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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Europe – Foreign relations – United States »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Europe – Foreign relations – United States"

Janes, Jack. « The Ampel Coalition's Foreign Policy Challenges ». German Politics and Society 40, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2022) : 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400405.

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Abstract German-American relations have been impacted by the war in Ukraine for reasons that have to do with domestic and foreign policy challenges. Germany is struggling with its responsibilities to increased expectations in Washington and within the European Union. The responses in Berlin to the Russian invasion of Ukraine have resulted in tensions within Europe as Germany tries to shape its policies around what Chancellor Olaf Scholz has called the Zeitenwende (turning point) of German foreign policy. The u.s. has also signaled its expectations that Germany needs to be a partner in sharing the burden of confronting Russian threats in Ukraine and Europe. Another challenge for German-American relations is emerging around relations with China, which may generate friction across the Atlantic as the United States seeks to confront China on the global stage while Germany remains tightly connected to China as its largest trade partner. How and why Germany and the United States need each other is in transition.

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Hurd, Elizabeth Shakman. « Political Islam and Foreign Policy in Europe and the United States ». Foreign Policy Analysis 3, n^o 4 (octobre 2007) : 345–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-8594.2007.00054.x.

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Lymar, Margaryta. « European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower ». American History & ; Politics Scientific edition, n^o 7 (2019) : 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.

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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.

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Oppermann, Kai, Ryan Beasley et Juliet Kaarbo. « British foreign policy after Brexit : losing Europe and finding a role ». International Relations 34, n^o 2 (17 juillet 2019) : 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117819864421.

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British foreign policy stands at a turning point following the 2016 ‘Brexit’ referendum. Drawing on role theory, we trace the United Kingdom’s efforts to establish new foreign policy roles as it interacts with the concerned international actors. We find that the pro-Brexit desire to ‘take back control’ has not yet translated into a cogent foreign policy direction. In its efforts to avoid adopting the role of isolate, the United Kingdom has projected a disoriented foreign policy containing elements of partially incompatible roles such as great power, global trading state, leader of the Commonwealth, regional partner to the European Union (EU) and faithful ally to the United States. The international community has, through processes of socialisation and alter-casting, largely rejected these efforts. These role conflicts between the United Kingdom and international actors, as well as conflicts among its different role aspirations, have pressed UK policies towards its unwanted isolationist role, potentially shaping its long-term foreign policy orientation post-Brexit.

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Lho, Kyongsoo. « The United State and East Asia : A New Paradigm ? » Korean Journal of Policy Studies 9 (31 décembre 1994) : 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps09002.

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The end of the Cold War has precipitated a major rethinking of the United States' international commitments in both the scholarly and policymaking communities. For the first time in nearly half a century, the United States is fundamentally reconsidering both its military and economic relations with the outside world. However, the debate over how to restructure US foreign policy has generally focused on Europe. When analysts have referred to Asia, the emphasis has generally been on economic problems in the region. Similarly, the thrust of these works has tended to remain short-term, looking at the immediate future. This paper challenges these viewpoints. It argues that East Asia is as important as Europe to the United States, for security as well as economic reasons. The paper looks at the long-run as well as short-run trends in East Asia, and argues that the issues the US will face in the future will not arise solely from its traditional adversaries-a major problem will be managing conflicts within alliances.

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Poulon, Christine, et Dimitris Bourantonis. « Western Europe and the Gulf Crisis : Towards a European Foreign Policy ? » Politics 12, n^o 2 (octobre 1992) : 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1992.tb00211.x.

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If European union means anything, it means having a common foreign policy that amounts to more than expressions of pious platitudes. Europe cannot expect anyone to take it seriously if it leaves the United States to defend its interests in the Middle East. ( Independent, 3 August 1990)

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Warner, Geoffrey. « Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. I : National security affairs : foreign economic policy, Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. III : Western Europe, Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. IV : Central and Eastern Europe : the Soviet Union, Foreign relations of the United States 1951. Vol. III : European security and the German question (in 2 parts) and Foreign relations of the United States 1952–1954. Vol. V : Western European security (in 2 parts) ». International Affairs 61, n^o 2 (avril 1985) : 279–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2617485.

