Articles de revues : « Europe – History – 1848 »

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Nørgaard, Anne Engelst. « Times of Democracy ». Contributions to the History of Concepts 14, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2019) : 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2019.140202.

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Democracy became a popular and highly contested concept in the Danish-speaking parts of the Danish monarchy in 1848. For a brief time, it went from being an occasional guest in political language to a popular concept in the constitutional struggle of 1848–1849. This article argues democracy became attached to an equally popular concept of the time, movement, when introduced into everyday political communication in Denmark. In this context, democracy became a name for the movement observed in Europe and in the Danish monarchy. The article identifies three main interpretations of democracy that occurred in the Danish constitutional struggle of 1848–1849 and argues the battle over the constitution was essentially a battle over how one interpreted the past, the present, and the future. Democracy became a key term in this battle in 1848 Denmark.

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Chadwick, Owen. « Secularisation in Western Europe, 1848–1914, Hugh McLeod ». English Historical Review 116, n^o 465 (février 2001) : 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/116.465.254.

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Chadwick, O. « Secularisation in Western Europe, 1848-1914, Hugh McLeod ». English Historical Review 116, n^o 465 (1 février 2001) : 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/116.465.254.

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Taylor, Miles. « Hugh McLEOD, Secularisation in Western Europe, 1848-1914 ». Revue d'histoire du XIXe siècle, n^o 24 (1 juin 2002) : 207–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rh19.398.

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Petler, D. N. « Ireland and France in 1848 ». Irish Historical Studies 24, n^o 96 (novembre 1985) : 493–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034489.

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It has long been recognised that the French revolution of 1848 had a profound effect on the rest of Europe. The overthrow of the Orleans monarchy and the establishment of the second republic were seen as heralding the dawn of a new age. Established governments, most of which had recognised that the Continent was approaching a period of crisis, anxiously expected the spread of the revolutionary contagion and the outbreak of a major European war, whilst the discontented elements found encouragement and inspiration from the events in Paris. In Great Britain the reaction to the events across the English Channel reflected this trend. This is the beginning', noted one member of the cabinet, recalling 1792; who will live to see the end?' The Chartists were jubilant, declaring that the time was now ripe to achieve their demands.

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Waling, Geerten, et Niels Ottenheim. « Waarom Nederland in 1848 geen revolutie kende ». Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 133, n^o 1 (1 juin 2020) : 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2020.1.002.wali.

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Abstract Why the Netherlands did not witness a revolution in 1848In 1848, a wave of democratic revolutions struck most of Europe, but not the Netherlands. Historians have provided only partial explanations from a range of perspectives, such as socio-economic, socio-political, and institutional. We argue that none of these are fully tenable or satisfactory by comparing the Dutch situation with countries that did experience revolutions in 1848. Also, we add a cultural perspective by studying the role of the Dutch consensus culture. After tracing its roots, we identify its key characteristics and use these as a prism to interpret several governmental sources, brochures, and newspaper articles. On this basis, we argue that it is likely that the consensus culture strongly contributed to the stability of Dutch society during the European revolutionary months of 1848. Without wanting to present this perspective as the definitive explanation, we claim that (political) culture as such deserves more attention in studies to the Netherlands during 1848.

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Zimmerman, Judith, et Bruno Naarden. « Socialist Europe and Revolutionary Russia : Perception and Prejudice 1848- 1923. » American Historical Review 99, n^o 5 (décembre 1994) : 1681. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168446.

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Smeyers, Kristof, et Leonardo Rossi. « Tyrolean stigmata in England : the cross-cultural voyage of the Catholic supernatural, 1841–1848 ». British Catholic History 34, n^o 04 (octobre 2019) : 619–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2019.22.

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This article considers the transcultural dynamic between English Catholicism and mainland Europe in the early 1840s through the lens of the reception of two famous Tyrolean women bearing the stigmata. After the publication of the account of their supernatural qualities by John Talbot, sixteenth Earl of Shrewsbury, Waterford, and Wexford they became the controversial subject of the heated debates on the nature of English and universal Catholicism, and by extension on the nature of religiosity at large. This article argues that adopting a transnational approach to the study of supernatural phenomena within Catholicism in the 1830s and 1840s allows us to look beyond the history of institutions and key figures in the polemic, and to shed light on more nuanced religious and devotional interactions between the British Isles and the Continent. As such this article also argues for the inclusion of supernatural phenomena in the transnational history of English Catholicism.

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Aliprantis, Christos. « Transnational Policing after the 1848–1849 Revolutions : The Habsburg Empire in the Mediterranean ». European History Quarterly 50, n^o 3 (juillet 2020) : 412–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420932489.

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This article investigates the policing measures of the Habsburg Empire against the exiled defeated revolutionaries in the Mediterranean after the 1848–1849 revolutions. The examination of this counter-revolutionary policy reveals the pioneering role Austria played in international policing. It shows, in particular, that Vienna invested more heavily in policing in the Mediterranean after 1848 than it did in other regions, such as Western Europe, due to the multitude of ‘Forty-Eighters’ settled there and the alleged inadequacy of the local polities (e.g., the Ottoman Empire, Greece) to satisfactorily deal with the refugee question themselves. The article explains that Austria made use of a wide array of both official and unofficial techniques to contain these allegedly dangerous political dissidents. These methods ranged from official police collaboration with Greece and the Ottoman Empire to more subtle regional information exchanges with Naples and Russia. However, they also included purely unilateral methods exercised by the Austrian consuls, Austrian Lloyd sailors and ship captains, and ad hoc recruited secret agents to monitor the émigrés at large. Overall, the article argues that Austrian policymakers in the aftermath of 1848 invented new policing formulas and reshaped different pre-existing institutions (e.g., consuls, Austrian Lloyd), channelling them against their opponents in exile. Therefore, apart from surveying early modes of international policing, this study also adds to the discussion about Austrian (and European) state-building and, furthermore, to the more specific discussion of how European states dealt with political dissidents abroad in the nineteenth century.

