5
García, César. « PR, clientelism and economics : a comparison of southern Europe and Latin America ». Journal of Communication Management 19, no 2 (5 mai 2015) : 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-03-2013-0026.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between clientelist relationships and economics in public relations practice in European Mediterranean countries and Latin America. It considers the cases of Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses a critical-conceptual method through a re-conceptualization of themes from secondary qualitative analyses of existing qualitative data sets and reviews of published qualitative papers. Findings – The public relations practice in these two regions is similar. The characteristics of the public relations landscape in these countries must be understood in relation to a broader history of clientelism and economics emphasizing government relationships at the expense of other publics, as well as the lack of scale economies. Persuasive models are prevalent, although a number of forces – including integration in supranational organizations, democratization, and globalization – have strengthened the use of symmetrical models. Research limitations/implications – This is not an empirical survey, there is a need of quantitative studies among practitioners and government officials that can measure empirically the nature of their relationships in a number of countries. This essay opens a door for future studies and cross-cultural comparisons about the role that clientelism plays in the PR practice of cultures and countries. Practical implications – The paper offers useful background information, such as the primacy that media relations still have in the public relations practice, for foreign public relations executives, agency heads, and managers of public relations who are directly involved with or managing international public relations campaigns in these countries. Social implications – Clientelism is a cultural concept that translates to the work of organizations and consequently public relations as a form of organizational behavior. Originality/value – This paper brings to the table the importance of the concept of clientelism in the PR practice as well as the existence of a similar PR culture between countries that are on different continents.
6
Krieger, Hubert, et Kevin P. O'Kelly. « The extent of participation in Europe ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 4, no 2 (mai 1998) : 214–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899800400205.
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Employee participation is an important element of the European Social Model and this paper focuses on the extent of the different forms of participation - representative participation; direct participation; and financial participation, as measured in the European Foundation's EPOC survey. The paper examines the findings on these different types of participation separately and finally compares the levels of participation by combining all three systems. By taking this approach, important differences were found across the ten countries surveyed, with Sweden showing the strongest implementation of all types of participation, while Portugal is the weakest, in particular in representation participation arrangements. The paper indicates that there is a wide gap between the desired objective of the European Social Model and the practice of participation in Europe.
7
Antonopoulou, Maria Georgia. « Minimum wage in Greece and Southern Europe : Towards a new model for shaping labour relations ». Social Cohesion and Development 14, no 1 (18 janvier 2021) : 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/scad.25765.
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The article focuses on the institution of the general minimum wage in Greece and Southern Europe during the economic recession and up to the present day. The economic crisis and the way it was dealt with by European and international institutions led not only to constraints in social expenditure but also restrictive income policies, among other things. Especially in countries that found themselves involved in ‘fiscal adjustment programmes’, like Greece, Spain, and Portugal, the whole of the labour market and labour relations became the arena for radical reforms. The declared targets were increasing flexibility in the labour market, decreasing labour force costs, gradually decentralizing collective agreements, changing the way wages are determined, and strengthening of flexible forms of work. Our study examines the changes in the established method of determining minimum wage in the countries of Southern Europe that were part of fiscal adjustment programmes.
8
Buettner, Elizabeth. « Europeanising Migration in Multicultural Spain and Portugal During and After the Decolonisation Era ». Itinerario 44, no 1 (27 mars 2020) : 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000091.
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AbstractPost-1945 Spanish and Portuguese emigration and immigration histories encapsulate the Iberian region's long-standing interconnectedness with the wider world (particularly Latin America and Africa) and other parts of Europe alike. Portugal and Spain have both been part of multiple migration systems as important sending countries that ultimately experienced an international migration turnaround owing to their transition to democracy, decolonisation, and accession to a European Union in which internal freedom of movement counted among its core principles. With the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and Europe's migration crisis of the 2010s serving as its vantage point, this article considers these topics as they intersect with issues that include nationality and citizenship, race and racism, and religion and Islamophobia in multicultural Spain and Portugal.
9
Furlong, Paul. « Parliament and democratic consolidation in southern Europe : Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and Turkey ». International Affairs 67, no 2 (avril 1991) : 358–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620897.
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10
O'Brien, Patrick Karl, et Leandro Prados de la Escosura. « Balance Sheets for the Acquisition, Retention and Loss of European Empires Overseas ». Itinerario 23, no 3-4 (novembre 1999) : 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300024542.
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Our essay will critically survey and attempt to offer an overall interpretation of a growing volume of publications by historians who have attempted to evaluate the costs and benefits for Europe's domestic economies flowing from some five centuries of involvement with empires overseas. That involvement began with the conquest of Ceuta by the Portuguese in 1417 and passed through two epochs: 1417-1825 and 1825-1974. After a first conjuncture marked by the French Revolution, a quarter of a century of global warfare and movements for independence in Southern America, Britain emerged as the hegemonic imperial power in Europe. Its major rivals for commerce and dominion in Africa, Asia and the Americas (Portugal, Spain, France and Holland) ceded control over parts of their possessions overseas to Britain or (in the cases of Spain and Portugal), lost sovereignty over their colonies in Latin America.
11
Spallanzani, Marco. « A Survey of Recent Italian Bibliography on Portuguese Expansion ». Itinerario 10, no 2 (juillet 1986) : 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300007580.
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The expansion of Portugal has never aroused as much interest in Italy as has the expansion of Spain. It is enough to mention the role of such charismatic figures of Italian origins like Christopher Columbus and the intensity of commercial relations between Italy and Spain to understand why Spain has dominated the Italian'view of the expansion of Europe. Nevertheless, some Italian scholars have worked on aspects of Portuguese expansion, and it is the purpose of this essay to review what has been done over the last fifteen years.
12
Wall, Karin, et Cátia Nunes. « Immigration, Welfare and Care in Portugal : Mapping the New Plurality of Female Migration Trajectories ». Social Policy and Society 9, no 3 (1 juin 2010) : 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746410000114.
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The role of migrant women as domestic and care workers is a main characteristic of the feminisation of migration to southern Europe. This article aims to understand how and why current patterns of female migration to Portugal are a key element, driving increased flows of domestic workers. The article focuses first on the path followed by Portugal in the fields of immigration, employment, welfare-state developments and care arrangements, and then presents results of a qualitative study on Brazilian immigrant women. Findings show that the new plurality of female migration trajectories is an important factor in explaining the rapid integration of immigrant women in the domestic sector. This does not mean, however, that a predominant ‘migrant in the family’ care model has emerged in Portugal. In contrast with other southern European countries, different policy perspectives and outcomes over the last three decades have made for a more diversified care model. National contexts in southern European countries must therefore be taken into account, since they provide particular conditions for the main forms and features of migrant domestic work.