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Lakishyk, Dmytro. « German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s ». European Historical Studies, n^o 16 (2020) : 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.6.

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The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.

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Ray, Laurel. « Review : Atlantic Foreign Policies : The Peace Movements in Europe & ; the United States ». International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 42, n^o 1 (mars 1987) : 236–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208704200119.

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Sinkkonen, Ville, et Garret Martin. « Past as Prologue ? The United States and European Strategic Autonomy in the Biden Era ». European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Special Issue (1 avril 2022) : 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022013.

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Europe breathed a sigh of relief after Joe Biden’s victory in the 2020 presidential election, following a difficult period for transatlantic relations under Donald Trump. Yet, a friendlier tone in Washington has not so far translated into markedly better relations between the US and Europe. This article inquires why Biden – a pro-European President by disposition – is not proving more amenable to transatlantic relations in general, and European strategic autonomy in particular. It suggests that the considerable continuity between Biden and Trump can be explained by an interplay between the historical legacy of transatlantic relations, international and domestic structural factors, and on-going ideational contests over US grand strategy. Considering these factors, the US approach to Europe in the Biden era looks to oscillate between a ‘primacy’ model, marked by a US expectation that it will continue to lead and determine the direction of the transatlantic alliance, as well as ‘benign neglect’ of Europe in an age marked by ‘strategic competition’ with China. Neither approach is particularly conducive to the development of European Union (EU) strategic autonomy. In the meantime, the transition from Trump to the Biden era continues to hold little promise for a mutually negotiated ‘major reform’ of the transatlantic relationship. transatlantic relations – foreign policy – European Union – United States – strategic autonomy, grand strategy – primacy – restraint – Biden – Trump

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Thèses sur le sujet "Europe – Foreign relations – United States"

Al-Imam, Jamal D. « U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western Europe ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc663015/.

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This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.

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James, William Andrew Philip Justin. « Trust and the transformation of the German question, 1960-1970 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609881.

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Olsen, Agnes Eileen. « Robert Francis Kelley and the Eastern European Division of the State Department : 1917-1933 ». PDXScholar, 1997. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3826.

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This study traces the career of Robert Francis Kelley and his influence on American-Russian Relations during the nonrecognition period (1917-1933). The focus of this examination is Kelley's role in formulating, implementing, and sustaining America's anti-communist policy developed and solidified during the 1920s and 1930s. Particular attention is given to the senate recognition hearing of 1924, Kelley's training of future diplomats (George Kennan, Charles Bohlen, et al.), and his contributions to the preparations leading to the United States' recognition of Russia in 1933. Using Kelley's papers and personal correspondence, this study shows the growth of a man and the evolution of a policy.

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Lam, Man Ho. « Risky business : difficulties in the American perception of and reaction to Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik, 1969-1971 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 1998. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/235.

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Olson, Peter Millard. « An analysis of US/Soviet arms control : adding a subsystem perspective ». PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4300.

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Analyses of US/Soviet arms control have usually focused on domestic variables to explain US/Soviet arms control behavior. Partly because the number of negotiating parties is only two, there is a propensity to focus on the bilateral relationship of the United States and the Soviet Union and their respective domestic political situations. Only superficial attention has usually been given to international systems variables that may well influence the domestic political situation and arms control policy. This thesis broadens the explanatory scope of US/Soviet arms control by showing how the political environment of a trilateral relationship (a subsystem that includes the West European members of NATO as a single actor as well as the United States and the Soviet Union) is a primary motivator of US/Soviet arms control behavior.

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Rae, Michelle Frasher. « International monetary relations between the United States, France, and West Germany in the 1970s ». Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/48.

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Shinn, Hal Jerome III. « The effects of the European communities 1992 program on United States export controls ». Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/29208.

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Winand, Pascaline. « Presidents, advisers and the uniting of Europe : American policy toward European integration, 1939-1963 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213111.

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Martill, Benjamin. « Cold War at the centre : liberalism and the politics of Euratlantic strategy, 1945-1990 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59dc5f4a-5a58-4b0e-8690-9f99595e5200.

