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1
Schade, Daniel. « The European Union's Latin America policy : a study of foreign policy change and coordination ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3537/.
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This thesis explores the evolution of the European Union’s (EU) Latin America policy through an analysis of factors internal to the EU’s foreign policy decision-making system. Its policy towards the region has changed in important ways over time and appears to have come to be more and more incoherent. Adapting existing Foreign Policy Analysis frameworks to the specific context of the EU’s foreign policy, this thesis seeks to understand how factors of bureaucratic politics shape the EU’s foreign policy towards third actors. It is hypothesized that where an analytical perspective which evaluates the EU’s increased policy incoherence towards Latin America as the result of rational decision-making is not satisfactory, bureaucratic politics need to be considered instead. Under this perspective, the EU’s policy incoherence is influenced by policy inertia arising out of previous commitments, the divergence of views between different internal EU actors, the autonomy of these to take decisions without prior consultation or coordination with others, and lastly the complexity and duration of EU foreign policy decision-making processes themselves. This research framework is then applied empirically by analysing the EU’s negotiations for international agreements with partners in the Latin American region, and particularly those with regional organizations since the 1990s. This thesis finds that despite attempts to strengthen foreign policy coordination and coherence in the EU over time, the coherence of its Latin America policy has indeed been affected by bureaucratic politics arising out of factors such as changes to the internal organization of the European Commission or the disruption of established coordination mechanisms through the Treaty of Lisbon. The findings contribute to our understanding of the evolution of EU-Latin American relations, on-going debates on the study of interregionalism, as well as more generally to the literature on EU foreign policy-making.
2
Daza, Aramayo Lourdes Gabriela. « Analysis of Trade Relations between the European Union and Latin America from 1995-2011 ». Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-196936.
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The Doctoral Thesis "Analysis of Trade Relations between the European Union and Latin America from 1995-2011" focuses on the determination Latin America's potential as a trading partner for the European Union. It will be based on an analysis of the region's trade relationships between 1995 and 2011 through different econometric models and a macroeconomic analysis. It will make recommendations for improving economic relation policies with Latin America and the European Union as well as identify the sectors which could represent great potential for trade between both regions. The research is divided into seven chapters: The first chapter covers international trade theory; this part comprises the theoretical aspects directly related to international trade. The second chapter analyzes the macroeconomic features of Latin American countries and compares them with data from the European Union. A separate, detailed analysis of 17 Latin American countries was performed and the potential of each one to make their importance known to the world and define their geopolitical position is described. The third chapter details the trade policies of the European Union and Latin America. The fourth chapter discusses trade relations between Latin America and the European Union through a look at the trade agreements that have been signed between the European Union and Latin American countries and tries to identify possible causes of failures for agreements not signed. This chapter also studies the sectorial composition of trade between the two regions, emphasizing the asymmetry between these trades flows as they enter the countries studied. The fifth chapter, the heart of this research paper, analyzes the trade relations between the EU and Latin America through a gravity model, identifying the obstacles and barriers to international trade between the two regions. The second part of this chapter discusses institutional factors, which, as a result of the conclusions from the gravity model explained earlier in the chapter, play an important role in international trade between Latin America and the European Union. This section contains a comparative analysis of the situation of the institutional factors in the 29 Latin American countries which were analyzed in the gravity model. This chapter also includes a trade simulation between the Czech Republic and Latin America with the institutional factors in Latin America showing a 10% improvement. In the sixth chapter, the competitiveness of 17 Latin American countries is calculated using the results of the barriers to international trade through a new method based on the comparison of indicators, ranked by dimension and according to the weight thereof for a period of time. The last chapter focuses on the identification of the variables determining foreign direct investment in Latin America, represented by 29 countries and over a period of time from 1995 to 2011. It considers variables traditionally not considered such as the number of patents registered, the tax rate and institutional factors, which have revealed important explanatory variables as well as those traditionally considered such as GDP, inflation, population, the share of GDP by sector, income level, etc. The last part of this research lists the conclusions reached and proposes recommendations for economic relations policy development between Latin America and the European Union.
3
Şerban, Ileana. « The European Union and Latin America : normative encounters ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/111210/.