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Kuijken, Sam. « Onbeschaafd en gevaarlijk : Euro-Oriëntalisme in het Belgische Ruslandbeeld tussen 1848 en 1861 ». Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 133, n^o 1 (1 juin 2020) : 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2020.1.003.kuij.

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Abstract Uncivilized and dangerous. Euro-Orientalism in the Belgian image of Russia between 1848 and 1861Tracing the history of Euro-Orientalism remains somewhat problematic. Not in the least because Larry Wolff’s Inventing Eastern Europe from 1994, the supposed basic book on the subject, remains widely criticized because of its chronology and interpretations. In addition, research has been dominated by the perspective of the European Great Powers and the eighteenth century. This article attempts to break with this tendency by analyzing the Belgian image of Russia between 1848 and 1861. The main goal is to ascertain how Euro-Orientalism was present in the Belgian Russia-image between 1848 and 1861. Drawing on a vast number of sources including travelogues, newspapers and parliamentary proceedings, it is argued that the Belgian Russia-image did indeed show clear signs of Euro-Orientalism. Russia was portrayed as being temporally, spatially and geopolitically different from the European and Belgian ‘Self’.

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Stykalin, Alexander. « The Hungarian Revolution of 1848-1849 in the historical retrospective after 170 years ». Slavic Almanac, n^o 1-2 (2019) : 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2019.1-2.1.02.

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The Revolution of 1848-1849 in Hungary was a serious challenge to the entire European order established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 as the result of the Napoleon wars. The unfavorable outcome of the revolution was first of all a result of the lack of interest of the major European powers (Russia including) in destroying the Habsburg monarchy, which was a guarantor of stability on the continent due to its middle position in Europe. The main lesson of the events in the Habsburgs monarchy (including Hungary) in 1848-1849 is seen in the fact that for the first time in the European history, they showed so clearly the destructive power of nationalism. The mismatch of the goals of the national movements with their specific programs led to the sharp collisions. Later this experience was taken into consideration by the ideologues of the national movements of various peoples of the Danube region. This report not only evaluates the international significance of the Hungarian revolution of 1848-1849 in a retrospective after 170 years and assesses its place in the Hungarian historical memory. An attempt is made to dispel some stereotypes concerning the policy of the Russian Empire in the region. It is established that its non-interference in the internal affairs of the neighboring empire was of a fundamental nature due to the fear of creating a new “European question”. The choice in favor of the military action was made only after long hesitations for the fear of the collapse of the Habsburg Empire.

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JAMES, HAROLD. « Visions of Europe : European Integration as Redemption from the Past and as a Monetary Transaction ». Contemporary European History 26, n^o 2 (mai 2017) : 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000145.

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Visions of Europe belong to a particular time. They carry with them the hallmark, the dominant patterns of thought, of their birth. But there also exist substantial continuities between three of these crucial moments: 1848, 1945 and 1989. At these times the process of building nation states also reached a peculiar moment of crisis – or a turning point. The idea of Europe, reformulated at these times of political collapse, existential angst and an explosion of the imagination, stands in an intricate relationship – Hegelians might like to call it a dialectic – with the conception of national cultures and national politics.

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Walker, Richard Ernest, George W. Brandt et Wiebe Hogendoorn. « German and Dutch Theatre, 1600-1848. Vol. 3, Theatre in Europe : A Documentary History. » Sixteenth Century Journal 25, n^o 3 (1994) : 681. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542647.

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Dickie, John. « Antonio Bresciani and the sects : conspiracy myths in an intransigent Catholic response to the Risorgimento ». Modern Italy 22, n^o 1 (février 2017) : 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.51.

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Antonio Bresciani’s notorious trilogy of novels about the revolutions of 1848, starting withL’Ebreo di Verona, first appeared in the earliest issues of the Jesuit periodicalLa Civiltà Cattolicafrom 1850. They constitute an intransigentist attack on the Risorgimento, and portray the events of 1848–1849 as the result of a satanically inspired conspiracy by secret societies. This article re-analyses those novels by placing Bresciani in the context of the ‘culture war’ between lay and religious world views across Europe from the middle of the nineteenth century. The article argues that Bresciani represents a significant case study in the intransigent Catholic response to the kind of patriotic motifs identified by the recent cultural historiography on the Risorgimento. The ‘paranoid style’ of Bresciani’s conspiracy myth is analysed, as is Bresciani’s portrayal of Garibaldi, female fighters, and Jews – in particular the tale of Christian conversion presented inL’Ebreo di Verona. The article argues that, despite its polarising, reactionary intentions, Bresciani’s fiction betrayed many influences from the Romantic culture of the Risorgimento that he claimed to despise.

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Gerlach, David. « Czechs and Germans 1848–2004 : The Sudeten Question and the Transformation of Central Europe ». German History 34, n^o 4 (20 août 2016) : 693–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghw071.

