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1
Mandalenakis, Helene. « Recognizing identity : the creation of new states in former Yugoslavia ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102808.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation examines the emergence of norms and the process through which these influence state behaviour. State identity conceptualized in ethnic or civic terms, shapes state preferences concerning the recognition of new states. Hence, the ethnic or civic identity of Germany, France, Greece and Italy influenced their policy on recognition of the former Yugoslav republics of Slovenia, Croatia, FYROM (Macedonia) and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Nevertheless, the examination of these policies indicates that these preferences were tempered by security concerns and perceptions of threat. Hence, although this thesis supports the constructivist claim on the power of principles such as identity, it also incorporates the realist claims on the significance of geopolitics in foreign policy. Consequently, it does not claim the supremacy of one theory over another instead it attempts to provide a better framework for understanding the sources of foreign policy.
2
Chen, Xi Ying. « Actions and constraints of the European Union as an international actor : the case of Former Yugoslav crisis ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555595.
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3
Doty, Daniel Jonas. « European Union Foreign Policy Construction During the Yugoslav Wars Using the Multiple Autonomous Actors Decision Unit ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1312758521.
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4
Heuser, Beatrice. « Yugoslavia in Western Cold War policies, 1948-1953 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fabf0ed5-37c7-44ba-8908-863fdc824763.
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When Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform in 1948, the Western Powers (Britain, the USA, France) were taking action to counter a perceived Soviet threat. This included the policy of liberating Eastern Europe from Communist domination. Tito's expulsion was misinterpreted by the Western Powers: assuming that Tito had initiated it, the Western Powers hoped for similar "defections" by other Communis regimes. The sowing of discord between the Satellite leaders (including Mao) and Stalin became a new facet of the Liberation policy. Yugoslavia was treated as show-case to demonstrate to Satellite leaders that they could obtain aid from the West if they ceased to support Stalin. In the case of the European Satellite leaders, this policy was a miscalculation: they had no intention of breaking with Stalin and the alternative of obtaining help from the Western Powers had little credibility in view of their anti-Communist propaganda and subversive secret operations. The Americans for other reasons failed to encourage existing emancipatory trends among the Chinese Communist leaders. British recognition of Mao's regime was not enough to draw Mao away from Stalin. Yugoslavia's other role was strategic and it gained particular importance for the West in the context of increased defensive measures after the outbreak of the Korean War. The Western Powers gave Yugoslavia arms and economic aid to strengthen her as a shield for the defence of NATO territory. Yet Yugoslavia was discouraged from committing herself to the West by Western reluctance to give away NATO information. Italo- Yugoslav defence co-ordination would have been necessary but was made impossible by disagreements about Trieste, also involving the Western Powers. The Trieste crisis of late 1953 set back Western-Yugoslav relations significantly, perhaps irretrievably. The ephemeral Balkan defence pact of 1954 between Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey was no substitute, and with the waning of the Soviet threat for Yugoslavia after Stalin's death in 1953 Tito became less interested in defence-cooperation with the Western Powers.
5
Kobzar, Svitlana Anatolievna. « 'The return to Europe' : Ukraine's foreign policy, 1994-2004 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609777.
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6
Lojko, Miklos. « Britain and central Europe, 1919-1925 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248846.
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7
Al-Imam, Jamal D. « U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western Europe ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc663015/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.
8
Ioannidis, Eudoxia. « British foreign policy toward southeastern Europe and the restoration of the Dodecanese Islands to Greece ». Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61105.
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The aim of the thesis is to analyze Britain's Mediterranean strategy and his relationship to the acquisition of the Dodecanese islands to Greece. Chapter I of this study includes a historical background of the islands prior to the Second World War. Chapter II examines British policy toward Greece and the Dodecanese between 1923-43. Chapter III provides an analysis of the role of the Dodecanese within British policy and military operations in the eastern Mediterranean. The last section deals with the actual restoration of the Dodecanese islands to Greece.
9
Reitz, Julianne M. « Tito's Balkan Federation attempts : the immediate factor in the Soviet-Yugoslav split of 1948 ». Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1265457.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study has presented an overview of the significant impact the Balkan Federation attempts had upon the 1948 Soviet-Yugoslav split. Furthermore, this thesis argues that Yugoslav Communist leader Josip Broz-Tito's intentions to create a federation of Balkan countries and East European bloc states challenged Joseph Stalin's monolithic dominance. United under Tito, this federation could have provided resistance to Stalin's plans to subjugate Communist Europe under his command. Furthermore, for Tito, the Balkan Federation represented the opportunity to maintain control over Yugoslavian affairs while enhancing his influence in the region. Such a demonstration of independence by Tito could cause other Soviet dominated areas to question Stalin's authority. It is this scenario of a Balkan Federation inside Stalin's Communist realm that became the immediate factor in the Moscow-Belgrade break.Department of History
10
Bàtonyi, Gàbor. « Britain and Central Europe, 1918-1932 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4364e5ed-bbf2-44c3-8d4b-587cb14f69cc.
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This thesis is a study of British policy towards three Central European states in the wake of World War I. The aim of this thesis is to illustrate the continual British attempts to promote a union or at least economic cooperation in 'Danubia'. The first section concerns Anglo-Austrian relations. Chapter I. deals with British plans for the federalisation of the Habsburg Monarchy during the war. Chapter II. compares the Austrian policy of the British Delegation in Paris, the Foreign Office in London, and the Military Representative in Vienna. Chapter III. explains British involvement in the reconstruction of Austria. Chapter IV. traces the reasons for British disentanglement from Austrian affairs after the failed * Eastern Locarno'. The second section deals with the x special relationship' between London and Budapest. Chapter I. highlights the role of two British individuals in exploding the x Hungarian myth' in London. Chapter II. shows how the Bolshevik Revolution affected British diplomatic activities in Hungary. Chapter III. documents British involvement in the establishment of the Horthy regime. Chapter IV. analyses the impact of Anglo-French rivalry in Budapest on the whole of Central Europe. Chapter V. elaborates on British economic policy and the rehabilitation of the 'Pariah of the New Europe'. Chapter VI. illustrates the gradual cooling in Anglo-Hungarian relations. The third section concerns Czechoslovakia. Chapter I. examines the conflict between Czechophiles and Czechophobes in London. Chapter II. is an account of British efforts to prevent French domination in Prague. Chapter III. deals with the manoeuvres of Benes in London and Paris, and the cooling in Anglo-Czech relations. Chapter IV. explores the origins of British indifference towards Czechoslovakia, which resulted in the Munich crisis. The thesis concludes that Britain lost interest in Central Europe because of its failed efforts to promote reconcilation in the Danubian triangle.