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Patterns of domestic political contestation in international affairs often see the centre aligned against both the left and the right of the ideological spectrum. This is observable in a range of issues, from democracy promotion, intervention, international law, European integration, free trade, globalization and the creation of international regimes. Why centre-periphery ideological competition occurs is an interesting puzzle, given the challenge it offers to the idea that partisanship is an inherently left-right phenomenon. Yet the role of the political centre in foreign policy has not been subjected to systematic analysis. This thesis studies the nature and effects of the foreign policy position of the political centre. It argues that the centre is distinguished from left and right by its embrace of distinct elements of liberal ideology. The liberal view of international politics differs in thee important respects from its socialist and conservative competitors: It is particular, rather than pluralist, when it comes to questions of sovereignty and international legitimacy; it views interdependence, rather than independence, as a natural and desirable condition of the international; and it views deterrence, rather than diplomacy, as the best means of achieving security. To test the validity of this thesis I discuss the role of ideology in explaining variation in relations between four Euratlantic states (Britain, France, West Germany and Canada) and the United States during the Cold War. This is a hard case given the intensity of global threat at the time. The thesis tests the claim that the strength of Euratlantic-American relations is a function of the relative influence of the political centre at the time. To do this it outlines a mixed-methods research design that combines in-depth case studies with a quantitative analysis of Euratlantic-US relations. The results from both elements confirm the validity of the theoretical proposition.

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Van, Deusen Karl J. « U.S.-Portuguese relations and foreign base rights in Portugal ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA237179.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.
Thesis Advisor(s): Bruneau, Thomas C. Second Reader: Yost, David S. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 15, 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): Military Bases, Political Science, Theses, United States, Portugal, Azores, Security Assistance Program, France, West Germany, European Community, Western European Union, Madeira, Trade. Author(s) subject terms: Portugal, Azores, Lajes, Flores, Beja, Overseas Bases, Security Assistance, Slazar, Soares, Silva, Emigration, Emigrant's Remittances, Trade, Foreign Direct Investment, WEU, CFE. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-185). Also available in print.

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Plus de sources

Livres sur le sujet "Europe – Foreign relations – United States"

1941-, Perle Richard Norman, dir. Reshaping Western security : The United States faces a united Europe. Washington, D.C : AEI Press, 1991.

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Schlesinger, Thomas O. The United States and the European neutrals. Wien : Braumüller, 1991.

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The United States and Europe in a changing world. Dordrecht : Republic of Letters Publishing BV, 2009.

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The inevitable alliance : Europe and the United States beyond Iraq. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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European Commission. Directorate-General for External Relations et European Commission. Delegation (U.S.), dir. European Union - United States relations. Luxembourg : Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2001.

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1954-, Hoffman Bruce, Rosenau William, Center for Middle East Public Policy (Rand Corporation) et Geneva Center for Security Policy., dir. The United States, Europe, and the Wider Middle East. Santa Monica, CA : Rand, 2004.

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Europe and the United States : The emerging security partnership. Westport, Conn : Praeger Security International, 2006.

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Kathleen, Burk, et Stokes Melvyn, dir. The United States and the European alliance since 1945. Oxford : Berg, 1999.

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Of walls and bridges : The United States and Eastern Europe. New York : New York University Press, 1991.

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Gianaris, Nicholas V. The European Community and the United States : Economic relations. New York : Praeger, 1991.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Europe – Foreign relations – United States"

Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo et Andrew T. H. Tan. « China's relations with the United States ». Dans China's Foreign Policy, 84–101. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-8.

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Ninkovich, Frank. « The United States and Imperialism ». Dans A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 79–102. Malden, MA, USA : Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch6.

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Tunsjø, Øystein. « China and the United States in a new bipolar system ». Dans US–China Foreign Relations, 41–49. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021. | : Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-5.

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Rivas, Darlene. « United States-Latin American Relations, 1942-1960 ». Dans A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 230–54. Malden, MA, USA : Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch14.

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Burchill, Scott. « United States Foreign Policy : Radical Islam and the West ». Dans Misunderstanding International Relations, 107–32. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1936-9_7.

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Ferguson, Yale H., et Richard W. Mansbach. « Expanding Chinese influence and China-United States relations ». Dans Foreign Policy Issues for America, 45–57. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series : Routledge studies in US foreign policy : Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351186872-4.