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Kiebuzinski, Ksenya. « Dancing theKolomyikaat the Opéra-Comique : Léo Delibes's Galician OperaKassya ». Austrian History Yearbook 46 (avril 2015) : 134–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000149.

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In the spring 1893, the following statement appearedin a theater review in one of the Parisian dailies: “Mais, dans ce diable de pays de Galicie, on n'est jamais tranquille et il faut toujours craindre pour le lendemain [But, in this hell of a land Galicia, it's never quiet, and one must always fear for tomorrow].” These words were written in response to the first, and perhaps the only, opera produced in Western Europe about the Austrian province of Galicia. The work's plot centered on a love triangle between a count, a gypsy girl, and a peasant, and was set against the historical backdrop of the Galician peasant uprising of 1846. The opera in question,Kassya, was the swan song of French composer Léo Delibes, written after a trip he took to Hungary and Austrian Galicia. The critic who penned the above words, Georges Street, certainly knew something about intrigue and conspiracy within the Austrian Empire. He was the grandson of Metternich's master spy, Georg Klindworth, and the son of Agnes Street-Klindworth, who gathered intelligence for her father about refugees of the 1848 upheavals living in Weimar. Delibes's opera and Street's biography interconnect only circumstantially—the former composed the music toKassya;the latter attended a performance and wrote a review—yet this coincidence suggests an interesting avenue for investigation regarding French contacts with East Central Europe.

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Shatz, Marshall S., et Bruno Naarden. « Socialist Europe and Revolutionary Russia : Perception and Prejudice, 1848-1923 ». Russian Review 53, n^o 4 (octobre 1994) : 587. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130989.

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DIEMER, JOHN A. « PLATE 6 OF THE GEOLOGY OF RUSSIA : PRODUCT OF A ‘GENIUS OF COMBINATION’ ». Earth Sciences History 41, n^o 2 (1 juillet 2022) : 264–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6187-41.2.264.

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ABSTRACT In 1845, Roderick Murchison, Edouard de Verneuil and Alexander von Keyserling published The Geology of Russia in Europe and the Ural Mountains, reporting on the results of two field seasons in Russia (1840 and 1841) as well as additional fieldwork in Poland (1843) and Scandinavia (1844 and 1845). The book contains 7 plates comprising 5 cross-sections and 2 geologic maps. Plate 6 is a geologic map titled “Russia in Europe and the Ural Mountains . . .” and it is the subject of this paper. Murchison had 600 copies of the large format (quarto) book printed by John Murray in the laborious hand-press manner. He also had the 68 × 84 cm map produced as a copper engraving with water color washes. Plate 6 has been described as “the finest hand coloured map ever produced”. The map was drawn and engraved by John Arrowsmith from a sketch map begun in 1840, expanded after the 1841 field season, and further modified by incorporating work of other geologists, including Keilhau, Hisinger, Zejszner, Boué, Dubois de Montpereux, Hamilton, Ainsworth, and Helmersen. All of these geologists were meticulously acknowledged by Murchison in The Geology of Russia. In addition to the map, Plate 6 contains a stratigraphic column with key locations and characteristic fossils, and a crosssection extending from St. Petersburg to the Sea of Azof. Thus, Plate 6 represents a synthesis of much of what was known in 1845 of the geology of Russia and surrounding territories, clearly demonstrating Murchison’s ‘genius of combination’. Murchison revised the map several times, resulting in 4 ‘states’ of the map.

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Mochamad Fauzie. « Raden Saleh's Resistance to Colonialism in the Painting "Between Life and Death" (1848) ». IICACS : International and Interdisciplinary Conference on Arts Creation and Studies 3 (14 avril 2020) : 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33153/iicacs.v3i1.43.

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Romanticism became a new cultural orientation in Europe in the 19th century. Through the exploration of tradition and history, romanticism gradually aroused nationalism, giving rise to a paradoxical situation: on the one hand, it fueled colonial expansion, on the other hand, aroused the spirit of resistance of colonized society. Raden Saleh was in Europe in this situation and became famous as a Romantic painter. This research departs from the assumption that Romanticism encouraged Raden Saleh to develop resistance to colonialism in painting. This study aims to prove the existence of signs of resistance to Colonialism in Raden Saleh's painting, entitled "Between Life and Death" (1848). This goal was achieved by analyzing the painting with CW Morris Semiotics, with the approach of Psychoanalysis Theory and Postcolonial Theory. Research shows that there are signs of resistance to Colonialism in the painting.

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LIDWELL-DURNIN, JOHN. « Cultivating famine : data, experimentation and food security, 1795–1848 ». British Journal for the History of Science 53, n^o 2 (juin 2020) : 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087420000199.

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AbstractCollecting seeds and specimens was an integral aspect of botany and natural history in the eighteenth century. Historians have until recently paid less attention to the importance of collecting, trading and compiling knowledge of their cultivation, but knowing how to grow and maintain plants free from disease was crucial to agricultural and botanical projects. This is particularly true in the case of food security. At the close of the eighteenth century, European diets (particularly among the poor) began shifting from wheat- to potato-dependence. In Britain and Ireland during these decades, extensive crop damage was caused by diseases like ‘curl’ and ‘dry rot’ – leading many agriculturists and journal editors to begin collecting data on potato cultivation in order to answer practical questions about the causes of disease and methods that might mitigate or even eliminate their appearance. Citizens not only produced the bulk of these data, but also used agricultural print culture and participation in surveys to shape and direct the interpretation of these data. This article explores this forgotten scientific ambition to harness agricultural citizen science in order to bring stability and renewed vitality to the potato plant and its cultivation. I argue that while many agriculturists did recognize that reliance upon the potato brought with it unique threats to the food supplies of Britain and Ireland, their views on this threat were wholly determined by the belief that the diseases attacking potato plants in Europe had largely been produced or encouraged by erroneous cultivation methods.