11
James, William Andrew Philip Justin. « Trust and the transformation of the German question, 1960-1970 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609881.
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Tian, Han Bo. « The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.
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13
Gomez, Ricardo. « Strategic action in EU foreign policy : the Euro-Mediterranean partnership ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1999. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1611/.
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14
Fry, Cynthia Ann. « Diplomacy & ; deception : King James VI of Scotland's foreign relations with Europe (c.1584-1603) ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5902.
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This thesis is the first attempt to provide an assessment of Scottish-Jacobean foreign relations within a European context in the years before 1603. Moreover, it represents the only cohesive study of the events that formed the foundation of the diplomatic policies and practices of the first ruler of the Three Kingdoms. Whilst extensive research has been conducted on the British and English aspects of James VI & I's diplomatic activities, very little work has been done on James's foreign policies prior to his accession to the English throne. James VI ruled Scotland for almost twenty years before he took on the additional role of King of England and Ireland. It was in his homeland that James developed and refined his diplomatic skills, and built the relationships with foreign powers that would continue throughout his life. James's pre-1603 relationships with Denmark-Norway, France, Spain, the Papacy, the German and Italian states, the Spanish Netherlands and the United Provinces all influenced his later ‘British' policies, and it is only through a study such as this that their effects can be fully understood. Through its broad scope and unique perspective, this thesis not only contributes to Scottish historiography, but also strengthens and updates our understanding of Jacobean diplomacy. Furthermore, it adds to European perspectives of international politics by re-integrating Scotland into the narrative of late sixteenth century European diplomatic history.
15
Hennings, Jan. « Russian diplomatic ceremonial and European court cultures 1648-1725 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609625.
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Giangrande, Romuald. « L’Allemagne et l’Europe centrale. Achèvement d’une transition politique et émotionnelle ». Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les réponses allemandes face aux crises qui traversent aujourd’hui l’Europe, incitent à se poser la question de la nature de la puissance allemande mais aussi de savoir comment l’Allemagne est perçue par ses voisins et perçoit son rôle en Europe centrale. Les hésitations de Berlin dans la conduite d’une politique étrangères décomplexée renvoient inévitablement à la nécessité de se pencher sur les mécanismes de sa conception, et ainsi observer quelles sont les limites institutionnelles à la formulation de ses objectifs de politique étrangère. Depuis les années 1990, c’est la synthèse des concepts de puissance civile et de puissance marchande qui aura permis à l’Allemagne d’établir un modèle alternatif au déterminisme hégémonique. L’unification allemande et l’effondrement de l’environnement de la guerre froide, même s’ils ont changé le contexte de sa politique étrangère, n’ont pas pour autant altérés ses contours. Au niveau international la puissance allemande reste contrainte par les institutions internationales et le cadre d’engagement multilatéral, et au niveau de la fédération, la politique étrangère dans sa conception et sa mise en œuvre, reste fortement dépendante des consensus politiques internes, mais également du poids de ses institutions et du respect de la Loi fondamentale. La politique étrangère de l’Allemagne unie, bien que souveraine depuis 1990, se trouve ainsi toujours conditionnée à la fois par l’influence des évolutions de son environnement international et par l’image qu’elle renvoie chez ses partenairesThe German attitude towards crises across Europe today, is leading to question the nature of the German power, as well as understanding how Germany is perceived by its neighbors and how it perceives its own role in Central Europe. Germany’s hesitations to conduct an uninhibited foreign policy is leading inevitably to refer at the mechanisms of its conception, and then to observe what are the institutional boundaries in the formulation of its objectives. Since the 1990s, the synthesis between the civil power and the trade power concepts allowed united Germany to establish an alternative model to her old hegemonic determinism. Even if the German unification and the disappearance of the Cold War environment has changed the context of the german foreign Policy, it has not altered its form in Europe. On the international level, German power remains constrained by international institutions and the framework for a multilateral commitment. On the domestic level, the foreign Policy in its conception and its implementation, remains highly dependent on internal political consensus, but also on the power of the german institutions and the respect of its Basic Law. Despite being sovereign since the 1990s the german foreign Policy remains conditioned by the influence of the developments in the international environment as well as the influence of emotional developments within it’s national society and the way she is perceived by its european partners
17
Peterson, Chad S. « German diplomacy in East Central Europe : foreign relations with the Czech Republic and Poland 1990-1998 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2716/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis argues that German unification in October 1990, the Soviet Empire's disintegration in 1991, and the end of the Cold War had profound implications for the conduct of Germany's foreign and security policy behaviour. Its aim is to compare and contrast German foreign policy towards Czechoslovakia (Czech Republic) and Poland between 1990 and 1998. Germany's foreign policy towards both states was guided by three crucial components; political reconciliation, economic, and security interests. By discussing the interplay between agential and structural sources of Germany's foreign and security policy behaviour, this thesis provides an exhaustive description of how German influence manifested itself in these states, and how it was channelled and constrained. Germany's foreign and security policy behaviour towards both states helps to explain three problems: the manifold implications of Germany's return to the European Mittellage (centre); Germany's ability to manage complex bilateral relationships despite being burdened by history, and the multi-level nature of its foreign and security policy apparatus.
18
Kuo, Mercy A. « Contending with contradictions : PRC policy towards Soviet Eastern Europe with special reference to Poland, 1953-1960 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:adcaceb7-b402-4df5-9d2c-2935424f0e89.