13
Ribeiro da Silva, Filipa, et Hélder Carvalhal. « RECONSIDERING THE SOUTHERN EUROPEAN MODEL : MARITAL STATUS, WOMEN'S WORK AND LABOUR RELATIONS IN MID-EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY PORTUGAL ». Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 38, no 1 (10 janvier 2020) : 45–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610919000338.
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ABSTRACTChallenging current ideas in mainstream scholarship on differences between female labour force participation in southern and north-western Europe and their impact on economic development, this article shows that in Portugal, neither marriage nor widowhood prevented women from participating in the labour market of mid-eighteenth-century. Our research demonstrates that marriage provided women with the resources they needed to work in various capacities in all economic sectors.This article also argues that single Portuguese women had an incentive to work and did so mostly as wage earners. Finally, the comparison of our dataset on female occupations from tax records with other European cases calls for a revision of the literature and the development of a more nuanced picture of the north-south divide.
14
Campos Lima, Maria da Paz, et Antonio Martín Artiles. « Social protests, discontent and politics in southern and eastern Europe ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 24, no 2 (25 mars 2018) : 195–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918762963.
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Taking into consideration the debate on the role of social movements and of trade unions in organising social protests, in the light of contentious and conventional politics, this article examines participation in demonstrations in Europe and the political attitudes of the participants. The article uses data from the European Social Survey to examine the differences and similarities between European countries in respect of mobilisation levels over the past decade, arguing that distrust and dissatisfaction with political institutions might be a necessary condition but not a sufficient one to justify resorting to contentious politics. The article reveals the contrasts between the levels of mobilisation in southern European countries (Portugal and Spain) and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Hungary and Poland) and examines the patterns and (re)configuration of the profile of the protestors in the 2002–2014 period.
15
McCall Howard, Penny. « Workplace cosmopolitanization and "the power and pain of class relations" at sea ». Focaal 2012, no 62 (1 mars 2012) : 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2012.620105.
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This article examines the "power and the pain of class relations" (Ortner 2006) through the experience of Scottish men working in the global shipping, offshore oil, and fishing industries: industries in which the nationality of workers has changed significantly since the 1980s. It combines recent anthropological literature on subjectivity and cosmopolitanism with a Marxist understanding of class as generated through differing relationships to production. The article describes how British seafarers have experienced the cosmopolitanization of their workplaces, as workers from Portugal, Eastern Europe, and the Philippines have been recruited by employers in order to reduce wages, working conditions, and trade union organization. Drawing on Therborn (1980), it concludes that the experiences gained through this process have led to the development of multiple and often contradictory subjectivities, which people draw on as they choose how to act in moments of crisis, and as they imagine possible futures.
16
Hancké, Bob. « The missing link. Labour unions, central banks and monetary integration in Europe1 ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 19, no 1 (21 janvier 2013) : 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258912469347.
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This article examines the problems of the single currency in light of the organization of labour relations in the Member States and their interaction with monetary policies. Continental (western) Europe consists of two very different systems of employment and labour relations, roughly coinciding with ‘coordinated market economies’ in the north-west of the continent, and ‘Mixed Market Economies’ in the south. These differences in employment relations and wage-setting systems implied that, against the background of a relatively restrictive one-size-fits-all monetary policy in place since 1999, the north-west of the continent systematically improved its competitiveness, while the south lost competitiveness in parallel. Small differences between the two groups of countries at the start of EMU thus were accentuated and, against the background of low growth and an almost closed E(M)U economy, the northern coordinated market economies accumulated current account surpluses while the GIIPS (Greece, Italy, Ireland, Portugal and Spain) ran into severe balance of payments problems in 2010 and 2011.
17
Oostindie, Gert. « Public Memories of the Atlantic Slave Trade and Slavery in Contemporary Europe ». European Review 17, no 3-4 (octobre 2009) : 611–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798709000970.
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For centuries, major European states were involved in the Atlantic slave trade and in slavery in their colonies in the Americas. In the last decade, this subject has attracted serious but uneven attention in Europe beyond the realms of descendants and academia. The British, French and Dutch governments have engaged with the subject, expressing remorse and stimulating public commemorations. Portugal and Spain on the other hand have hardly addressed the subject. The reason for this remarkable divergence, the author suggests, lies with divergent commemorative traditions and the fact that the two Iberian countries have no substantial Caribbean communities as visible reminders of this past. The last part of the article discusses some problems associated with the politicized rediscovery of these embarrassing chapters in European history.
18
Matsaganis, Manos, Cathal O'Donoghue, Horacio Levy, Manuela Coromaldi, Magda Mercader-Prats, Carlos Farinha Rodrigues, Stefano Toso et Panos Tsakloglou. « Reforming Family Transfers in Southern Europe : Is there a Role for Universal Child Benefits ? » Social Policy and Society 5, no 2 (avril 2006) : 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746405002873.
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The drive to reduce child poverty is of particular interest in southern Europe, where public assistance to low-income families with children is often meagre or not available at all. The paper examines the effect of income transfers to families in Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal using a benefit-tax model. The distributional impact of actual programmes is shown to be weak, hence the scope for reform great. As an illustration, the European benefit-tax model EUROMOD is used to simulate universal child benefits equivalent to those in Britain, Denmark and Sweden. The anti-poverty effect of such benefits is found to be in proportion to their fiscal cost.
19
Czyżewski, Bazyli, et Łukasz Kryszak. « Kondycja finansowa gospodarstw rolnych w regionach FADN Unii Europejskiej i jej związek z produktywnością czynników wytwórczych ». Roczniki Naukowe Ekonomii Rolnictwa i Rozwoju Obszarów Wiejskich 104, no 3 (18 décembre 2017) : 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/rnr.2017.104.3.17.
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The aim of the study was to assess the financial condition of representative agricultural holdings in the EU FADN regions and to identify the relation between the financial condition of farms and productivity of production factors, as well as total productivity (TFP). A synthetic metric (based on TOPSIS method) for the assessment of the financial situation of the holding was used, along with correlation indicators in the second step of study. The representative farms in the EU FADN regions are characterised by a highly diversified financial situation, with the highest values of the synthetic meter in Southern Europe (Greece, Portugal, parts of Spain and Italy). The farms in these regions were characterised by a relatively low level of debt, favourable situation in terms of debt service, as well as high profitability and efficiency of operations. Statistically significant relations between financial condition of farms and productivity of production factors were observed. Positive in the case of the capital factor and TFP, and negative in relation to work and land.