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Šedivý, Miroslav. « Metternich and the Suez Canal : Informal Diplomacy in the Interests of Central Europe ». Central European History 55, n^o 3 (septembre 2022) : 372–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921001412.

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AbstractKlemens von Metternich played an important role as leader of the Austrian bureaucrats and diplomats in supporting construction of the Suez Canal. He participated in many ways, often informal ones, which before 1848 resulted from his political circumspection and afterward from the fact that he was just a private individual. His so-to-speak informal diplomacy is interesting not only because it discloses the high level of interest he and other Austrian dignitaries paid to the issue but also because it reveals how accessible Metternich was to those involved in the project regardless of nationality, political leanings, and religion. Metternich's interest in the Suez Canal brought him into contact with Europeans as well as Ottomans, conservatives as well as liberals, and even Saint-Simonians: in other words, all who wished to cooperate for the benefit of central Europe and beyond.

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Colley, Linda. « Empires of Writing : Britain, America and Constitutions, 1776–1848 ». Law and History Review 32, n^o 2 (3 avril 2014) : 237–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000801.

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Approximately 50 years ago, R. R. Palmer published his two volume masterworkThe Age of the Democratic Revolution. Designed as a “comparative constitutional history of Western civilization,” it charted the struggles after 1776 over ideas of popular sovereignty and civil and religious freedoms, and the spreading conviction that, instead of being confined to “any established, privileged, closed, or self-recruiting groups of men,” government might be rendered simple, accountable and broadly based. Understandably, Palmer placed great emphasis on the contagion of new-style constitutions. Between 1776 and 1780, eleven onetime American colonies drafted state constitutions. These went on to inform the provisions of the United States Constitution adopted in 1787, which in turn influenced the four Revolutionary French constitutions of the 1790s, and helped to inspire new constitutions in Haiti, Poland, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and elsewhere. By 1820, according to one calculation, more than sixty new constitutions had been attempted within Continental Europe alone, and this is probably an underestimate. At least a further eighty constitutions were implemented between 1820 and 1850, many of them in Latin America. The spread of written constitutions proved in time almost unstoppable, and Palmer left his readers in no doubt that this outcome could be traced back to the Revolution of 1789, and still more to the Revolution of 1776. Despite resistance by entrenched elites, and especially from Britain, “the greatest single champion of the European counter-revolution,” a belief was in being by 1800, Palmer argued, that “democracy was a matter of concern to the world as a whole, that it was a thing of the future, [and] that while it was blocked in other countries the United States should be its refuge.”

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Wank, Solomon. « Some Reflections on the Habsburg Empire and Its Legacy in the Nationalities Question ». Austrian History Yearbook 28 (janvier 1997) : 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016350.

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The startling events of the last five years in Eastern Europe have led to a surprising nostalgia for the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and Emperor Francis Joseph in the lands of the former Habsburg Empire. Politicians and journalists in Europe and America now compare the old empire to the disoriented East Central Europe of today and hold up the former as a positive model for a supranational organization. The current wave of nostalgia has been helped along by some recent historical works that certainly were not written for that purpose, but that contain generous assessments of the monarchy's positive qualities. For example, István Deák, in his highly acclaimed book,Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848–1918, strongly recommends that the “Habsburg experiment” in supranational organization be reexamined: “I am convinced that we can find here a positive lesson while the post-1918 history of the central and east central European nation-states can only show US what to avoid.” Similar positive statements can be found in the recently published works of Alan Sked, Barbara Jelavich, and F. R. Bridge.

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Trivellato, Francesca. « Jonathan Karp : The Politics of Jewish Commerce : Economic Thought and Emancipation in Europe, 1638–1848 ». Jewish History 24, n^o 2 (21 mai 2010) : 209–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10835-010-9108-9.

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Silverman, Lisa. « On Jews and property in provincial Central Europe : Leopold Kompert’s 1848 publications ». Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 18, n^o 4 (3 septembre 2019) : 424–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2019.1656378.

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Albert, Anne Oravetz. « The Politics of Jewish Commerce : Economic Thought and Emancipation in Europe, 1638-1848 ». Journal of Jewish Studies 61, n^o 2 (1 octobre 2010) : 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2978/jjs-2010.

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DE BELLAIGUE, CHRISTINA. « WOMEN, WORK, AND POLITICS IN MODERN EUROPE A history of European women's work : 1700 to the present. By Deborah Simonton. London : Routledge, 1998. Pp. 337. ISBN 0-415-05532-6. £17.99. France and women, 1789–1914 : gender, society and politics. By James McMillan. London : Routledge, 2000. Pp. 286. ISBN 0-415-22603-1. £19.99. The rise of professional women in France : gender and public administration since 1830. By Linda Clark. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2000. Pp. 324. ISBN 0-521-77344-X. £45.00. » Historical Journal 47, n^o 1 (mars 2004) : 179–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0300339x.