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This doctoral thesis examines the objectives, consequences, and significance of the People's Republic of China's (PRC) policy towards Soviet Eastern Europe with special reference to Poland from 1953 to 1960. The most significant finding of this thesis is the confirmation of the close collaboration between the Chinese and Poles in the events surrounding the Polish October in 1956. This study argues that the Chinese Communist leadership played a decisive role in preventing Soviet military action in Warsaw during those few critical days in October, 1956. In successfully defusing the tension between Moscow and Warsaw, the Chinese reached a parity of prestige in which the PRC could duly consider itself equal with the Soviet Union. With the restoration of its "rightful" place in the postwar world order as the ultimate aim of the Chinese revolution, the PRC forged relations with the Soviet bloc holding the view that equality with the Soviet Union was a crucial prerequisite in recovering its global position. The PRC's Soviet East Europe policy, namely in its relations with Poland, paved the PRC's road toward reaching equality with the Soviet Union, but at the same time exposed the contradictory nature of bloc unity, the weak foundations of Soviet authority, and the deepseated belief of the Chinese leadership in the PRC's sovereign position as the centre of the world Communist revolution. Thus, contending contradictions in intra-party relations between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the Polish United Workers' Party (PUWP), and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) formed the crux of the intra-bloc imbroglio which threatened Soviet authority in the bloc and led to the Sino-Soviet split in 1960.
19
Ember, Adrienna. « Enlarged Europe, shrinking relations ? the impacts of Hungary's EU membership on the development of bilateral relations between New Zealand and Hungary ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1567.
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The background to this study lies in the discrepancy between the special economic and
foreign-political importance of the EU for New Zealand and New Zealand’s low foreignpolitical
interaction and visibility in the 12 new EU Member States. This explorative study
is the first of its kind to investigate from New Zealand’s viewpoint whether any potential
connection points or areas of common interest may exist between New Zealand and
Hungary as one of the new EU Member States which might foster directly or indirectly
New Zealand’s national interests in the European Union (EU). Owing to the broad nature
of such an inquiry, the study encompasses the political, diplomatic, commercial, scientific,
and cultural interactions of the two countries from the 1970s until 2007.
The theoretical framework of the study builds on Small State Theory, its limitations for the
special setting of the thesis topic, however, suggested a necessity to incorporate the Theory
on the Role of Ethnic Networks in International Trade. The explorative nature of the
research topic required a qualitative research design, based on interviews, questionnaires,
and case studies in New Zealand and Hungary in the years 2005 and 2007. Research results
were compared with macro-level statistics and official analyses where available to support
and enhance analytic validity.
The thesis concludes that a solely trade focused foreign policy would not bring the
advantages desired by New Zealand. Instead, the research suggests various alternative
areas and ways to serve cost effectively New Zealand’s foreign political goals not just in
Hungary but also in the Central and Eastern European region in general.
20
Delcourt, Barbara. « La reconnaissance conditionnelle des républiques yougoslaves : un test de politique étrangère européenne ? Analyse politologique d'un discours juridicisé ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211686.
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21
Denca, Sorin Stefan. « European integration and foreign policy in Central and Eastern Europe : the cases of Hungary, Slovakia and Romania ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1462/.
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This thesis examines the impact of Europeanization on the foreign policy of the new member states of the European Union, using as case studies Hungary, Slovakia and Romania. It asks what the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy is and whether and to what extent there has been divergence in the way in which the new member states have responded to the similar constraints and opportunities of the European integration. Insofar as divergence can be identified, a third research question asks why there is policy divergence. It argues that the governmental politics and the politics of national identity play a key role as mediating factors for the Europeanization of the system of policy making, the process of elite socialization and the conduct of foreign policy itself. Three critical international events are used as sub-case studies in order to assess the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy of the CEE counties: the US-led war in Iraq in 2003, the NATO airstrikes against Yugoslavia in 1999 and the Kosovo declaration of independence in 2008. The study’s findings suggest that the pressures of Europeanization leads to convergence in some policy areas, but domestic factors such as governmental and national identity politics offer a more convincing explanation of divergence. Overall, Europeanization is uneven not only across issue-areas, but also across countries. The limits of convergence as an outcome of Europeanization and the persistence of diversity are therefore best accounted for by the diversity of domestic factors.
22
Di, Mauro Francesca A. « Essays on foreign direct investment and economic integration : a gravity approach ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211356.
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23
Tong, Wei. « Poland's influence in the European Union, a perspective of the Eastern partnership ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555598.
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24
Rankin, Colleen A. « International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests : EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe ». The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.
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Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. « In or Out : Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe ». PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.
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Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
26
Herremans, Bertrand. « Guerres de cabinets, ou, Petite histoire de l'impuissance de la Belgique dans la question nationale en Europe centrale, orientale et balkanique, 1918-1924 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210650.
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La thèse aborde les interrogations, les positions de principe, les ambitions et les réalisations bien plus modestes de la diplomatie belge, en interaction avec les milieux politiques et une partie de la société du temps, quant à la question des nationalités en Europe centrale, orientale et balkanique (1918-1924). Les sept pays retenus sont la Pologne, la Tchécoslovaquie, l’Autriche, la Hongrie, la Yougoslavie, la Roumanie et la Bulgarie.
Par question des nationalités, il faut entendre trois aspects indissociables :la question de la modification des frontières dans cette partie du Vieux Continent (disparition des empires au profit des Etats précités), celle des territoires disputés entre lesdits Etats et enfin celle des minorités nationales.
Pour expliquer les différentes postures de chacun, l’étude envisage une multitude de facteurs de politique intérieure ou extérieure, principalement les peurs du socialisme et du séparatisme, mais aussi la question des rapports des individus (psychologie) et des groupes (cercles de connaissances, partis,…).
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
27
Lazar, Peter. « The Mansfield Amendments and the U.S. commitment in Europe, 1966-1975 ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/961.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Approved for public release, distribution is unlimitedThis thesis explores international and domestic factors that constitute continuities in U.S. foreign and security policy regarding trans-Atlantic relations. Since the founding of the Atlantic Alliance burden sharing has been one of the major sources of conflict between the United States and its European NATO allies. Despite the reluctance to spend more than minimal amounts on military capabilities in most European NATO countries the issue did not become a major concern in the U.S. Congress between 1951 and 1966. It was only in the late 1960s and early 1970s that proposals - including the Mansfield Resolutions and Amendments - were introduced in the Senate calling for a substantial reduction in the number of U.S. troops in Europe. The debates provoked by these proposals threw light on the various determinants of U.S. policy towards Europe. The contemporary relevance of the issue resides in the fact that most of the elements responsible for the emergence of the Mansfield Amendments are still influential in U.S. foreign and security policy. This circumstance might lead to comparable proposals and debates in the near future.