20
Krijger, Tom-Eric. « Extraterritorial Privacy Zone ? » TSEG - The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 18, no 3 (29 novembre 2021) : 41–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52024/tseg.11042.
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The Protestant Reformation led to a radical redrawing of the map of Europe, severely affecting international relations. An important consequence of Protestantism was the emphasis on the private dimension of religious practices, as it did away with clerical intermediaries and instead put the focus on the direct relationship between God and the believer. In this context, to facilitate diplomatic traffic between Catholic and Protestant countries, ambassadors came to enjoy the so-called Right of Chapel, allowing them to create a private place of worship and have a private chaplain at their ambassadorial residences. This right was explicitly included in two treaties that the Kingdom of Portugal and the Dutch Republic concluded with each other in the mid-seventeenth century. However, the two parties to the treaties had starkly different understandings of what was meant by ‘private’. Both of these treaties granted Dutch citizens in Portugal freedom of conscience in their own houses, but the contrasting interpretations of what ‘private’ actually meant for the Dutch and for the Portuguese resulted in serious disagreement about the exact scope of these religious rights.
21
Morillas, Pol, Thomas Gomart, Ferdinando Nelli Feroci, George Pagoulatos, Charles Powell, Nuno Severiano Teixeira, Filippa Chatzistavrou et al. « What role should southern Europe play after the pandemic and the war in Ukraine ? Towards a shared agenda for EU reform ». Notes Internacionals CIDOB, no 271 (20 avril 2022) : 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/notesint.2022/271/en.
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Relations between southern European member states have often been marked by a loose cooperation or, worse, by logics of competition. Precisely when regional groupings within the EU are increasingly shaping the agenda, these dynamics have hindered the capacity of France, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain to pursue shared interests and objectives, while acting as a force for good for the European integration project. Recent events such as the post-pandemic recovery or the war in Ukraine show that, when cooperation occurs, positive results can be achieved. Southern member states can capitalise on a certain ideological affinity and a pro-European vision, despite their governments belonging to different political groups. They share converging interests in the areas of fiscal policy and economic governance, strategic autonomy in energy and technology and even foreign policy priorities, particularly towards the Mediterranean and relations with other global powers. This joint publication by six southern European think tanks identifies several policy areas for fruitful cooperation between southern European member states.
22
Terenas, Gabriela Gândara. « Representations of the Peninsular War in Portuguese and British historical novels ». Journal of Romance Studies 21, no 1 (1 mars 2021) : 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jrs.2021.6.
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The Peninsular War has undergone a process of historical revision from several perspectives (military, social, and political) and simultaneously a fictionalization in the guise of personal narratives or accounts in which the concern for historical accuracy varies greatly. More than two hundred years after the momentous events in Portugal, which played such an important part in determining the future of Europe, it would seem an opportune moment to contribute to the rediscovery of a series of fictional texts inspired by the conflict, many of which have fallen into an unjustified oblivion. This article focuses on Portuguese and British historical novels and the more significant aspects of the fictional representations of Anglo-Portuguese relations during the War.
23
Pires de Almeida, Maria Antónia, et Julio Ponce Alberca. « Comparing local transitions in Southern Europe : center-periphery relations and governors in the South of Spain and Portugal, 1970-1980 ». Análise Social LV, no 2 (30 juin 2020) : 222–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31447/as00032573.2020235.01.
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Pirro, Andrea LP, Paul Taggart et Stijn van Kessel. « The populist politics of Euroscepticism in times of crisis : Comparative conclusions ». Politics 38, no 3 (4 juillet 2018) : 378–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718784704.
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This article offers comparative findings of the nature of populist Euroscepticism in political parties in contemporary Europe in the face of the Great Recession, migrant crisis, and Brexit. Drawing on case studies included in the Special Issue on France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom, the article presents summary cross-national data on the positions of parties, the relative importance of the crisis, the framing of Euroscepticism, and the impact of Euroscepticism in different country cases. We use this data to conclude that there are important differences between left- and right-wing variants of populist Euroscepticism, and that although there is diversity across the cases, there is an overall picture of resilience against populist Euroscepticism.
25
Brazys, Samuel, et Aidan Regan. « The Politics of Capitalist Diversity in Europe : Explaining Ireland’s Divergent Recovery from the Euro Crisis ». Perspectives on Politics 15, no 2 (juin 2017) : 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000093.
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The 2008 financial crisis hit few places harder than the Euro periphery. Faced with high levels of public debt, Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece, and Spain were each compelled to implement harsh austerity reforms. Yet despite this common policy response, the recoveries have shown significantdivergence.In particular, Ireland seems to have managed to succeed economically in a way that the other peripheral countries have not. The prevailing narrative is that Ireland’s recovery from the crisis is due to “austerity” and improved “cost competitiveness.” Drawing upon theories from the study of comparative capitalism we challenge this narrative, and argue that the Irish recovery is an outcome of a state-ledenterprise policyaimed at nurturing a close relationship with corporate firms from Silicon Valley. Using qualitative and quantitative investigation we find evidence that this state-led FDI growth model, rather than austerity induced competitiveness, kick-started Ireland’s recovery from crisis. As Ireland is a critical case for the “success” story of austerity in Europe, our findings represent a significant challenge to the politics of adjustment. It suggests the strategies of business-state elites, and not simply the workings of electoral coalitions, explains the politics of adjustment in advanced capitalism.
26
Mitchell, Colin Paul. « Shāh ‘Abbās, the English East India Company and the Cannoneers of Fārs ». Itinerario 24, no 2 (juillet 2000) : 104–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013048.
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To nineteenth and early twentieth-century scholarship, the early modern expansion of powers like Spain, Portugal, England and Holland, was a necessary preliminary step towards Europe's ultimate domination of the Asian and African continents. Moreover, the relative ease with which colonial powers manhandled regions like North Africa and the Indo-Pak subcontinent suggested that their early modern ‘pioneering’ counterparts must have shared similar experiences. While some historians highlighted superior business concepts (joint-stock companies, profit-sharing) or superior shipbuilding and navigation techniques as the means with which trading powers like the Estado da India and the English East India Company penetrated and overwhelmed Indian Ocean commerce, other scholars boiled it down to the European affinity for using ‘men-of-war, gun, and shot’. The critical underlying assumption of any of these teleological explanations s i that ‘encountered’ cultures were unable to adequately respond to European technology, of course hinting at some deeper and more profound deficiency. Scholarship in recent decades has shorn such confidence and begun to scrutinise this seedling period of interaction between Europe and non-Europe, suggesting that the initial playing ground between ‘encounterer’ and ‘encountered’ was perhaps more level than previously portrayed.