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The current doctoral research looks at how norm entrepreneur and norm interpreter interact, highlighting the limitations of previous research in recognising the agency of the norm interpreter and the complex interactions between the two actors. Normative encounters is coined as a central concept for understanding how the EU as norm entrepreneur creates normative dialogues with its interlocutors, in this case Latin American regional organisations. Two dynamics are proposed to show how normative encounters happen or are prevented from doing so. On one side, an analysis is made of cases in which the norm entrepreneur attempts to diffuse its norms to the norm interpreter that localises the norms which are then incorporated (or not) in concrete policies through policy entrepreneurship. On the other side, an equally important dynamic starts with the norm interpreter that creates new norms though norm subsidiarity, diffuses this new normative content and creates a need for the initial norm entrepreneur to adapt its normative approach and to make it visible to the norm interpreter through concrete policies. By using concepts from both International Relations and public policy studies, the thesis questions and updates the way of looking at the European Union as a normative actor. It also explores the link between norms and policies by analysing the European Union cooperation for development strategies and programmes, as well as the negotiation of Association Agreements with three regional groups in Latin America: Central America, Mercosur and the Andean Community. Thus, the study opens a space of analysis in which norm entrepreneurship is part of both the EU desire to diffuse its norms and of its need to adapt to a new international context. In this way, norm entrepreneurship becomes also a reaction to norm subsidiarity and makes it imperative for the European Union to use new norms if it is to keep its normative identity. We are witnessing a shift from a world in which the EU diffuses norms to other actors and regions, to a world in which the EU norms are perceived, interpreted and sometimes challenged, sometimes rejected and replaced by new ones.
4
Muniz, Blanca P. « EEC strategies towards Latin America : hegemony and international economic relations ». Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328998.
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Scarfi, Juan Pablo. « International law and pan-Americanism in the Americas, 1890-1942 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648513.
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SÁNCHEZ, CANO Gaël. « Spiritual empire : Spanish diplomacy and Latin America in the 1920s ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/64748.
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Defence date: 28 October 2019Examining Board: Prof Regina Grafe, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Second Reader); Prof David Marcilhacy, Sorbonne Université; Dr Christian Goeschel, University of Manchester
This thesis focuses on the practice of cultural diplomacy in post-imperial contexts through the study of the Spanish-Latin American case (Hispano-Americanism) during the 1920s. It advances the concept of ‘spiritual empire’ to make sense of the weight of imperial legacies in multilateral international relations. It highlights the intangible and imagined nature of these legacies, and examines their use in foreign policy. It thus offers broader definitions of what is usually called ‘soft power’, with a specific emphasis on its European roots and on its intertwinement with empire and multilateralism during the interwar period, especially in the context of the League of Nations. The specific object of this inquiry is the set of practices of Hispano-Americanism developed under General Miguel Primo de Rivera’s authoritarian regime (1923-1930). Calls for closer relations between Spain and the Spanish-speaking American countries dated back to the late nineteenth century, in the form of intellectual pleas and some political projects. Only in the 1920s, however, was Hispano-Americanism built up as a relatively coherent set of diplomatic practices. Asking why these practices emerged in the 1920s in particular, the thesis explores this decade as a key moment for both empire and diplomacy. Building mostly on archival material from the Spanish administration, the League of Nations, and US public and private institutions, this research inserts Spanish diplomacy at the heart of the narrative of power politics in Europe and the Americas. The aim is not to prove that Spain actually mattered, but to use this specific case study to pose alternative questions about power in world politics. Rather than asking where power is, this thesis seeks to understand what power is and how it is fabricated. The notion of spiritual empire illustrates how the imperial logics of power resist the formal end of empires and are reused in the shape of diplomatic and administrative practices. It explains how Spanish diplomats and foreign-policy makers tried to hang on to a status of power granted by Spain’s imperial past. It also opens the way to diachronic comparisons between Spain’s Hispano-Americanism, Portugal’s politics of Lusophony, France’s politics of Francophony, or the British Commonwealth, among others.
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Chi, Le-Yi. « The People's Republic of China's Latin American Policy from Mao to Deng ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22655965.html.
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Stodden, William Peter. « Destabilization as Foreign Policy : The USA in Latin America, 1947-1989 ». OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/553.