Civilian, Hungarian Ministry of Defense
28
Lam, Man Ho. « Risky business : difficulties in the American perception of and reaction to Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik, 1969-1971 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 1998. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/235.
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Šleivytė, J. « Russia's European agenda and the Baltic states ». Thesis, Cranfield University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1826/3611.
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Russia has always been a primary factor in the development of the Baltic States. It is
impossible to analyse Baltic security without looking into the processes inside Russia and the prevailing trends vis-a-vis the Baltic States. However, the changes in the Baltic security landscape in the 21st century lack a comprehensive analysis. This
thesis seeks to bridge the gap.
Two key aims are being pursued in this thesis. The first is to present an analysis of Russia's European agenda under President Vladimir Putin and to examine the place of
the Baltic States in this agenda. The second aim is to define Russia-related threats and
challengers to the Baltic States, as well as prospects in Russo-Baltic relations.
To attain these aims, inter-active approach to international relations, comprising three
levels of analysis - the international system, the nation state (domestic level) and the individual (personality) level - has been applied. The neo-realist paradigm of
international relations theory, comparative analysis and the Knudsen model, which
addresses the peculiarities of relations between great powers and small states, are the methodological framework of the thesis.
When analysing the development of Russo-Baltic relations in 1990-2006, this thesis
focuses on the evolution of the Baltic States from factors to actors and their chance of shaping Russo-Baltic relations from within the enlarged EU and NATO. It also
examines possibilities for more active engagement of Russia in the Baltic region.
The thesis concludes with an analysis of perspectives for the Baltic States in
countering Russia-related threats and building cooperativer elations with Russia. The author maintains that 'high politics' in Russo-Baltic relations has ended, yet, the
tensions do remain in 'low politics'. Russia seeks to retain her political and economic
influence in the Baltics by exploiting various tools, primarily economic levers and
Baltic dependence upon Russian energy.
30
Packard, Jerrold Michael. « The European neutrals in World War II ». PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3984.
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The thesis begins with a short section on the nature of neutrality in Europe in the 1930s, and briefly introduces the political circumstances of the six nations that remained neutral throughout the war. The primary subject of the paper deals with the relationship between the belligerents and the neutral states, especially the extent to which military strength and preparedness was responsible for the latter maintaining their neutrality.
31
Larsen, Henrik. « Discourse analysis and foreign policy : the impact of the concepts of Europe, nation/state, security and the nature of international relations on French and British policies towards Europe in the 1980s ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269013.
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Gair, Jonathan Mark. « Evaluating EU-Russian Relations : The Intersection of Variable Geometry and Power Pragmatism ». Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1240442669.
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Wang, Jia. « Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.
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Clark, John Denis Havey. « British, French, and American attitudes and policies towards the rebirth of Poland, 1914-1921 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:21becc10-e2b5-49cc-ad6e-f568157992f4.
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This thesis considers how attitudes shaped British, French, and American policy regarding the rebirth of Poland. From the outbreak of war in 1914 to the plebiscite in Upper Silesia in 1921, Allied and American policy-makers first considered whether Poland should be an independent state and then where its borders should be. As they did this, they developed attitudes about these questions, for instance about Poles and the right or ability of the Polish nation to administer a modern state. Such considerations assumed that national character exists and is important in the success or failure of a country. My research draws on literature from social psychology in defining the development of such understandings as consistent with stereotyping, in other words using generalisations about social groups to understand those groups or individuals. Allied and American policy-makers considered Poles to be, for instance, quarrelsome, aggressive, anti-Semitic, pitiable, passionate, or loyal. The thesis begins by examining pre-war attitudes to Poland and the impact of the war on these and on the diplomacy of the Polish question. It then discusses the re-emergence of an independent Poland in 1918 and the impact on policies and attitudes of the Polish delegation’s claims at the Paris Peace Conference, of events on the ground, and of the Russo-Polish War. Allied and American decision-making on the rebirth of Poland was central for European diplomacy not only because the attitudes they expressed left lingering grudges on both sides, but also because Poland’s frontiers were an irritant throughout the interwar period until Germany and Russia invaded Poland in September 1939. Moreover, the conclusion that attitudes were a factor in decision-making contributes to a growing recognition among international historians and international relations theorists that it is necessary to look beyond individuals' 'rational' motivations.
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Rofe, J. Simon. « 'One chance in a thousand' : the mission of Sumner Welles to Europe (Feb-Mar 1940), Rooseveltian foreign policy and Anglo-American relations, Nov 1937-May 1940 ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.638704.
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This work presents a new analysis of the mission undertaken by Under Secretary of State Sumner Welles to Europe on behalf of President Roosevelt in February-March 1940. The thesis asks what Roosevelt’s motivations were for undertaking the mission, and what he sought to achieve from it. It considers that the Welles mission was an expression of a number of influences upon Roosevelt that date back to late 1937. These influences, or themes, which provide the broader context and run throughout the period up to the beginning of 1940, are as follows: firstly the integral role in Rooseveltian foreign policy played by Sumner Welles is considered. The second theme concerns the position of his superior, Secretary of State Cordell Hull, who was to counsel caution in the face of an increasingly serious world situation, whilst a third influence was the limits upon American foreign policymaking itself, especially from American opinion. The last element to be considered throughout this study is the influence of Anglo-American relations upon the Welles mission. Further these themes are not distinct and are interrelated. And all were subject to the influence of an American public who were deeply interested in, but firmly against intervention in, European affairs. This work concludes that the mission that resulted developed multiple objectives after being born out of a discussion between Roosevelt and Welles on the role the United States could play in achieving a sound and lasting peace in Europe. Such a hope, reckoned by Roosevelt to be ‘one chance in a thousand’, was at the outset incongruous with the situation in Europe. Roosevelt and Welles knew this to be the case, and pressed ahead because of the existence of other objectives that such a mission could achieve. These were the gathering of first-hand information by Welles from the four capitals Europe, the perpetuation of Italian neutrality and the prolonging of the ‘phony war’. These objectives were never clarified by the protagonists and evolved in themselves through the deployment of the mission, thus requiring the analysis provided here.