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Mitchell, Colin Paul. « Shāh ‘Abbās, the English East India Company and the Cannoneers of Fārs ». Itinerario 24, no 2 (juillet 2000) : 104–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300044521.
Texte intégralRésumé :
To nineteenth and early twentieth-century scholarship, the early modern expansion of powers like Spain, Portugal, England and Holland, was a necessary preliminary step towards Europe's ultimate domination of the Asian and African continents. Moreover, the relative ease with which colonial powers manhandled regions like North Africa and the Indo-Pak subcontinent suggested that their early modern ‘pioneering’ counterparts must have shared similar experiences. While some historians highlighted superior business concepts (joint-stock companies, profit-sharing) or superior shipbuilding and navigation techniques as the means with which trading powers like the Estado da India and the English East India Company penetrated and overwhelmed Indian Ocean commerce, other scholars boiled it down to the European affinity for using ‘men-of-war, gun, and shot’. The critical underlying assumption of any of these teleological explanations s i that ‘encountered’ cultures were unable to adequately respond to European technology, of course hinting at some deeper and more profound deficiency. Scholarship in recent decades has shorn such confidence and begun to scrutinise this seedling period of interaction between Europe and non-Europe, suggesting that the initial playing ground between ‘encounterer’ and ‘encountered’ was perhaps more level than previously portrayed.
28
Žufková, Viera, Ján Klimas, Ján Kyselovič, Michal Vivoda et Marián Šuráb. « ETHICS IN CLINICAL RESEARCH : IS ETHICS INVOLVED INTO THE PHARMACY STUDIES IN EUROPE ? » CBU International Conference Proceedings 1 (30 juin 2013) : 347–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v1.56.
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One of the key questions in medicine nowadays is the ethics and its maximum involvement into medical profession. The absence of ethics is very notable in public and professional relations. In spite of the fact that the pharmacy profession was separated from the medical profession in the 13th century by the emperor Frederic II, the ethics is involved into pharmacy study in minimum amount. In the article there is presented the ethics inclusion into pharmacy study in 31 Universities of the European Union (EU). The method of our research was the analysis of 31 WebPages of Faculties of Pharmacy in the EU. The ethics is taught in the 45% study programmes. It is mostly a part of syllabus of master programme (Czech Republic, Estonia and Portugal) or bachelor programme (Slovakia). We have not managed to find a full study plan in 13% of study plans. As the ethics remains the crucial part of the pharmacy profession, there is a great importance of its involvement into the pharmacy study. The Code of Conduct for Pharmacy students with its seven principles shall be a part of ethical preparation of future pharmacists in Europe.
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Mackillop, Andrew. « Accessing Empire : Scotland, Europe, Britain, and the Asia Trade, 1695–c. 1750 ». Itinerario 29, no 3 (novembre 2005) : 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010457.
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The close, reciprocal relationship between overseas expansion and domestic state formation in early modern Western Europe has long been understood. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Portugal, the Netherlands, and England used the resources arising from their Atlantic colonies and Asia trades to defend themselves against their respective Spanish and French enemies. Creating and sustaining a territorial or trading empire, therefore, enabled polities not only to survive but also to enhance their standing with-i n the hierarchy of European states. The proposition that success overseas facilitated state development at home points however to the opposite logic, that where kingdoms failed as colonial powers they might well suffer from inhibited state formation. Indeed, if the example of England demonstrated how empire augmented a kingdom's power, then the experience of its neigh-bour, Scotland, seemed to reveal one possible outcome for a country unable to access colonial expansion. In 1707 Scotland negotiated away its political sovereignty and entered into an incorporating union with England. The new British framework enabled the Scots to access English markets (both domestic and colonial) previously closed to them. This does not mean that the 1707 union was simply an exchange of Scottish sovereignty for involvement in England's economy. Pressing political concerns, not least the Hanoverian succession played an equal if not more important role in the making of the British union. The question of political causation notwithstanding, the prevailing historiography of 1707 still places Scotland in a dichotomous framework of declining continental markets on the one hand and the lure of more expansive trade with England' domestic and overseas outlets on the other.
30
Adam, Berit, Isabel Brusca, Eugenio Caperchione, Jens Heiling, Susana Margarida F. Jorge et Francesca Manes Rossi. « Are higher education institutions in Europe preparing students for IPSAS ? » International Journal of Public Sector Management 33, no 2/3 (24 juillet 2019) : 363–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-12-2018-0270.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze whether higher education institutions (HEIs) in EU Member States are aware of the relevance of the ongoing reforms in public sector accounting (PSA) and the need to prepare their students to become expert professionals in that area. It particularly assesses whether these organizations currently provide, or will provide in the near future, education on International Public Sector Accounting Standard (IPSAS)/EPSAS, so that a sufficient number of graduates will be ready to match the foreseeable demand for experts in IPSAS/EPSAS. Design/methodology/approach Adopting a purposive sample, the paper compares the situation in four EU countries (Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain). Data have been obtained through a questionnaire provided to selected professors in relevant HEIs in the selected countries. Findings HEIs are giving only limited room to PSA and financial management, with differences in terms of program offerings and coverage of topics among the four countries. Furthermore, in most cases, the programs are adapted to the national budgetary and accounting standards and courses are seldom focused on the IPSASs. Originality/value The paper contributes to the literature on PSA harmonization, through an innovative analysis of PSA and financial management teaching, both at national and international levels.
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Zanfrini, Laura. « How Europe can Benefit from Immigration-Related “Diversity” – a Policy Paper ». Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 22, no 3 (1 août 2016) : 295–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2016-0021.