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Hahn, Peter L. « The United States and the Middle East since 1967 ». Dans A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 375–86. Malden, MA, USA : Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch20.

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Shoup, Laurence H. « Council on Foreign Relations and United States Imperialism ». Dans The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–16. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_114-1.

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Shoup, Laurence H. « Council on Foreign Relations and United States Imperialism ». Dans The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 470–85. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_114.

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Gordon, Philip H. « ‘Rogue States’ and Transatlantic Relations ». Dans The United States and Europe in the Global Arena, 109–27. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230379763_5.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Europe – Foreign relations – United States"

Malachta, Radovan. « Mutual Trust between the Member States of the European Union and the United Kingdom after Brexit : ». Dans COFOLA INTERNATIONAL 2020. Brexit and its Consequences. Brno : Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9801-2020-2.

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The paper follows up on the arguments introduced in the author’s article Mutual Trust as a Way to an Unconditional Automatic Recognition of Foreign Judgments. This paper, titled Mutual Trust between the Member States of the European Union and the United Kingdom after Brexit: Overview discusses, whether there has been a loss of mutual trust between the European Union and the United Kingdom after Brexit. The UK, similarly to EU Member States, has been entrusted with the area of recognition and enforcement of judgements thus far. Should the Member States decrease the level of mutual trust in relation to the UK only because the UK ceased to be part of the EU after 47 years? Practically overnight, more precisely, the day after the transitional period, should the Member States trust the UK less in the light of legislative changes? The article also outlines general possibilities that the UK has regarding which international convention it may accede to. Instead of going into depth, the article presents a basic overview. However, this does not prevent the article to answer, in addition to the questions asked above, how a choice of access to an international convention could affect the level of mutual trust between the UK and EU Member States.

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Kanapienytė, Laura, et Renata Činčikaitė. « EVALUATION OF ATTRACTIVENESS OF THE EU MEMBER STATES FOR FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT ». Dans 12th International Scientific Conference „Business and Management 2022“. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/bm.2022.821.

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The world is increasingly being affected by globalisation, and investment is being affected by this continuous process. Investment is an important determinant of a country’s growth, its micro- and macroeconomic development, and the overall economic well-being. Attractiveness for investment is an indicator that reveals accessibility and com-petitiveness of a region with all its material and non-material resources compared to other regions with similar char-acteristics. Based on systematic and comparative literature analysis, this article reviews the concepts of foreign direct investment (FDI) and FDI attractiveness, and examines FDI evaluation methods and models. The major purpose of the article is to evaluate attractiveness of the EU member states for FDI. Research methods: synthesis and comparison of the concepts and methods available in scientific literature, secondary data analysis, statistical data processing, multi-criteria evaluation methods. Results of research: developed model for evaluating the attractiveness of particular coun-tries for FDI comprises three groups of determinants (baseline determinants, political and legal determinants, price and quality determinants), by empirical studies revealed that the countries classified by the United Nations as a group of Western Europe and other countries are most attractive for FDI.

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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. « From Embargo to Blockade : An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.

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The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.

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Krivosudská, Simona. « Development of the trade relations intensity between the EU27 and the United Kingdom in the context of Brexit with a focus on the member states ». Dans 21st International Joint Conference Central and Eastern Europe in the Changing Business Environment : Proceedings. University of Economics in Bratislava, Vydavateľstvo EKONÓM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/pr.2021.krn.4816.11.

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شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. « The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.

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"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."

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Ellsworth, Kyle, Spencer Magleby et Robert Todd. « A Study of the Effects of Culture on Refrigerator Design : Towards Design for Culture ». Dans ASME 2002 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2002/edc-34383.

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In designing products, the needs and values of customers in foreign countries differ as influenced by their respective cultures. The authors present a new aspect to be considered in designing: Design for Culture. A case study is presented of the effects culture has on the design of refrigerators in regions of the world including United States, Europe, Japan, and Developing Countries such as Brazil.

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Widyarta, Mohammad. « Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia : Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962 ». Dans The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online : SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.

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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.

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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. « EU Enlargement to the Balkans : Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.

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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.

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Karatalov, Omurbek. « Open Economy and Economic Integration within the Framework of Eurasia ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00633.