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Trejbal, Václav. « Vztahy Ruska se zeměmi V4 : Komparativní studie ». Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264274.
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The aim of the dissertation thesis is to compare the political relations of the Russian Federation and four Visegrad countries and to identify various aspects which contribute most to the differences in the form, content and closeness of the relations. The core of the thesis is a comparative case study focused on the comparison of context of individual bilateral relations. These will be viewed as a clash of two foreign policies. Neoclassical realism will serve as the theoretical background for the analysis of Russian and Visegrad countries´ foreign policies. The methodological apparatus of international political economy will be used as well.
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Olson, Peter Millard. « An analysis of US/Soviet arms control : adding a subsystem perspective ». PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4300.
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Analyses of US/Soviet arms control have usually focused on domestic variables to explain US/Soviet arms control behavior. Partly because the number of negotiating parties is only two, there is a propensity to focus on the bilateral relationship of the United States and the Soviet Union and their respective domestic political situations. Only superficial attention has usually been given to international systems variables that may well influence the domestic political situation and arms control policy.
This thesis broadens the explanatory scope of US/Soviet arms control by showing how the political environment of a trilateral relationship (a subsystem that includes the West European members of NATO as a single actor as well as the United States and the Soviet Union) is a primary motivator of US/Soviet arms control behavior.
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Filipova, Rumena Valentinova. « The differential Europeanisation of Central and Eastern Europe, 1989-2000 : a constructivist study of the foreign policy identities of Poland, Bulgaria and Russia ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:430c07fc-8979-4ce0-9340-f20ac9c3c30a.
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The thesis addresses the puzzle of the differential integration of former communist states in the Euro-Atlantic community of nations between 1989 and 2000. Notwithstanding the predominant universalist-rationalist assumption that the adoption of an institutional-administrative blueprint for reform could lead to convergence between East and West, countries such as Poland, Bulgaria and Russia did not converge similarly (or at all) on the West European normative model and framework of international relations. To account for this divergence, the thesis examines the impact of the culturally-historically informed, Polish, Bulgarian and Russian identities and conceptions of 'Europe' (as opposed to the formal-institutional transition from one system to another) on the process of foreign policy transformation. The doctoral research employs Constructivism, Social Psychological insights and an interpretivist methodology, drawing on 75 elite interviews. The main argument states that differential Europeanisation can be understood on the basis of differentiated levels of inclusion and establishment of relations of mutual recognition and belongingness - substantiated by a differentiated extent of ideational affinity (i.e., normative compatibility), which are (re)enacted in the interactive, mutually constitutive process of identification between Self and Other (i.e., between Poland, Bulgaria and Russia and (Western) Europe). Three propositions of 'thick', 'ambivalent' and 'thin' Europeanisation are derived from the argument (whereby the comparative benchmark of Europeanisation is an ideal-typical model of European-ness). Key contributions focus on the development of a refined Constructivist theory and a systematic empirical comparison of Polish, Bulgarian and Russian foreign policy identities. Also, the study's conclusions reinvigorate and reconfirm the importance of the continuity (rather than just constant flux) of culturally-historically shaped patterns of group self-understandings and sub-regional identifications as well as Constructivism's greater plausibility in accounting for the research puzzle than (Neoclassical) Realism through the stipulation of a mutually constitutive relationship between international and domestic factors and between ideational and interest-based considerations.
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Horovitz, Dan D. « Regulation of competition under the rules of the free trade area agreements concluded by the European Economic Community ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213301.
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Zima, Amélie. « Penser le changement en relations internationales : le cas du premier élargissement post-guerre froide de l'OTAN (1989-1999) ». Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100123.
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Pour étudier le changement en relations internationales, cette thèse se penche sur l’adhésion de trois pays d’Europe centrale à l’OTAN en 1999. L’analyse s’intéresse aux facteurs permettant le passage du statut d’ennemi à celui de partenaire ou d’allié. L’hypothèse retenue est que ces évolutions sont tributaires d’un processus de socialisation. Mais celui-ci peut être entravé par la faiblesse des interactions, l’utilisation politique du passé et l’absence de réconciliation ou de reconnaissance mutuelle entre acteurs. Par ailleurs le changement est influencé par les dynamiques nationales. Pour intégrer l’Alliance atlantique, les Etats d’Europe centrale durent modifier leurs ordres institutionnels et politiques. Mais cela ne fut pas le résultat des seules pressions de l’OTAN. Si celle-ci souhaitait exporter un modèle libéral et démocratique et s’arrogea au cours de la décennie quatre-vingt-dix des compétences et pratiques d’autres organisations, elle ne disposait pas des outils et du savoir institutionnel nécessaires. De fait les trajectoires vers l’adhésion furent marquées par trois dynamiques : une forte concurrence entre candidats, la singularité des parcours nationaux en raison des rapports de force internes et de l’héritage communiste et la politisation de l’enjeu atlantique à des fins de légitimation ou de stigmatisation. Ce processus démontre donc qu’il n’y eut pas une stricte équivalence entre transformations post-communistes et processus d’adhésion. Ainsi cette thèse suggère que l’étude du changement en relations internationales ne peut s’astreindre d’une réflexion prenant en compte les passés douloureux et les arènes domestiquesIn order to analyse the dynamics that make change possible change in international relations, this dissertation studies the adhesion of three Central European countries to NATO in 1999. The analysis deals with the factors that allow the switch from the status of enemy to partner or ally. By doing this, the thesis builds on the hypothesis that these evolutions are dependent on a socialization process. However a lack of interactions and of reconciliation, a political use of the past or non-mutual recognition between States can hinder the process. What’s more change is influenced by domestic dynamics. In order to join NATO, Central Eastern European countries modified their institutional and political orders. But this process was not the result of the very pressures of NATO. If the Atlantic Alliance wanted to export a liberal and democratic model and took over the competencies and practices of other organizations, it did not have the tools and the institutional knowledge to do so. So the paths towards adhesion were marked out by three dynamics: a strong concurrency between candidate countries, the singularity of each national way due to domestic political games and the heritage of communism and the politicization of the Atlantic issue as a tool to legitimize or stigmatise. This process shows that there was not a strict equivalence between post-communist transformations and the adhesions. Hence this study suggests that the analysis of change in international relations should take into account the influence of painful pasts and of the domestic arenas
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Nichter, Luke A. « Richard Nixon and Europe confrontation and cooperation, 1969-1974 / ». Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1213987283.