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Given the potential political, economic and reputational costs for violating international norms of sovereignty, we should expect to only rarely observe the adoption by states of risky foreign policies like destabilization (which is defined as the policy of changing the balance of power between a target government and its domestic opposition, with the aim of effecting the downfall of that target government.) Yet, history demonstrates that states regularly adopt destabilization as a foreign policy. My research addresses this puzzle: Why, given the high potential costs of violation of international norms, do policymakers opt to do so anyway? I argue that the answer lies in the breadth and intensity of conflicts of interest between destabilizing states and their targets. To illustrate my theoretical argument, I hypothesize the following: When policy makers perceive a broad and intense conflict of security, economic and ideological interests, they will adopt destabilization as a policy. In this dissertation, I look at US relations with Latin American states during the Cold War. To demonstrate my hypothesis, I perform three comparative case studies. Each comparison examines two cases which are similar in most ways except, notably, the breadth of conflict of interest perceived by the US. In each negative case, I demonstrate that two, but not three types of conflicts were present and the US did not destabilize the target government, but instead chose different policy options. In the affirmative case, I demonstrate that all three types of conflicts were present, and the US destabilized the target government. I then briefly explore South African policy toward its neighbors, to illustrate that my theoretical explanation is plausible outside of the context of US-Latin American relations. I conclude with a brief discussion on extension of the theory and implications of this study for foreign policy analysis.
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Trueb, Bettina [Verfasser], et Bertold [Akademischer Betreuer] Rittberger. « Foreign Policy towards Latin America in Europe : A Comparative Study / Bettina Trueb. Betreuer : Bertold Rittberger ». Mannheim : Universitätsbibliothek Mannheim, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1034314858/34.
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Stipic, Igor. « The concept of autonomy in Latin America and Brazilian foreign policy ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264080.
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The objective of this thesis is to analyze the concept of autonomy, taking as the case study Brazil under the Workers Party Government (2003-2016). Approach that will be taken aims at combining perspectives of Latin-American structuralism with those of realism and interdependency. Thesis essentially concentrates on two specific issue areas: global economy and international politics. By constructing a theoretical framework, I aspire to identify and analyze various factors considered to have a direct impact on the study matter. In doing so, I consider the behavior of distinct variables and their effect on the degree of autonomy. Finally, thesis addresses problems of international insertion for peripheral countries, considering possibilities and limits of truly autonomous action.
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Marshall, John G. « U.S. Intervention in Latin America : An Evolving Policy, or a Quest for Supremacy ? » Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1221.
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All nation's foreign policy attempts to create social, economic, and political conditions in the world that most favor that nations interests. This thesis outlines the major decision points in U.S. foreign policy in Latin America, analyzing the reasoning behind the decisions and their impact. Recent U.S. counter-insurgency efforts have offered a different justification for intervention, and this thesis explores the authenticity of these new justifications in light of recent terrorist events.
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Alam, Nabeela. « Politics, Trade and Foreign Aid ». Thesis, Brandeis University, International Business School, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3721587.
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This dissertation examines the influence of donor-driven and recipient-driven interests on foreign aid allocation.
Chapter 1 examines how the donor's trade interests together with elections and the political competitiveness of electoral processes in recipient countries are associated with bilateral foreign aid flows. US gives more aid to its non-competitive larger trade partners, but cuts their aid ahead of elections. It substitutes aid with market access for non-competitive countries for which it is an important export market, but not during election years. Germany, Japan and UK give more aid to countries with competitive electoral systems, but for these countries Japan and UK substitute aid with trade. The substitution disappears for UK during election years. Japan and UK also reward countries for which they are important export markets with more aid, but only during non-election years for Japan. During election years, Germany cuts aid to non-competitive countries, but gives more aid to non-competitive countries for which it is an export destination. There is weak evidence that France substitutes aid with market access for politically competitive countries.
Chapter 2 focuses on recipient incentives. I extend the Grossman and Helpman (1996) model of elections and special interests by adding foreign aid. I show that with conditional aid when the preferred policy of the donor and that of the special interest group are not aligned, the latter has an incentive to alter election probabilities so that the opposition party wins and implements the lobby's preferred policy. Under these circumstances, the government has an incentive to substitute away from conditional foreign aid. Furthermore, if the government has a higher probability of winning under unconditional aid, the lobby succeeds in asking the government to deviate the most in its policy stance.
In Chapter 3 I examine how China's growing importance as an export destination is related to countries' UN voting alignment with the US, and whether this relationship is different if the countries export oil and mineral resources that China. I find regional differences in UN voting alignment response. Latin American countries and Sub-Saharan African countries not heavily reliant on exports of oil and minerals show decreased political alignment with increased export dependence on China. UN voting alignment for the resource exporters from Sub-Saharan Africa do not vary with export dependence on China. Instead, they have a lower level of UN alignment with the US.