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In 1848 one of the first female inspectors appointed by the French state argued that ‘the inspection of nursery schools can be done usefully and correctly only by women … Inspectresses will intimidate less and will persuade more readily than men can.’ Her statement points to the ambiguous position of many working women in the nineteenth century. Working outside what was perceived as a feminine domestic sphere, their employment was justified with reference to a domestic ideal of femininity. Though each has a different focus, the three books reviewed here all demonstrate how ideas about the nature of women served both to extend and to limit women's opportunities in nineteenth- and twentieth-century France and Europe.

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BRYANT, CHAD. « Zap's Prague : the city, the nation and Czech elites before 1848 ». Urban History 40, n^o 2 (21 février 2013) : 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926813000011.

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ABSTRACT:Karel Vladislav Zap, who came of age during the 1830 revolutions in Europe, belonged to a generation of Czech elites determined to promote national consciousness while actively carving out a space within Prague's middle-class social milieu. Zap, as his topographies of the city demonstrate, also called on his countrymen to claim the city and its structures from their German-speaking neighbours, thus contributing to a dynamic that would continue throughout the century.

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DÜNDAR, Fuat. « Morgane Labbé, La nationalité, une histoire de chiffres : Politique et statistiques en Europe centrale (1848-1919) »,. Osmanlı Araştırmaları 59, n^o 59 (24 juillet 2022) : 273–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18589/oa.1145946.

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Albisetti, James C. « Froebel Crosses the Alps : Introducing the Kindergarten in Italy ». History of Education Quarterly 49, n^o 2 (mai 2009) : 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2009.00193.x.

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The kindergarten was, in all countries but Germany, a foreign import. The most familiar aspect of its diffusion to American scholars is the spread of Froebel's teachings into England and the United States by emigrants who had left the German Confederation after the failure of the revolutions of 1848–49. Familiar as well are the propaganda efforts by Baroness Bertha von Marenholtz-Bülow in Western Europe, especially in the 1850s when kindergartens were banned in Prussia. The recent anthology edited by Roberta Wollons, Kindergartens and Cultures, has shown that many countries received this institution secondhand, as Japan and Australia did via the United States.

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Boyer, John W. « Religion and Political Development in Central Europe around 1900 : A View from Vienna ». Austrian History Yearbook 25 (janvier 1994) : 13–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800006305.

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To view the church-state problem from Vienna in 1900 is to view it from the capital of an ancient Catholic state in a multiethnic cultural arena, a world in which Catholicism strove, at least officially, to be supranational, and in which, although there was no Catholic nation, there was a preeminent and distinguished Catholic dynasty. This was a world in which large numbers of Austrians—many of them in rural areas—continued to affirm popular religious affections and loyalties throughout the century—values and practices that if not always consonant with official Catholic doctrine, at least afforded the hierarchical church and sympathetic aristocratic and bourgeois elites the ready opportunity to claim Catholicism as not only a historic and true but also a public and mass religion. At the same time, the long-term heritage of Josephinist state control of the church had powerful negative effects on active religiosity and religious identity, especially among the emergent Bürgertum and urban inhabitants of the monarchy. The Concordat of 1855—coming after the failed revolution of 1848–49 and on the heels of the imposition of neoabsolutist rule—was an imprudent decision precisely because it alienated both the Josephinist state and incipient bürgerlich society.

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Martinelli, Alberto. « Italy : Weak State, Strong Society ». Tocqueville Review 22, n^o 1 (janvier 2001) : 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.22.1.105.

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The first constitution of the Italian nation state was the Statuto Albertino granted by Carlo Alberto in 1848 on the wave of democratic reforms in Europe to his kingdom of Piedmont, and later extended to all of Italy after the independence war of 1859-60. The Statuto provided for a constitutional monarchy and a parliamentary* democracy. It recognized fundamental rights of citizens. But it was authoritarian with respect to the powers of the head of the state and it did not prevent the Fascist dictatorship in the period between the two world wars.

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Gluck, Mary. « In Search of “That Semi-Mythical Waif : Hungarian Liberalism” : The Culture of Political Radicalism in 1918–1919 ». Austrian History Yearbook 22 (janvier 1991) : 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800019895.

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In contemporary discussions of the new, post-Communist regimes of Eastern Europe, Hungary is often given pride of place as the most “liberalized” society in the region. Although this perception is based on undeniable political and economic facts, it is also nourished by long-established historical traditions and myths. During the revolutions of 1848–49, Hungarians were also hailed by European opinion as the champions of liberty and heroic resistance to oppression. Over half a century later, in the wake of the political and military collapse of the Habsburg monarchy, Hungary once again staged a series of dramatic revolutions which earned it the reputation of being part of a political avant-garde. And in 1956, Hungarians yet again assumed the mantle of political idealism and revolutionary self-sacrifice in the face of foreign despotism.

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Sygkelos, Yannis. « The National Discourse of the Bulgarian Communist Party on National Anniversaries and Commemorations (1944–1948) ». Nationalities Papers 37, n^o 4 (juillet 2009) : 425–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985678.

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During the early post-war years (1944–1948), the newly established communist regimes in Eastern Europe followed the Soviet example. They honoured figures and events from their respective national pasts, and celebrated holidays dedicated to anti-fascist resistance and popular uprisings, which they presented as forerunners of the new, bright and prosperous “democratic” era. Hungarian communists celebrated 15 March and commemorated 6 October, both recalling the national struggle for independence in 1848; they celebrated a martyr cult of fallen communists presented as national heroes, and “nationalized” socialist holidays, such as May Day. In the centenary of 1848 they linked national with social demands. In the “struggle for the soul of the nation,” Czech communists also extensively celebrated anniversaries and centenaries, especially in 1948, which saw the 600th anniversary of the founding of Prague's Charles University, the 100th anniversaries of the first All-Slav Congress (held in Prague) and the revolution of 1848, the 30th anniversary of the founding of an independent Czechoslovakia, and the 10th anniversary of the Munich Accords. National holidays related to anti-fascist resistance movements were celebrated in Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia; dates related to the overthrow of fascism, implying the transition to the new era, were celebrated in Romania, Albania, and Bulgaria.