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Passos, Rogério Duarte Fernandes dos. « Espaço europeu de ensino superior e a questão da cidadania europeia ». [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/330303.
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Orientador: Elisabete Monteiro de Aguiar PereiraTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T15:09:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Passos_RogerioDuarteFernandesDos_D.pdf: 1237537 bytes, checksum: 45a883a79d3aca05877d061d46a65b13 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
Resumo: O trabalho discute a relação da constituição da cidadania europeia com o auxílio da universidade, em particular por meio do estabelecimento da União Europeia e da criação do Espaço Europeu de Ensino Superior. Em assim sendo, após resgate histórico do Processo de Bolonha ¿ que no ano de 2010 conformou o Espaço Europeu de Ensino Superior ¿, supõe-se a universidade europeia como locus de contribuição para a cidadania europeia, trazida à tona pelo Tratado de Maastricht de 1992. Tem-se, por conseguinte, a universidade como espaço para acréscimo ao conteúdo da cidadania, não ficando o conceito alicerçado exclusivamente no Estado nacional como a sua unidade básica, uma vez que se identifica a proposta de realizá-la, igualmente, nos campos do saber e da cultura. Para tanto, da mesma forma colhe-se os elementos de uma trajetória de grande atualidade para o contexto político e educacional, apta a visualizar uma Europa não apenas fincada nas questões econômicas, mas, por conseguinte, nas morais e culturais, representando eixo de orientação ao caminho trilhado pelo Processo de Bolonha em direção a valores caros aos seres humanos, tendo a educação superior e as universidades enquanto panos de fundo e como portadoras de uma missão e de uma responsabilidade, no bojo de um itinerário em que elas mesmas podem se proporcionar no contexto de reforma uma autorreflexão e reposicionamento em face das questões do momento contemporâneo
Abstract: The work discusses the relationship of the constitution of European citizenship with the help of the university, specifically through the establishment of the European Union and the creation of the European Higher Education Area. That being so, after historic rescue of the Bologna Process ¿ who in 2010 resigned the European Higher Education Area ¿, it is assumed that the European university as a locus of contribution for European citizenship, brought out by the Maastricht Treaty of 1992. There is, therefore, the university as a space to increase the content of citizenship, not getting the concept rooted exclusively in the national state as its basic unit, since it identifies the proposal to do it also in the fields knowledge and culture. Therefore, in the same way draw in the elements of a great current trajectory for political and educational context, able to see a Europe not just stuck on economic issues, but therefore the moral and cultural, representing orientation axis the path taken by the Bologna Process towards values cherished by humans, with higher education and universities as backdrops and as having a mission and a responsibility, in the midst of a journey in which they themselves can provide in the context of reform one self-reflection and repositioning in view of the question of the contemporary moment
Doutorado
Ensino e Práticas Culturais
Doutor em Educação
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Gabrielli, Lorenzo. « La construction de la politique d’immigration espagnole : ambiguïtés et ambivalences à travers le cas des migrations ouest-africaines ». Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40014/document.
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Ce travail analyse la construction de la politique d’immigration en Espagne à travers le cas desmigrations ouest-africaines, un révélateur privilégié des ambiguïtés et ambivalences qui latraversent. Dans le contexte du retournement des flux migratoires qui transforme l’Espagne en unedestination de plus en plus importante, nous abordons la mise en place compliquée d’une politiquenationale qui, dès sa naissance en 1985, doit conjuguer les obligations européennes et les intérêtsinternes. Nous étudions comment la virulente politisation de la question migratoire, en 2000,constitue un moment clé dans le développement de la politique espagnole, en modifiant d’abord leprocessus d’européanisation. L’Espagne, qui initialement est un récepteur passif de normes etpratiques européennes, se transforme ainsi en une actrice clé dans l’UE en matière d’immigration,tant par son adhésion à la sécurisation de l’immigration, que par son rôle dans le processusd’internationalisation des enjeux, où son action vis-à-vis du continent africain devient unarchétype. Nous analysons ainsi le développement du volet extérieur de la politique espagnole qui,par une focalisation exacerbée sur les flux subsahariens, impulse une diffusion poussée des enjeuxmigratoires dans les rapports avec l’Afrique. La réévaluation et revalorisation des relations del’Espagne avec le Maroc, en tant qu’espace de transit des flux, et le réengagement conséquent enAfrique de l’Ouest, à la suite du Plan Afrique, témoignent du rôle du continent africain commeterrain d’expression privilégié de l’externalisation du contrôle des flux. Le décryptage de cerégime euro-africain des migrations en essor, ainsi que de sa négociation, permet de saisir enprofondeur les conséquences et les effets collatéraux de cette politiqueThis project aims to analyse the development of Spanish immigration policy through the caseof West African migrations which significantly reveals the ambiguous and ambivalent nature ofthe policy. In the context of migratory flows reversal, Spain has become an increasingly importantdestination for immigrants, so I wish to address the complicated implementation of a nationalpolicy which, from its birth in 1985, has had to reconcile EU obligations with internal interests. Ishall look at how the virulent politicisation of immigration issues in 2000 not only represents akey moment in the development of Spanish policy, but Europeanization process as well. Thesignificance of this is that Spain, a country which was at first a passive recipient of Europeannorms and practices, steadily became a central actor in the key debates and issues surroundingimmigration in the EU. These include the Spanish alignment to the securitisation process ofimmigration as well as becoming a model in the internationalisation of immigration policythrough its action towards the African continent. I will also analyse the development of theexternal dimension of Spanish policy, which through an exacerbated focus on sub-Saharanimmigration leads to a widespread effect of the migratory issues in its dealings with Africa. Thereassessment and consequent improvement of Spanish relations with Morocco was a crucialmoment due to the country’s strategic importance as a “transit zone” to Europe. This trendcontinued with the consequent re-engagement in West Africa following the Africa Plan which Ibelieve reflects the role of the African continent as a privileged field of expression towards theexternalisation of migratory flows control. The deciphering of this emerging Euro-Africanframework of migration governance and its negotiation help us to fully comprehend theconsequences and collateral effects of this policy
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Vercauteren, Pierre. « Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS : la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
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Pichonnier, Christopher. « La France et la Hongrie (1989-2004) ». Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30018/document.