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Cronin, Jason William. « Soft power and its impact on U.S. influence in Latin America ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1276.
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Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.The role of Latin America in U.S. foreign policy has ebbed and flowed for over 100 years. Over the last 15 years, the relationship between the United States and Latin America has seen a precipitous drop in both cooperation and cordiality. The amicable relationships that the United States once enjoyed with Brazil and Venezuela specifically have become acrimonious. With the United States' increased interest in completing a Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement by January, relations with Brazil are vital. The United States' continued dependence on imported petroleum from Venezuela and America's concern over Venezuela's growing relationship with Cuba make this country also important to U.S. foreign policy. The thesis focuses on the United States' ability to use its cultural influence (soft power) to positively effect U.S. relations with Brazil and Venezuela. By analyzing past and present effects of U.S. cultural influence in these two countries, the U.S. can better understand and appreciate the influence it wields as the world's only remaining super power. This thesis finds that despite historic evidence, the U.S. has had and continues to have a propensity to use soft power influence tactically, diminishing the effectiveness of its innate power and influence as being the global leader in military, economic, cultural, and technological matters. Conversely, the U.S. attempts to use its hard power (military and economic) strategically, thereby only breeding anti-Americanism globally.
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy
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Vio, Teresa <1993>. « REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS IN LATIN AMERICA : A STUDY OF THE EU-MERCOSUR TRADE AGREEMENT (2000-2004) ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12617.
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Per oltre vent’anni, il MERCOSUR e l’Unione Europea hanno portato avanti negoziati per firmare un trattato di libero scambio che semplifichi e incrementi i rapporti commerciali tra le due regioni. Gli sviluppi futuri di tale trattato dipendono, oltre che dalle relazioni reciproche, anche da trasformazioni politiche aventi luogo al di fuori dei negoziati, da conflitti interni ai due blocchi, e da cambi di direzione da una delle due parti nei negoziati commerciali multilaterali.
La presente tesi si propone di ripercorrere le tappe dei negoziati tra MERCOSUR e Unione Europea, concentrandosi in particolare sui fattori che ne influenzano lo sviluppo in negativo o in positivo. In particolare, il periodo analizzato sarà prevalentemente quello che parte dall'ultimo decennio del Novecento e si conclude ai giorni nostri. Tuttavia, verranno presi in considerazione anche periodi precedenti, in particolare nel primo capitolo, riguardante il commercio internazionale nel Novecento, e nel secondo, dedicato ai processi di integrazione in America Latina.
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Mills, Thomas. « Anglo-American relations in south America during the second world war and post-war economic planning ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2010. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4493.
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This thesis examines relations between the United States and Great Britain in South America between 1939 and 1945. It does so in the broader context of the economic planning for the post-war world undertaken by the US and Britain during the Second World War. Traditional interpretations of Anglo-American post-war economic planning have tended to focus on a process whereby the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration advocated a multilateral system, based on equality of access to markets and raw materials. Doubting Britain’s ability to compete successfully in such a system, the British government baulked at the US proposal and clung to its autarkic structures constructed during the interwar years. This thesis argues that relations between the US and Britain in South America followed a different and more complex pattern. In this region it was in fact Britain that eventually took the lead in advocating multilateralism. This policy was adopted following a lengthy evaluation of British policy in Latin America, which concluded that multilateralism represented the surest means of protecting British interests in South America. The US, on the other hand, demonstrated exclusionary tendencies in its policy toward Latin America, which threatened the successful implementation of a global economic system based on multilateralism. In explaining this divergence from multilateralism in the Roosevelt administration’s post-war economic planning, this thesis pays particular attention to the influence of different factions, both within the administration and in the broader US political and business establishment. By exploring Anglo-American relations in this previously neglected region, this thesis contributes toward a greater understanding of the broader process of post-war economic planning that took place between the US and Britain during the Second World War.
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Lawson, Amanda. « Development in the Rights Timing : How the Carter Administration Engaged NGOs in Latin American Foreign Policy ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1556893160797073.
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Pereira, Bruna A. « Brazil's Role Conception in South America : A Regional Leadership Perspective ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1492509211668043.
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Kiddle, Amelia Marie. « La Politica del Buen Amigo : Mexican-Latin American Relations during the Presidency of Lazaro Cardenas, 1934-1940 ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193655.