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The Kyrgyz Republic economy openness is studied within the framework of the Eurasia. Insufficient level of the financial and economic standing of Kyrgyzstan is clarified. Reasons for Governmental regulating use in the area of monetary, tax and budget policy in USA have been set up. Conditions of the development of industrial countries economy are under consideration. The necessity of financialisation of all capital of country is defined. Kyrgyzstan public budget’s permanent deficiency formation reasons are studied. A necessity of integration economic relations development within the framework of Eurasia is offered. A necessity of sustainable economic relations establishment as well as finding solution for external debt between Kyrgyzstan and Russia have been justified. It is recommended to strengthen effective fight against a scale corruption, «shadow» economy and criminalization of economy and finances. The increase of efficiency and responsibility of top managers of the public administration level have been offered. The necessity of the independent mastering of own gold-mining fields is justified. The need to attract the foreign direct investments to the area of mining and processing industry have been offered. Within the framework of acceleration of economic integration. Needs for the development of exploring and processing of hydrocarbons as well as building of large economic entities especially the hydroelectric power stations, namely Kambar-Ata-1 Hydro-Power Plants have been suggested. By this it is also suggested to Russia to develop this as strategic partner of Kyrgyzstan. Creation of integral customs system and energy cooperation suggested. It should be supported by establishment of unique equivalent among Eurasia states. By this it is to be possible to find acceptable solutions in finance and economy and to form a united economic cooperation considering a sovereignty of each state. It is necessary to develop the identical financial reporting of point-of-sale and payment balances, balance of international investments, compliable national republics and on the whole on Eurasia. To walk away from the calculation and actual use of dollar of the USA in finance and economic operations. Based on econometric prognosis of gross internal product and the public budget of Kyrgyzstan is made calculating on the per to 2025 year.

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Trenovski, Borce, Kristijan Kozeski et Gunter Merdzan. « THE LINK BETWEEN PRODUCTIVITY AND LABOUR SHARE – THE CASE OF NORTH MACEDONIA AND SLOVENIA ». Dans Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2020.0020.

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The large divergence between productivity and workers’ incomes has been becoming a reality in most countries, not just in the United States after 1980s, where labour productivity grew faster than real wages and employment. The breakdown according to Brynjolfsson and McAfee (2014) is due to technological progress, according to Bivens and Mishel (2015) the growing inequality and according to Baker (2007) the declining labour share in GDP. The main goal of this paper is to find out if the global trend of “The Great Decoupling” between productivity and labour share is a real process in the case of the countries analyzed from the Southeast Europe region. Given that Slovenia is among the most developed countries, while North Macedonia belongs to the group of developing countries that in these stages of development rely on foreign capital and cheap labour, we examine whether the process of “The Great Decoupling” between productivity and labour share is a reality in both countries. From the analysis of the trend of the movement of the average labour productivity of these two countries, it can be concluded that in both countries there is a trajectory of the movement of the labour productivity. Also, from the trend of the movement of the share of labour income and labour productivity in the case of Slovenia and North Macedonia it can be concluded that they indicate the existence of a large gap, i.e. divergence in the trajectory of motion. Also, the gap between labour productivity and the share of labour income in GDP on the example of North Macedonia, if compared to the example of Slovenia is of lower intensity. Finally, based on the results obtained from the conducted econometric analysis, we determine whether there is a need for further research or the phenomenon is a temporary deviation in the dynamics of the gap between labour share and labour productivity.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Europe – Foreign relations – United States"

Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.

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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.

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Kuiper, Marcus A. The United States, NATO, and Security Relations with Central and Eastern Europe. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, janvier 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada394983.

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Barton, Frederick D. Testimony : Statement of Frederick D. Barton, Senior Fellow and Director, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies, before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate on Accelerating Economic Progress in Iraq"". Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, juillet 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada438876.

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Russo, Margherita, Fabrizio Alboni, Jorge Carreto Sanginés, Manlio De Domenico, Giuseppe Mangioni, Simone Righi et Annamaria Simonazzi. The Changing Shape of the World Automobile Industry : A Multilayer Network Analysis of International Trade in Components and Parts. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp173.

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In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.

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