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Les relations entre la France et la Hongrie ont été, au fil de l’histoire, placées à la fois sous le signe de la complexité et celui de l’ambiguïté, souvent marquées par une certaine distance et parfois empreintes de ressentiments. Au cours de l'époque de l'époque moderne, l'occupation turque, puis la longue association de la Hongrie aux Habsbourgs ont contribué à dresser, entre les deux pays, des barrières, et à freiner le développement de liens plus conséquents. De manière similaire, au cours du XXe siècle, alors que beaucoup de facteurs géographiques, culturels ou humains auraient du conduire la France à nouer avec la Hongrie les mêmes rapports de confiance et d'amitié qu'avec les autres capitales d'Europe centre-orientale, les deux Guerres mondiales – et les périodes révisionnistes et communistes qui les ont suivis en Hongrie –, mais aussi la profonde blessure infligée aux Hongrois par le traité du Trianon, ont constamment rejeté les deux États dans des camps opposés et contribué à créer, dans un pays dont l'intelligentsia était pourtant historiquement prompte à « tourner son regard vers Paris », le mythe d'un « amour sans retour » envers la France. Longtemps considérée comme une zone d'influence germanique exclusive, la Hongrie ne représenta ainsi jamais réellement un partenaire privilégié pour la France à l'est du continent et les relations entre les deux pays demeurèrent très largement irrégulières et dissymétriques. Dans ces conditions, les bouleversements des années 1989-1990, tout en offrant l'occasion de redessiner un nouveau paysage européen tourné vers l'avenir, ont autorisé la possibilité d'un nouveau départ des rapports entre les deux États. En se plaçant dans la lignée des recherches réalisées sur les relations entre la France et la Hongrie au cours du XXe siècle, ce travail offre une première analyse du resserrement global des liens entre les deux États dans un contexte nouveau. En partant du constat que les relations franco-hongroises changent de dimension à partir de 1989 – une transformation qui est exposée et analysée – ce travail cherche à comprendre si cette mutation représente la marque d’une modification de la nature réelle de la politique française en Hongrie, alors même que celle-ci n’avait été jusqu’alors traitée que comme une périphérie globalisée dans le cadre d’une « politique de l’Est » très large, et d'autre part si la période marque la fin des absences de Marianne en Hongrie et de plus de « 300 ans d’amour impossible » entre les deux pays. Au crépuscule de la guerre froide et à l'aube de l'élargissement de l'UE, face à l'ampleur des rattrapages à effectuer et à la pesanteur des stéréotypes à surpasser, les années 1989-2004 marquent-elles la fin des relations ambiguës et asymétriques entre la France et la Hongrie et le commencement d'une nouvelle ère des relations franco-hongroises ? Le travail se décompose en quatre parties : une mise en perspective générale du sujet et une première analyse de l'idée de « nouveau départ », une étude de l'évolution des relations culturelles entre les deux États, un développement sur le renforcement des liens économiques bilatéraux, et enfin une étude des relations entre les deux pays à la lumière de la question de l'élargissement euroatlantiqueThroughout history, relations between France and Hungary have been complex and ambiguous, often characterized by a certain distance and sometimes marked by a genuine resentment. During the early modern period, the Turkish occupation and the long association of Hungary to the Habsburg Empire certainly contributed to building barriers between the two states and thus to slowing down the development of stronger ties. In a similar manner, during the 20th century, even though many factors – geographical, cultural, as well as societal – should have led France to develop a similar relationship of confidence and friendship with Hungary as those it had with other central European capitals, the two World Wars – and the revisionist and communist periods that followed in Hungary – as well as the deep “injury” inflicted on the Hungarians by the Treaty of Trianon have constantly pushed both states into opposing camps. In a country where the intelligentsia was historically quick to “look towards Paris”, these factors and events contributed to creating the myth of an “impossible love” between the two countries. Considered for a very long time as a German zone of influence, Hungary never really represented a favored partner for France in the eastern part of the continent, and the relations between the countries remained largely irregular and asymmetrical. Under these conditions, the major upheavals of the years 1989-1990, while offering an opportunity to redesign a new Europe, also allowed a chance for a new start in French-Hungarian relations. This thesis provides the first analysis of the overall strengthening of French-Hungarian relations in this new historical context. Starting with the observation that French-Hungarian relations undergo a change of dimension from 1989 – a transformation that will be discussed and analyzed – our work tries to understand on the one hand whether this mutation represents a modification of the real nature of French foreign policy towards Hungary, given that the country was mostly treated until then as part of the global periphery; and, on the other hand, whether this period marks the end of an absent France in Hungary. At the twilight of the Cold War and the dawn of the EU's enlargement, does the period from 1989 to 2004 mark the end of an ambiguous and asymmetrical relationship between France and Hungary and the start of a new era for French-Hungarian relations? The thesis is divided into four main parts : the first part provides a general overview of the topic and tests the idea of a “new beginning” of French-Hungarian relations. The second part delivers an analysis of the evolution of cultural relations between the two countries from 1989 to 2004. The third part is dedicated to the strengthening of economic ties between the two states. Finally, the last part studies the evolution of the relations between the two countries throughout the process of the EU and NATO's enlargement
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de, Somer Gregory John Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. « The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.
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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Tan, Bo. « Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.
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Quessard-Salvaing, Maud. « Propagande, information et diplomatie publique pendant la guerre froide : les stratégies de l'USIA en Europe d'Eisenhower à Reagan ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030124.