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Lazaro Cardenas (1934-1940) did more than any other president to fulfill the goals of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, by nationalizing the oil industry, establishing rural schools, distributing an unprecedented amount of land to peasants, and encouraging the organization of workers. To gain international support for this domestic reform programme, the Cardenas government promoted these accomplishments to other Latin American nations. I argue that Cardenas attempted to attain a leadership position in inter-American relations by virtue of his pursuit of social and economic justice in domestic and foreign policy. I investigate the Cardenas government's projection of a Revolutionary image of Mexico and evaluate its reception in Latin America. In doing so, this dissertation expands the analysis of foreign policy to show that Mexico's relations with its Latin American neighbours were instrumental in shaping its foreign relations. I argue that the intersections between culture and diplomacy were central to this process.
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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely. « An afrocentric critique of the United States of America's foreign policy towards Africa : the case of Ghana and Tanzania, 1990-2014 ». Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2610.
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Thesis (Ph. D. (International Politics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2016The United States of America’s (US) foreign policy towards Africa has been the subject for debate. This is partly because the country’s relationship with African countries is not consistent. By and large, such relations are shaped by a number of factors which include political orientation and material resources. Within this context, the present study uses case studies from two different parts of Africa to tease out US foreign policy towards Africa. This explorative study uses Ghana and the United Republic of Tanzania (hereafter referred to as Tanzania) as test cases to compare and critique the post-Cold War foreign policy of the US towards Africa. It does this by first analysing and constructing the theoretical material on the three pillars of the US Africa policy (oil, democracy and security) and subsequently, contemporaneously locating the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. Largely, the study carries a historical sensibility as it traces the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania from as far as the colonial era. History is crucial in this regard because the past provides a sound basis for understanding the present and future. To add, in International Politics theory holds sway and history is used as a laboratory. In this thesis, the researcher proposes Afrocentricity as an alternative theoretical paradigm crucial in understanding US foreign policy towards Africa. As it shall be seen, such a paradigm (theoretical lens) remains critical in highlighting the peculiarity of the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. It is envisaged that a deeper understanding of the US foreign policy towards Ghana and Tanzania is achievable when its analysis and interpretation is located within a broader continental context of Africa. To realise the purpose of this study, the researcher relies methodologically on interdisciplinary critical discourse and conversations in their widest forms. With reference to the test cases for this study, the agenda for democratic consolidation features prominently on both of them while oil is only applicable to Ghana in this regard. In contrast, Tanzania distinguishes itself both as a victim of terrorism and equally so as a strategic partner on the US anti-terrorism efforts in East Africa. Yet, oil in West Africa’s Ghana is important for the US both as an economic resource and a strategic energy source during wartime periods. Overall the ‘differential’ foreign policy towards individual African states is also a significant observation which dispels the myth of a universal US foreign policy framework. Keywords: Africa, Afrocentricity, democracy, East Africa, foreign policy, Ghana, oil, security, Tanzania, United States of America, West Africa.
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Cayo, Durand de Geist Getsiva. « Les relations économiques et financières entre la France et le Pérou : diplomatie économique, coopération technique et stratégies des entreprises françaises (1945-1975) ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL011.
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La Seconde Guerre mondiale avait complétement interrompu les échanges entre la France et le Pérou. En revanche, au cours des Trente Glorieuses, la France réussit à rétablir une position appréciable au sein de l’économie péruvienne. Grâce à une diplomatie économique active et un engagement diversifié des entreprises privées et publiques, la France devint un partenaire notable de la coopération technique. Ce pays joua un rôle important dans les programmes d’industrialisation et de modernisation du Pérou. Cette thèse s’interroge sur l’évolution et la structure des relations économiques franco-péruviennes entre 1945 et 1975. L’étude se penche sur les échanges commerciaux ainsi que sur les domaines des échanges financiers, de l’industrie et de la coopération technique, combinant des analyses macro et micro-économiques. Il s’agira d’analyser les stratégies et performances des entreprises françaises au sein des grands projets au Pérou en considérant les succès et les limites de leurs engagements. Ainsi, la thèse présente une étude nuancée à propos d’un sujet jamais étudié auparavant et cherche à contribuer d’une manière novatrice aux recherches sur l’histoire des relations entre l’Europe et les pays latino-américains ainsi que sur les rapports Nord-SudThe Second World War had completely severed the relations between France and Peru. Throughout the Golden Age of Capitalism, however, France managed to re-establish a considerable position within the Peruvian economy. Thanks to an active economic diplomacy and the various efforts of private and public companies, France became a notable partner in technical cooperation and played, henceforth, an important role in the Peruvian programmes of industrialisation and modernisation. This thesis deals with the evolution and structure of the economic relations between France and Peru from 1945 to 1975. Combining macro- and microeconomic methods, it equally investigates the bilateral trade relations as well as the domains of finance, industry and technical cooperation. The study analyses the strategies and performances of French companies in Peruvian large-scale projects considering their successes as well as their limits. In this way, the thesis presents a nuanced view on a subject, which has never been studied before. It contributes in an innovative way to the research on the relations between Europe and Latin America and between the Global North and South
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Haynes, Steven L. « Alternative Vision : The United States, Latin America, and the League of Nations during the Republican Ascendancy ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1353120620.