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Nawata, Yūji. « Phantasmagoric Literatures from 1827 : Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Sin Chaha, and Kyokutei Bakin¹ ». Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik 54, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2022) : 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/jig541_145.

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The magic lantern as a projection technique, which has existed in Europe since the 17th century (at the latest), and phantasmagoria as a large-scale magic lantern occupy a prominent place in the world history of visual culture. As they spread across the world, these technologies encountered written cultures and produced fantastic literature—phantasmagorical literature, so to speak. This article analyzes phantasmagorical literature written or published circa 1827 by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749–1832) of Germany, (SIN Chaha, also called [SIN Wi], 1769–18452 of Korea, and (KYOKUTEI Bakin, 1767–1848) of Japan. This is a demonstration of a novel approach to comparative literature, which compares literary works in the light of global technological history, and this is an attempt to give an insight into the world history of visual culture from the perspective of 1827.

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Tomaszewski, Jerzy. « Reviews : Raymond Pearson, National Minorities in Eastern Europe 1848-1945, London, Macmillan, 1983 ; x + 249pp ; no price given ». European History Quarterly 17, n^o 3 (juillet 1987) : 372–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148701700307.

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Avcıoğlu, Nebahat. « Immigrant Narratives : The Ottoman Sultans’ Portraits in Elisabeth Leitner’s Family Photo Album, circa 1862–72 ». Muqarnas Online 35, n^o 1 (3 octobre 2018) : 193–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993_03501p009.

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Abstract This article is a study of the family photo album of Elisabeth Leitner (ca. 1842?–1908), a Hungarian immigrant in the Ottoman empire. The album contains a complete set of cartes de visite portraits of the Ottoman sultans by the Abdullah Frères. As the only surviving example of such a collection with a known provenance, it provides a rare opportunity for understanding how such images were used in the context of identity formation and social mobility undertaken by a member of the immigrant population. The album, which has never been studied before, is also a fascinating source for investigating the history of Hungarian immigrants in the Ottoman empire who were displaced after the 1848 Revolution. The article approaches the intriguingly autobiographical album by means of a close reading of Elisabeth Leitner’s diaries and unfinished autobiography. My interpretation serves to dismantle notions of a carefree global cosmopolitanism and exposes a historiographical bias that privileges men and their collections of images and ethnographic artifacts over those of women. Elisabeth Leitner’s writings and photographic collection also represent a vast and entirely untapped resource for investigating cultural contacts between Europe and the Ottoman empire in the second half of the nineteenth century.

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Carroll, Francis M. « Civil War Diplomacy : A Fresh Look ». Canadian Review of American Studies 52, n^o 1 (1 avril 2022) : 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-2021-003.

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The American Civil War had a serious impact in Europe because the United States supplied vital raw materials for both Britain and France and was also a major market for their manufactured goods. The prospect of intervention in the war raised difficult issues—morally repugnant support of slavery on the one hand, but on the other, in the aftermath of the rebellions of 1848 in Europe, the possibility to weaken democratic republicanism. Mediation remained elusive. Britain, being the leading economic, naval, and colonial power, was the most threatening and most involved with both the Union and Confederate sides in the war. Britain’s diplomatic and maritime policy is the most extensively studied, augmented by fresh examinations of the British minister to the United States, Lord Lyons. New research also examines possible French involvement in the war and the complications arising from France’s invasion of Mexico.

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Berg, Scott. « “The Lord Has Done Great Things for Us” : The 1817 Reformation Celebrations and the End of the Counter-Reformation in the Habsburg Lands ». Central European History 49, n^o 1 (mars 2016) : 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000066.

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AbstractIn anticipation of the upcoming five-hundreth anniversary in 2017 of the start of the Reformation, this article addresses the memory of this event in Central Europe by focusing on the tricentennial celebrations of 1817. The jubilees that took place that year were unique in that they were the first ones characterized by an ecumenical spirit. The article focuses on the Habsburg lands, where the 1817 jubilees were especially significant because of the recent dismantling of the Counter-Reformation by Emperor Joseph II and the favorable policies for Protestants pursued by his conservative successors. Using sermons and state records from archives in Vienna and Budapest, the article argues that the Austrian government used this event to display its newfound policies of religious toleration. Although the Austrian celebrations mirrored, in many respects, the ones in the German states, the infamous censorship regime of the pre-1848 Habsburg government paradoxically promoted an atmosphere of toleration that ensured the ecumenical nature of the celebrations in the Habsburg Empire.

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Iovan, Marţian. « Simion Bărnuţiu – Pioneer in the development of the law sciences and of the legal education in Romania ». Journal of Legal Studies 20, n^o 34 (1 décembre 2017) : 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jles-2017-0016.