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Pendant plus de quarante cinq ans l’atout maître de la diplomatie publique américaine a été l’Agence d’information des Etats-Unis (l’USIA, United States Information Agency), établie en 1953 à l’apogée de la guerre froide pour répondre à la propagande soviétique anti-américaine et coordonner les programmes culturels et d’information à l’étranger. En privilégiant une approche comparative, notre thèse se propose d’apporter un éclairage sur le rôle longtemps ignoré de la diplomatie publique au sein de la machine de la politique étrangère américaine en se concentrant sur trois Administrations présidentielles, Eisenhower, Kennedy et Reagan qui se distinguent comme des périodes charnières. Dans ce cadre, notre étude tente de déterminer le rôle qu’ont pu jouer les stratégies de la diplomatie publique américaine élaborées depuis Washington telles qu’elles furent pratiquées par les agents des services d’information (USIS) dans les pays de « la zone cruciale » (France, Italie et Allemagne) en Europe de l’Ouest, ou dans les nations captives. Notre thèse démontre que des premières campagnes de propagande des combattants de la guerre psychologique, dans les années 1950, aux émissions high-tech des champions de l’information et de la désinformation des années 1980, l’USIA fut au cœur des stratégies de persuasion de la puissance américaine en Europe. Au regard des succès et des échecs des activités officielles et officieuses pour lesquelles l’USIA a œuvré, nous abordons la délicate question de la réception des programmes d’information officiels et de l’efficacité des stratégies d’influence américaines dans les batailles européennes pour la libertéFor 46 years, the centrepiece of U.S. public diplomacy was the United States Information Agency (USIA) established in 1953 at the height of the Cold War to counter anti-American propaganda from the Soviet Union and coordinate foreign information dissemination programs. The purpose of my dissertation - a comparative study - is to try to shed a new light on the too long neglected role of public diplomacy in the American foreign policy process over the course of three key presidential Administrations- Eisenhower, Kennedy and Reagan. Therefore in the course of my dissertation, through field centered case studies, I investigate the strategies set up by the USIA in Washington and by the USIS [United States Information Services] in the field for “the crucial zone” (defined as France, Italy and Germany), and for key “captive nations” (such as Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia and Hungary). In my dissertation I argue that since the first propag! anda campaigns of the cold warriors to the high-tech broadcastings of the champions of information and disinformation, USIA was at the core of the American strategies of persuasion and power in Europe. Indeed, in the field, between 1953 and 1991 the psychological warfare between the US and the USSR turned into a cultural Cold War and a war of information in which both public and private networks were involved. Considering the success and failures of the covert and overt activities of the USIA I may tackle the tricky issue of the effectiveness of American strategies of influence in the European battle for freedom
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Turnbull, Emma C. « Anti-Popery in early modern England : religion, war and print, c. 1617-1635 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b8dfa993-21af-4370-8008-e84edb17d272.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is about anti-popery in early modern England, how its meanings and political uses in printed literature changed in response to the dramatic developments of the Thirty Years' War. I contend that the languages of anti-popery, though structured by binary oppositions, were being used to express complex, multifaceted views about Catholic states in the 1620s and 1630s. The new perspective that this research offers is two-fold. Firstly, it asserts that anti-popery was an active and flexible tool of English Protestant debate about foreign affairs. 'Popish' tyranny, variously embodied in the Counter-Reformation papacy or Habsburg imperialism, was a malleable concept that adapted its meanings and associations with the political circumstances. Our early modern subjects were capable of separating anti-Catholic beliefs about idolatrous worship from political questions of how to identify, and combat, the threat of papal tyranny. Thus, this thesis argues that a greater range of irenic attitudes towards relations with Catholic powers were circulating than previously thought. Secondly, this thesis argues that several different anti-papal languages were operating alongside, and in competition with, one another in early Stuart political culture. As a fluid set of tropes, associations and prejudices, anti-popery had different meanings for different authors and incorporated a range of political and religious agendas. Anti-popery, therefore, was not simply a tool of Puritan opposition to the non-interventionist policy of the Stuarts, but, I argue, was also compatible with a more moderate or conciliatory attitude to Catholic states, including Habsburg Spain. The printed debates of the 1620s and 1630s expose the tensions that existed between competing ideas about the nature of the external popish threat. By 1635 and the reversal of Protestant fortunes on the Continent, these competing anti-papal ideas were exposing the tensions within England about the nature of its Protestantism, and thus helped precipitate the Civil Wars.
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Baltag, Dorina. « Practice and performance : EU diplomacy in Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus after the inauguration of the European External Action Service, 2010-2015 ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2018. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/33503.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this thesis is to critically assess the diplomatic performance of the European Union (EU) in its neighbourhood, namely in Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus after the inauguration of the European External Action Service (EEAS). The Lisbon Treaty announced the need for a stronger, more efficient, more coherent EU in world politics. This implied, inter alia, that in third countries, the former Commission representations have been transformed into Union Delegations that represent the EU. Besides this, the Treaty changes opened an opportunity for coordination between national and EU level diplomacy in order to obtain a more effective collective effort. These changes where focused on EU s overall performance, which has been a salient issue on the agenda of European policy-makers. The issue of the EU s performance in the wider Eastern Europe remains poignant, not least because of current developments in its neighbourhood (such as the crisis in Ukraine, Moldova s downturn in its democratization efforts or the inclusion of Belarus on the list of most repressive countries in the world). While the Brussels-based part of the EEAS has captured the attention of both academic and non-academic literature, this thesis turns its focus to the performance and diplomatic practice of the EU in third countries, i.e Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus. When talking about European diplomatic performance abroad, a key focus in the thesis is on practices through which the details of everyday practices that form and shape the performance of any actor is explored. In order to do so, the investigation conducted for this research is guided by three assumptions on the use of EU diplomacy in overcoming its foreign policy dilemmas. Looking at performance, then, implies examining EU diplomatic practices against pre-set goals; evaluating the cooperation between member-states (MS) embassies and Union Delegations towards formulating and implementing a common approach ; and, conducting a screening of diplomatic capabilities on the ground. Findings show that the EU delegations represent the EU as a whole, became communication hubs on the ground and took the lead on cooperation with the EU MS embassies. Empirical evidence revealed that, in practice, the Delegations continued to conduct aid-driven diplomacy, as a legacy from the former Commission representations. And, that the coexistence of national and EU diplomacy was marked, at times, by MS opting out of the common approach in favour of parallel actions. While the Delegations in these countries have grown in size and, most importantly, have diplomats as staff members; the development of the Delegations also came with an intra- and inter-institutional tension on the ground that echoed Brussels institutional dynamics. Lastly, a comparative evaluation of EU diplomatic performance in Eastern Europe more generally uncovered multistakeholder diplomacy, burden-sharing, bloc diplomacy, unilateral diplomatic actions and interest-driven diplomacy as key drivers and dividers in EU s attempt to address its foreign policy dilemmas.