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AbstractThis article is based on a selection of the findings and insights emerging from “DIVERSE,” diversity improvement as a viable enrichment resource for society and economy, a research-project realized with the aim of contributing to “reinvent” the European migrants’ integration model, in order to sustain both the positive interethnic coexistence and the long-term development of European societies. Implemented from January 2014 to June 2015 in 10 EU countries – Estonia, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden –, characterized by very different migration experiences, the project had identified three major levers to maximize migrants’ potential contribution: (1) enhancing the recognition of migrants’ skills, knowledge and competences (here after: SKC); (2) promoting the awareness of the advantages provided by the implementation of diversity management (here after DM) practices; (3) improving migrants’ civic and voluntary involvement. After a presentation of the theoretical premises on which the project was based (Sections 1–2) and the description of the project activities (Section 3), the article will focus on both the major impacts and the critical insights emerged in relation of each lever (Section 4); finally, it will develop some policy implications in order to make these levers crucial components of a wider strategy aimed at benefiting from immigration-related “diversity,” reinforcing both the economic competitiveness and the social cohesion of European society (Section 5).
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Kuklin, O. V., R. F. Pustoviit et M. Y. Kryvoruchko. « The European Integration Challenges of Ukraine ». Business Inform 10, no 513 (2020) : 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-4459-2020-10-14-21.
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The article is concerned with an analysis of Ukraine’s European integration challenges, which are considered from the position of the effectiveness of foreign trade, as well as in light of the institutional challenges of the European integration course. According to the results of research, both the dynamics and the structure of Ukraine’s foreign trade relations with the EU Member States, the CIS and Asia countries are analyzed. It is defined that the focus on the European Union market prevented domestic exporters from reaching the pre-crisis levels of 2013. The resource nature of the national exports to the EU is underlined. The high level of interdependence in the sphere of foreign trade relations with former partners of Ukraine in the CIS – the Russian Federation and Belarus, especially in the field of imports of fuel and energy resources, and export of nuclear reactors, boilers, machines, railway locomotives, products of inorganic chemistry, is emphasized. It is determined that Ukraine’s implementation of the Ukraine-EU Association Agreement is at a low level of 43%. The authors characterize the main tendencies in Europe as to the quality of life of the population on the basis of two indicators - the proportion of households that barely make ends meet (Bulgaria, Greece, Croatia, Cyprus, Portugal, Romania), and have unsatisfactory living conditions (Cyprus, Latvia, Hungary, Portugal, Slovenia) - the values of which are much higher compared to the average level in the EU. The general conclusion on the ambiguity of the issue of the effectiveness of the national economy’s orientedness toward the market of the European Union has been drawn. The need to take into account the multi-vector nature of the modern globalized world in the process of researching the impact of European integration on the economic development of Ukraine is reasoned.
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Bulfone, Fabio, et Alexandre Afonso. « Business Against Markets : Employer Resistance to Collective Bargaining Liberalization During the Eurozone Crisis ». Comparative Political Studies 53, no 5 (6 octobre 2019) : 809–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019879963.
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Employer organizations have been presented as strong promoters of the liberalization of industrial relations in Europe. This article, in contrast, argues that the preferences of employers vis-à-vis liberalization are heterogeneous and documents how employer organizations in Spain, Italy, and Portugal have resisted state-led reforms to liberalize collective bargaining during the Euro crisis. It shows that the dominance of small firms in the economies of these countries make employer organizations supportive of selective aspects of sectoral bargaining and state regulation. Encompassing sectoral bargaining is important for small firms for three reasons: it limits industrial conflict, reduces transaction costs related to wage-bargaining, and ensures that member firms are not undercut by rivals offering lower wages and employment conditions. Furthermore, the maintenance of sectoral bargaining and its extension to whole sectors by the state is a matter of survival for employer organizations. The article presents rationales for employer opposition to liberalization that differ from the varieties of capitalism approach.
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Cabral, Inês, et Thomas Swerts. « Governing Precarious Immigrant Workers in Rural Localities : Emerging Local Migration Regimes in Portugal ». Politics and Governance 9, no 4 (28 octobre 2021) : 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i4.4506.
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Over the last decades, the globalization of the food and agriculture sector has fueled international labor migration to rural areas in Southern Europe. Portugal is no exception to this trend, as the intensification of foreign investment in agriculture combined with a declining and ageing workforce created a demand for flexible immigrant labor. The Eastern European and Asian immigrant workers who answered the industry’s call were confronted with poor working conditions and lacking access to public services. In this article, we zoom in on the governance challenge that the presence of precarious immigrant workers (PIWs) poses to rural municipalities in the south of Portugal. The burgeoning literature on local integration policies mainly focuses on how cities deal with the challenge posed by international labor migration. This article draws on a detailed case study of the municipality of Odemira to argue that more attention needs to be paid to emerging local migration regimes in non-urban localities. By adopting a regime-theoretical approach, we study how power relations between the local government, civil society, and the private sector play out around the question of immigrant reception. Our study suggests that immigration policies in rural localities are increasingly being developed through cooperation and coproduction between public and private actors. First, we demonstrate how the presence of PIWs is perceived as a policy “problem” by each actor. Second, we outline how a governing coalition formed around the shared concern to improve arrival infrastructures, stimulate integration, mediate socio-cultural impact, and accommodate business interests. We conclude by critically questioning the impact that emerging local migration regimes have on the rights and social position of PIWs in rural contexts.
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W. Rand, Smith. « “A New Century of Corporatism?” : Corporatism in Southern Europe—Spain and Portugal in Comparative Perspective. By Sebastian Royo. Westport, CT : Praeger Publishers, 2002. 336p. $74.95 ». Perspective on Politics 1, no 02 (juin 2003) : 439–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592703870329.
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Jorge, Ana. « Reconnecting the Late Neolithic Social Landscape : A Micro-Regional Study of Objects, Settlements and Tombs from Iberia ». European Journal of Archaeology 17, no 3 (2014) : 434–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957114y.0000000060.
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The contrast between monumentalized burials and almost invisible settlements has dominated Neolithic studies in western Europe, reinforcing an artificial divide between ceremonial and economically productive landscapes. By combining a material culture approach with a landscape scale, comparative artefact studies can trace connections between people, places, and social contexts. This paper investigates social networks in Late Neolithic Portugal by examining artefact provenance, biographies, and deposition on the Mondego Plateau. It focuses on three sites and four object categories characteristic of this period. The study reveals great diversity of raw materials, circulation of everyday objects, and regional availability of resources previously thought to be imports. It suggests that people used dispersed resource areas in an integrated way, and that exchange was an integral part of routine life. Evidence for links across the region is not restricted to tombs. Burial assemblages resulted from a complex web of social relations that preceded, accompanied, and followed the actions surrounding death. Understanding these places and fundamental questions about Neolithic social production and reproduction requires reconnecting tombs and settlements into wider lived landscapes.