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Abstract The author analyses in this paper S. Bărnuţiu’s contribution to the establishment of the legal education and to the development of the sciences of the Law in the Romanian area during the mid-19th century. Adept of the natural law philosophy, ardent promotor of human and people’s rights, Bărnuţiu remains a personality of reference in the Romanians’ history not only for being the political leader and ideologist of the Transylvanian 1848 Revolution, but also for establishing the legal education at the University of Iasi by inspiring himself from the curriculum of the profile schools of law from the Western Europe. Having a unitary conception on the law and on the history of law, considering the law from a systemic perspective, Bărnuţiu contributed into the edification of a modern, constitutional, and democratic State in the united Romanian Principalities.

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Tanshina, Nataliya P. « François Guizot : The Historian in Politics ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, n^o 4 (2021) : 1161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.408.

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The purpose of the article is to analyze the role of intellectuals in the political life of France based on the study of the views and state activities of the famous French historian and political figure François Guizot (1787–1874). The author examines the relationship between the historical views of Guizot, his understanding of the main problems of French and European history, his public and state activities during the Restoration (1814–1830) and the July Monarchy (1830–1848). The theme of the intelligentsia in power is most vividly revealed through the personality and activities of F. Guizot. He was more than just the leading politician of the July Monarchy. He enriched such fields of knowledge as history, pedagogy, constitutional law, sociology, political science. Similarly to many of his contemporaries, Guizot pursued two careers at the same time: scientific and political. However, Guizot’s failure as a politician overshadowed Guizot as a scientist. The article concludes that history and politics have always been closely intertwined for Guizot. Guizot searched in the past for answers to questions pertaining to modern France. Guizot saw history as a direct continuation of politics. In doing so, Guizot took into account not only the lessons of the past. He formulated his concept of French leadership in Europe and built a theoretical framework for his foreign policy based on knowledge of history. In addition, the article concludes: turning to the historical heritage of France and Europe for Guizot was important not only from a practical point of view, but also from the point of view of morality and education. For him, the history of the development of civilization was the history of the moral improvement of mankind.

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Schroeder, Paul W. « Old Wine in Old Bottles : Recent Contributions to British Foreign Policy and European International Politics, 1789–1848 ». Journal of British Studies 26, n^o 1 (janvier 1987) : 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385877.

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This review article has a conventional purpose, namely, to assess the contributions made by thirteen recent books, most by British historians, to the history of British foreign policy and the European states system during the revolutionary, Napoleonic, and post-Napoleonic eras. There is, however, a problem. None of the books is conventional diplomatic history. Almost half relate only indirectly to foreign policy, while for the remainder foreign policy constitutes only part of their subject matter. The review therefore consciously runs two risks: that of judging the books by inappropriate standards and that of drawing conclusions about current historiography in this field and period from an inappropriate sample. The reader will have to judge whether the results justify the procedure.Geoffrey Best's War and Society in Revolutionary Europe illustrates the problem. Best clearly succeeds in his goal of going beyond the study of military organizations to the study of war itself as a “unique human interest and activity.” The book is far-ranging, delightfully written, based on wide reading, and packed with insights. It also contributes substantially to the history of international politics, mainly by demonstrating how powerful an impact armies and combat had. Yet from the political historian's standpoint there is ground for some frustration as well as for pleasure. Best's descriptions of how armies developed from the Old Regime into the nineteenth century and his analyses of the impact of war in 1792–1815 are excellent for France and Britain and adequate for Prussia and Spain.

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Gámiz Gordo, Antonio. « La Mezquita-Catedral de Córdoba. Fuentes gráficas hasta 1850 ». Al-Qanṭara 40, n^o 1 (20 décembre 2019) : 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2019.005.

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La Mezquita-Catedral de Córdoba cuenta con un rico legado de imágenes hasta la llegada de la fotografía a mediados del XIX que constituyen una destacada fuente documental para la investigación. Tras una amplia labor de rastreo y localización de dichas imágenes, se aportan referencias sobre sus autores, contexto y técnicas, valorando su fiabilidad o precisión gráfica. Las primeras conocidas corresponden a tiempos cristianos, destacando dos panorámicas urbanas de la segunda mitad del XVI, una de ellas objeto de plagios con una notable difusión en Europa. Los primeros planos a escala del monumento conservados son del XVIII y las primeras vistas interiores de finales de ese siglo. En la primera mitad del XIX se produjeron abundantes imágenes de viajeros y artistas, algunas muy bellas y publicadas con gran éxito editorial. Los documentos gráficos reseñados se presentan agrupados según su autoría y orden cronológico: primeras imágenes simbólicas (desde 1360), Wyngaerde (1567), Civitatis (h. 1585-1617), copias del Civitatis (s. XVII-XVIII), Baldi (1668), óleo anónimo (1741), imágenes esquemáticas (s. XVIII), dibujo colección Vázquez Venegas (1752), planos Académicos (1767-1804), Swinburne (1775-1779), Karwinsky y Rillo (1811), Laborde (h. 1800-1812), Murphy (1802-1813), Bacler d’Able (h. 1820), Taylor (h. 1826-1832), Ford (1831), Lewis (1832-1836), Prangey (1832-1837), Gail (h. 1832-37), Roberts (1833-1839), Dauzats (h. 1836-1838), Chapuy (h. 1838-1842), Villaamil (h. 1838-1844), Bossuet (h. 1841-1855), Gerhardt (h. 1849-1851), Guesdon (1853), Parcerisa (1855) y Los Monumentos Arquitectónicos (h. 1852-1881).

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Geifman, Anna. « Bruno Naarden. Socialist Europe and Revolutionary Russia : Perception and Prejudice, 1848-1923. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1992. 595 pp. $69.95. » Canadian-American Slavic Studies 30, n^o 1 (1996) : 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023996x00114.