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Solana, Ana Crespo. « Reflections on Monopolies and Free Trade at the End of the Eighteenth Century : A Tobacco Trading Company between Puerto Rico and Amsterdam in 1784 ». Itinerario 29, no 2 (juillet 2005) : 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300023639.
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Even after the passing of the ‘Free Trade’ acts in Europe and America between 1765 and 1803, colonisation still meant trade for European mercantile and maritime powers which were beginning to think of themselves as liberal in the politico-economic sense. As before, the only suitable way of obtaining profits appeared to be economic exploitation, albeit within a politico-institutional structure. This ideal had inspired the inflexible system that had dominated the relations of both Spain and Portugal with their respective transatlantic colonies. Likewise, ever since their first incursions into the New World, northern Europeans had encouraged the creation of commercial companies dedicated to monopolising any of the goods that colonies might possibly have to offer. Dutch, English and French merchants developed farreaching private and state programmes designed to direct trade and colonisation and to encourage the populating of the new lands. During the seventeenth century, some of these companies achieved considerable success. They were able to settle, with or without permission from the Spanish monarchy, in territories formally under Spanish control, such as Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo, coastal Venezuela or Guiana, regarded as areas eminently suited to business projects.
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Gómez-Reino Cachafeiro, Margarita, et Carolina Plaza-Colodro. « Populist Euroscepticism in Iberian party systems ». Politics 38, no 3 (28 mars 2018) : 344–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718762667.
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As the introduction to this special issue highlights, the Great Recession, along with the more recent phenomenon such as the refugees’ crisis and the Brexit referendum, has contributed to the success and strengthening of populist Eurosceptic parties across European party systems. The loss of legitimacy of governments and European institutions has opened a window of opportunity for parties expressing anti-establishment positions and populist orientations and criticizing the political-economic arrangements prevailing in Europe. Our study focuses on the rise of a specific left-wing populist Euroscepticism linked with the impact of the Great Recession and austerity measures in Portugal and Spain and the party system transformations. Thus, economic issues, bailouts, and, above all, anti-austerity measures were the main driving forces behind the transformations of Iberian party systems. The increase in populist reactions in both countries after the economic crisis and the implementation of austerity had to do with the transformation of the radical left emphasizing distributive issues in Eurosceptic populist directions. Finally, the analysis shows the distinctiveness of the populist Euroscepticism of the new challenger, Podemos, which illustrates the opportunities afforded with the economic crisis for the rise of new challenger parties exhibiting the contemporary link between populism and Euroscepticism in the radical left.
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Pollack, Benny. « Transitions from dictatorship to democracy : comparative studies of Spain, Portugal, and Greece and Securing democracy : political parties and democratic consolidation in Southern Europe ». International Affairs 67, no 4 (octobre 1991) : 808–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622509.
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Soyer, François. « Manuel I of Portugal and the End of the Toleration of Islam in Castile : Marriage Diplomacy, Propaganda, and Portuguese Imperialism in Renaissance Europe, 1495-1505 ». Journal of Early Modern History 18, no 4 (4 juin 2014) : 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342416.
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In 1505, King Manuel I of Portugal (1495-1521) ordered the public printing of a letter officially addressed to Pope Julius II. In the letter, the Portuguese King defended his role as a champion of Christendom and scourge of Islam in the Indian Ocean. The most remarkable claim made by Manuel in this letter was that he was directly involved in persuading the Catholic monarchs of Spain Isabel of Castile and Fernando of Aragón to put an end to the toleration of Islam in Castile in 1501. This article focuses on this claim and whether or not it can merely be dismissed as the rhetoric of bombastic propaganda. It analyzes Luso-Spanish relations between 1495 and 1505 and highlights documentary evidence proving that Manuel did indeed put pressure on his Spanish neighbors to abolish the toleration of Islam during the tortuous negotiations surrounding his marriage to the Spanish princess Maria in 1501. Beyond assessing the historical significance of the letter, this article highlights the intricate connections between Portuguese imperial geopolitics and Iberian dynastic politics during this crucial period in the history of both the Spanish and Portuguese monarchies.
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Toshevska-Trpchevska, Katerina, Elena Makrevska Disoska, Dragan Tevdovski et Viktor Stojkoski. « The Impact of a Crisis on the Innovation Systems in Europe : Evidence from the CIS10 Innovation Survey ». European Review 27, no 4 (1 juillet 2019) : 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798719000218.
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The varieties of the national innovation systems among European countries are reflected in the large differences, discrepancies and sometimes unexpected results in the innovation processes and their influence on labor productivity growth. The goal of this paper is to find the differences between the drivers of the innovation systems and their influence on growth of productivity between two groups of countries with different institutional settings in the period of the financial and economic crisis in Europe. The first group consists of a selection of CEE (Central and East European) countries. The second group consists of Germany, Norway, Spain and Portugal. In order to measure the role of innovation on productivity growth we use the CDM (Crépon, Duguet and Mairesse) model of simultaneous equations. The model directly links R&D engagement and intensity to innovation outcomes measured either as process or product innovation, and then estimates the effectiveness of the innovative effort leading to productivity gains. The company-level dataset is drawn from the Community Innovation Survey (CIS10). There is one common result for the two groups, that in general the probability for a typical firm to engage in innovation increases with its size. The other factors influencing the decision process differ. A firm’s productivity increases significantly with innovation output, but only with firms operating in Western Europe. The results for firms in Central and Eastern Europe indicate that these countries’ national innovation systems are vulnerable, and in periods of crises higher level of innovation output leads to lower labor productivity. Therefore, systemic faults in the national innovation systems result in their unsustainability, especially visible in periods of crises, as was the case in 2008–2010. When it comes to Western European countries, the financial and economic crisis did not have negative effects on their innovation systems as innovation activity resulted in higher levels of labor productivity. Regarding the CEE group of countries, the crisis influenced both the innovation process and labor productivity as a whole negatively.
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Mendes, Rita I. L., Luís Gomes et Patrícia Ramos. « Financial Contagion from the Subprime Crisis : A Copula Approach ». Scientific Annals of Economics and Business 69, no 4 (19 décembre 2022) : 501–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/saeb-2022-0031.
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The magnitude of the subprime crisis effects caused recessions in several economies, giving rise to the global financial crisis. The scale of this major shock and the different recovery profiles of European economies motivated this paper. The main objective is to look for evidence of contagion between the North American financial market (S&P500) and the financial markets of Portugal (PSI20), Spain (IBEX35), Greece (ATHEX) and Italy (FTSEMIB), in the South of Europe, and the financial markets of Sweden (OMXS30), Denmark (OMX2C0), Finland (OMXH25) and Norway (OsloOBX), in the North of Europe. Considering the period from January 1, 2003 to December 31, 2013, the ARMA-GARCH models were estimated to remove the autoregressive and conditional heteroscedastic effects from the time series of the daily returns. Then, the copula models were used to estimate the dependence relationships between the European stock indexes and the North American stock index, from the pre-crisis subperiod to the crisis subperiod. The results indicate financial contagion of the subprime crisis for all analyzed European countries. The North European markets intensified the relations of financial integration (both in negative and positive shocks) with the North American market, apart from the Danish against the Portuguese. In addition to the contribution made by the joint application of the ARMA-GARCH models, the findings are useful to identify channels of financial contagion between markets and to warn about the effects of possible new crisis, which will require different levels of adaptation by the companies’ financial managers and intervention by the authorities.
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Mota Veiga, Pedro, Ronnie Figueiredo, João J. M. Ferreira et Filipe Ambrósio. « The spinner innovation model : understanding the knowledge creation, knowledge transfer and innovation process in SMEs ». Business Process Management Journal 27, no 2 (22 janvier 2021) : 590–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/bpmj-07-2020-0333.
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PurposeThe objective of this article is to empirically study the influence of the characteristics of small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the processes of knowledge creation, knowledge transfer and innovation in conjunction with the utilisation of private and public knowledge (KM) in accordance with the “spinner innovation model” (SIM).Design/methodology/approachThe article deploys a sample of primary data generated by a questionnaire applied to the managers of hotel SMEs in Portugal. This involved the application of the covariance and multiple regression analytical methods.FindingsThe results demonstrate that some of the SME characteristics return significant impacts on private and public KM: the processes of knowledge creation, transfers of knowledge and innovation. The results also identify how private KM statistically predicts the processes of knowledge creation and transfer and innovation while public KM shapes and influences the creation of knowledge.Research limitations/implicationsAs with any other such study, the key limitation stems from the sample made up of 82 hotel directors, which represents only a low rate of response even though the project deployed all of the procedures available to avoid such an outcome.Practical implicationsThe SIM approach to the innovation process may assist strategic decision-makers to improve their tools and relations, avoid repeated working overlaps in existing processes as well as enabling more competitive approaches in terms of innovation.Social implicationsFurthermore, the responses ascertained reflect only the universe of study, conditioned by the context that produced them; hence, any generalisation of the results requires due caution.Originality/valueThis is the first study to empirically analyse the influence of the characteristics of SMEs over the processes of creating and transferring knowledge and innovation based upon applying the SIM and observing the extent of public and private knowledge in the hotel sector of Europe, more specifically, Portugal.
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Oneal, John R. « The theory of collective action and burden sharing in NATO ». International Organization 44, no 3 (1990) : 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300035335.
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Mancur Olson's theory of collective action could account for much of the variance in the defense burdens of the allied nations of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the early years of the Cold War, but the association between economic size (gross domestic product, or GDP) and defense burden (the ratio of military expenditures to GDP) has declined to insignificant levels. Two influences are shown to be important in producing this change: the increased pursuit of private goods by Greece, Turkey, and Portugal and the growing cooperation among the other European allies. Since cooperation in the military realm has not provided the Europeans with credible means of self-defense, it appears to be a consequence of the general growth of interdependence in Europe during the postwar period. NATO is still essentially a uniquely privileged group producing a relatively pure public good. Accordingly, the theory of collective action continues to provide valuable insights into the operation of the alliance.
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Riy, Grygoriy. « Approaches of Southern European countries in supporting Ukraine after the full-scale Russian invasion ». European Historical Studies, no 22 (2022) : 104–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.7.
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The article is devoted to reviewing the government’s response of Southern European countries (Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece) to the full-scale invasion of Russia in Ukraine on 24 February 2022, which is based on the analysis of the researches, analytical papers, and official reports of the state authorities and mass media. Coverage of this topic is explained by the necessity of the full exploration of the Sothern European governments’ key approaches in supporting Ukraine in the struggle with the Russian army, as well as, discovering some new perspectives, using the comparative and transnational methodology. It is defined the term “Southern Europe”, and also outlined the main historiographical interpretations of the countries of the region. Preference is given to a pragmatic approach for characterising the countries of Southern Europe. The central studies of Ukrainian-Italian, Ukrainian-Spanish, Ukrainian-Portuguese and Ukrainian-Greek relations, official reports and mass media used in the study are analysed. It also analyses and compares the changing Southern European governments’ attitudes towards their supporting Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity, the illegal annexation of Crimea, and the beginning of war in Donbas in 2014, with the united international response after the full-scale Russian invasion on 24 February 2022. In general, the governments of Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece changed completely their policy of supporting or non-supporting Ukraine in the war. If after 2014 they tried to be pragmatic in the question of cutting ties with the Russian Federation in their foreign policy activity, then after the full-scale invasion in 2022 they strongly condemned Putin’s regime and agreed to provide assistance to Ukraine to the extent of their military and financial capabilities. The study found that the assistance of Southern European countries has been provided on the Atlantic (through NATO) and European (through EU) levels, as well as national. Defence ministers of the governments of Southern Europe are among the members of the “Ramstein” meetings, where the provision of military aid to Ukraine is coordinated. The countries of the region have so far given priority to humanitarian, financial aid and lethal weapons assistance (but not heavy ones), and have also accepted a large number of Ukrainian refugees. The assistance provided at each of the levels is illustrated by specific examples. Otherwise, Russian influence on domestic policy, national populistic parties and single members of the government or parliament is still strong. For instance, the Italian governmental crisis that happened in the mid-summer was the result of the unpopular and strong position of the prime minister Mario Draghi in his unwavering support of Ukraine. The countries of the region also see the Russian-Ukrainian war as an opportunity for them to strengthen their influence in the Mediterranean.
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Schanda, Balázs. « Church and State In the New Member Countries of the European Union ». Ecclesiastical Law Journal 8, no 37 (juillet 2005) : 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00006244.