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Šedivý, Miroslav. « The Path to the Austro-Sardinian War : The Post-Napoleonic States System and the End of Peace in Europe in 1848 ». European History Quarterly 49, n^o 3 (juillet 2019) : 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419853481.

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The aim of this article is to explain the long-term process leading to the decision of Sardinian King Charles Albert to wage war against Austria in March 1848. Moving beyond the normal stress on Italian national consciousness, the article focuses more on the King’s attitude towards the conduct of European powers in Italian affairs and attempts to prove that repeated illegal and aggressive actions of the European powers after 1830 destroyed the King’s faith in the fairness of the political-legal system established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, leading also to his loss of faith in the strength of law and increasing his belief in the power of armed force in international relations. All this significantly contributed to his final decision to start a war of conquest against Austria, which he regarded as weak and thus no longer respected, much like his attitude towards the existing political-legal order in general.

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Sperber, Jonathan. « The Revolution in Europe 1848–1849 : From Reform to Reaction. Edited by R. J. W. Evans and Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann (New York, Oxford University Press, 2000) 250 pp. $60.00 ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 32, n^o 1 (juillet 2001) : 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2001.32.1.105.

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Rozenblit, Marsha L. « Creating Jewish Space : German-Jewish Schools in Moravia ». Austrian History Yearbook 44 (avril 2013) : 108–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723781300009x.

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In 1911 malt factory owner Ignatz Briess of Olmütz/Olomouc wrote a memoir to explain the nature of Jewish life in small town Moravia before the Revolution of 1848 to his children and grandchildren. He related that he had attended a German-Jewish Trivialschule, a German-language elementary school run by the Jewish community for Jewish children, in his home town of Prerau/Přerov in the late 1830s and early 1840s. At the school, the children had two to three hours of German subjects every morning; and at the end of every year, the state school inspector, a local priest, examined them on their studies. At the same time, Briess learned Hebrew, Bible, and Talmud in the cheder, the traditional Jewish school, for seven more hours every day. The cheder, he remarked, was just like those in Halbasien, that is, Galicia, or Eastern Europe. Despite his reference to Karl Emil Franzos's negative evaluation of Galician Jewish life, Briess described the chaotic conditions in the cheder positively and with considerable warmth. His father, a grain dealer and manager of a noble estate who had studied at the famous Pressburg yeshiva in Hungary and who read Goethe, Schiller, Shakespeare, Spinoza, Mendelssohn, and Kant in his spare time, made sure that his son received a thorough Jewish education. The memoir, a nostalgic evocation of a vanished world, describes a Jewish community that was deeply pious, enmeshed in the world of Jewish religious tradition yet also influenced by secular, German-language culture, much of it expressed in Jewish terms. At his bar mitzvah in 1846, Briess gave a droschoh (a traditional learned discourse) for which the traditional rabbi helped him prepare, and a “German sermon,” on which he worked with his Trivialschule teacher.

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Pisani, Donald J. « The Squatter and Natural Law in Nineteenth-Century America ». Agricultural History 81, n^o 4 (1 octobre 2007) : 443–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-81.4.443.

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Abstract In the decade before the California Gold Rush, the popular idea that Americans held a natural right to land as a legacy of the American Revolution was enriched and expanded by such events as the Dorr Rebellion in Rhode Island, the Anti-Rent War in New York, the flood of Irish refugees into New York City, growing opposition to the expansion of slavery into new territories acquired during the war with Mexico, and the Revolution of 1848 in Europe. These events strengthened popular sovereignty and the notion that human beings had rights that transcended those defined by legislatures, courts, or even constitutions. They also promoted a new discussion of how values within the United States differed from those in Europe--where land was scarce and served as the foundation for aristocratic regimes and sharp class differences. The squatter was a ubiquitous figure on every frontier of the United States, but none more than California, where both town sites and agricultural land were covered by Mexican land grants that took decades to define and confirm. This article tells the story of how powerful forces in California undermined squatter rights--and the heritage of the American Revolution as well.

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CHABAL, EMILE. « The Agonies of Liberalism ». Contemporary European History 26, n^o 1 (29 septembre 2016) : 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000321.

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It is striking the extent to which many liberals have seen themselves as figures on the margins of politics. This is partly an ideological issue. Of all the great ‘isms’ of the modern age, liberalism has had neither the historical certainty of the two great totalitarian ideologies of the twentieth century, nor the reassuring hierarchical logic of conservatism. Most liberals have agonised about how much humans can achieve and have repeatedly stressed the fallibility of rational or democratic solutions, at least in comparison with more revolutionary ideologies like communism. But liberals’ sense of living on the margins is also a consequence of the context in which liberalism was born. In Europe, the spectre of the French Revolution – and, later, the Bolshevik Revolution – gave liberalism a specific flavour. Liberals were often keen on reform, but they always feared social upheaval. Time and again, liberals found themselves in power only to lose control of the pace of social change. In the worst cases – 1815, 1848 or 1917 spring to mind – this put the liberal cause back by generations. For much of modern European history, to be a liberal was to be in a perpetual state of siege.

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Lehmann, Hartmut. « Secularisation in Western Europe, 1848–1914. By Hugh McLeod. New York : St. Martin's, 2000. 387 pp. $65.00 cloth ; $19.95 paper. » Church History 71, n^o 2 (juin 2002) : 421–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700096013.

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