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In May 2004 eight former communist Central and Eastern European countries joined the European Union. Written constitutions in the region now contain guarantees on freedom of religion together with fundamental statements on Church-State relations. Since the fall of communism a net of bilateral agreements has been negotiated with the Holy See. Of the established members of the EU only Austria, Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain had concordats whilst France and Luxembourg were partly bound by such treaties. Amongst the new member states only the predominantly Orthodox Cyorus has no contractual relationship with the Vatican. A pragmatic reason for this may be that the new members went through a very rapid leagal transition marked by considerable uncertainties after the fall of communism. The Catholic Church did not seek privileges with the agrements, but rather legal certainty. The stadards of religious with the agreements, but rather legal certainty. The standards of religious freedom in the new member states are generally good compared with the resrt of Europe. None of the new member states adopted a state church model, and none of them followed a rigid separation model either. Most new member states to be particularly valued by those who experienced forced secularism during communist rule.
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Kooijmans, P. H. « Inter-State Dispute Settlement in the Field of Human Rights ». Leiden Journal of International Law 3, no 3 (décembre 1990) : 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650000220x.
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Inter-state disputes on human rights issues have been a far from exceptional phenomenon. During the Cold War the human rights question deeply divided the countries belonging to the Western and the communist blocs. Relations between developed and developing countries quite often have been heavily strained by controversies on human rights. But even within a group of countries belonging to an alliance or a homogeneous regional organization, human rights issues from time to time have been the cause of serious difficulties; e.g., the human rights record of Greece and Portugal within NATO and that of Greece and Turkey within the Council of Europe. Hardly ever have such disputes been subjected to third party dispute settlement machinery, even if such machinery was available. Most human rights treaties have a so-called procedure for state complaints, although in most cases acceptance of such a procedure is optional for the state parties. Only under two treaties, the European Convention on Human Rights and the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, it is mandatory for any state party against which a complaint by another state party is made, to submit itself to such a procedure. In most cases the procedures are of a fact-finding and mediatory character.Again, only under two (regional) treaties, the European and the American Convention on Human Rights, the initiating of such a procedure may lead to a binding decision.
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Senyuk, Ninel, et Ivan Terukov. « "SILK ROAD" AND CHINESE DIRECT INVESTMENT IN HIGH-TECH INDUSTRIES OF THE EU ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 1 (2021) : 154–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.01.07.
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This article presents a study of the dynamics of the distribution of Chinese direct investment in high-tech industries within the EU. The influence of Chinese FDI on the EU regulatory policy and the specifics of bilateral relations between the PRC and the EU member states in the field of high technologies were also studied. Based on data from the China Global Investment Tracker, the article analyzes the dynamics of Chinese investment flows to the EU from 2005 to 2019 and the distribution of Chinese investments by the EU member states and sectors of national economies before and after the implementation of China’s Belt and Road global initiative. Using a structured semi-formalized online survey of employees of high-tech companies located in the EU, the paper describes the specifics of cooperation with Chinese investors, the personal attitude of survey participants to the growth of Chinese investment capital in the EU and the respondents’ opinion on the prospects for the development of investment relations between the EU and the PRC. Based on the results of the empirical analysis, the following conclusions were drawn: China seeks to increase the export of capital to the EU, especially in the high-tech and infrastructure sectors. The EU’s strategic response is to develop common regulatory rules. However, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe are interested in increasing Chinese investment inflows much more than their western neighbors, and this fact increases the spread of opinions within the integration union. In addition, the implementation of the Belt and Road program has strengthened the positions of such southern European states as Italy, Greece, Portugal, as global information technology and infrastructure hubs within the framework of China-EU investment relations. At the same time, the consequences of Brexit, the global pandemic and the growth of protectionist sentiments of the EU leadership towards Chinese FDI will certainly have a negative impact on the volume of investment flows from China to the EU in the short term.
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Nogler, Luca. « Rethinking the Lawrie-Blum Doctrine of Subordination : A Critical Analysis Prompted by Recent Developments in Italian Employment Law ». International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 1 (1 mars 2010) : 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010006.
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This paper takes as its starting point the European Court of Justice (ECJ) case law dealing with the concept of ‘worker’ for the purposes of Article 39 of the EC Treaty (free movement of persons). In particular, the leading case, Lawrie-Blum v. Land Baden-Württemberg, provides the classic definition of worker, based on the criterion of the ‘performance of services for and under the direction of another person’, in short ‘subordination’, a concept that appears to have no parallel in English labour and employment law. It is argued that a general, standard EU-law notion of employed persons or workers, based on the concept of subordination, is lacking. The paper examines the connections between para-subordinate workers in Italy and employee-like persons in Germany (Arbeitnehmerähnliche Personen), with comparable workers in the UK, para-subordinate workers in France, Portugal and Spain and dependent contractors in Sweden, in support of the view that everywhere in Europe there is a sort of middle category. In the UK it is a statutory category including both employees and certain self-employed workers, whereas in Germany, Italy and France the middle category consists of self-employed workers and replaces personal subordination with a test based on the economic dependence of the worker on the enterprise. To conclude, the author puts forward the view that Lawrie-Blum is an insufficient basis for the notions used in EU-law dealing with self-employed persons, contracts of employment and salaried workers.
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KERTZER, DAVID I., et WENDY SIGLE. « The marriage of female foundlings in nineteenth-century Italy ». Continuity and Change 13, no 2 (août 1998) : 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416098003130.
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The large-scale abandonment of infants in the European past has attracted a great deal of scholarly attention in recent years. Its staggering dimensions in many countries of Europe, as recently as the nineteenth century, have prompted some uncomfortable rethinking about family life and parent–child (and especially mother–child) relations in the past. Studies of abandonment have contributed to our understanding not only of gender ideology and gender relations, but also of the roles played by state and Church in regulating sexuality and family life.Yet research on abandoned children to date has had a limited focus. The great bulk of the literature looks at the process of abandonment itself, the terrifyingly high mortality of the foundlings in infancy, and the process by which foundling homes placed their wards in rural foster homes. Perhaps because of the notoriously high mortality of the abandoned babies – though also no doubt due to the greater difficulty of generating suitable data from the archives – little attention has been paid to those foundlings who survived childhood. Typical is the admission found in the major study of foundling homes in Portugal: ‘The fate of the few foundlings who reached adulthood is unknown.’Yet through the nineteenth century – which provides our focus here – large numbers of foundlings did reach adulthood, and a variety of public authorities were very much concerned about just what kinds of adults they became. Even in determining the placement of infants with wetnurses, foundling home authorities considered the long-term implications for their future as adults. The widespread aversion to placing abandoned infants with wetnurses in the cities was linked to both a belief that the city was corrupt and was likely to produce less wholesome adults than a rural upbringing and to a concern that concentrating a large number of propertyless, family-less foundlings in the city might well create an adult population that would pose a threat to public order.