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Ueno, Kaori. « Os imigrantes japoneses no Brasil- O processo de integração na sociedade brasileira ». Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20194.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisEm 1908, os primeiros imigrantes japoneses chegaram ao Brasil. Desde então, as relações bilaterais entre esses atores têm sido tornadas cada vez mais intensas, sobretudo através de imigrantes japoneses e posteriormente por via dos descendentes nipônicos. Assim, a presença dos nipo-brasileiros tem facilitado a proximidade entre o Japão e o Brasil, pois são eles que transmitem a imagem do Japão. O objetivo da presente dissertação é investigar a influência dos nipo-brasileiros na política externa do Japão. Assim, o ponto de partida reside na análise da influência da presença dos nipo-brasileiros na recente política externa japonesa para o Brasil, analisando a expectativa de mudança desta política externa japonesa através do avanço da miscigenação da comunidade nipônica. Com relação aos resultados encontrados, notou-se que a comunidade nipônica na região da América Latina e Caribe e em específico no Brasil, contribuiu significamente para a formação de uma política externa japonesa específica para a região. Outro ponto relevante encontrado como resultado na investigação é que com a tendência da miscigenação e o envelhecimento da população, as comunidades nipônicas enfrentam um desafio à sobrevivência, nesse sentido o governo japonês tem pensado em políticas específicas como forma de incorporar mais descendentes japoneses da nova geração e difundir a sua língua e cultura entre os cidadãos não-nikkeis para que o Japão continue a ter as relações especiais com os países da região.
In 1908, the first Japanese immigrants arrived in Brazil. Since then, bilateral relations between these actors have become increasingly intense, mainly through Japanese immigrants and, later, by Japanese descendants. Thus, the presence of JapaneseBrazilians facilitated the proximity between Japan and Brazil, since they are the ones who transmit the image of Japan. The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the influence of Japanese-Brazilians in Japan's foreign policy. The starting point resides in the analysis of the influence of the presence of Japanese-Brazilians in the recent Japanese foreign policy for Brazil, analyzing the expectation of change of this Japanese foreign policy through the advancement of the miscegenation of the Japanese community. Regarding the results found, it was noted that the Japanese community in the region of Latin America and the Caribbean and specifically in Brazil, contributed significantly to the formation of a Japanese foreign policy specific to the region. Another relevant point found as a result of the investigation is that with the tendency of miscegenation and the aging of the population, Japanese communities face a challenge to survival, in this sense the Japanese government has been thinking about specific policies as a way to incorporate more Japanese descendants of the new generation and to spread its language and culture among non-Nikkei citizens so that Japan continues to have special relations with the countries of the region.
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Schlemmer, Jimmi Joe. « THE INTERSTATE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA AND CHILE : A case study of the PRC’s foreign political and economic relations ». Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-141920.
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In the recent years, the PRC has demonstrated strong economic growth and intensified its diplomatic connections with the globalized world. The Deng reforms of the 1970s were the starting point for this ‘open-up’ approach. The particular relevance for the LAC region became an utmost important part in the development of the PRC in the 21st century. Therefore, natural resources are the driving force of their economic growth and a high supply of agricultural products is essential to feed their growing population. These two economic aspects are in the center of the foreign political and economic interests of the PRC. However, the intentions of nation states are always unclear, which gives room for various theoretical interpretations. The possible threat of the rising PRC is consequently contrasted by the perspective of a ‘peaceful rise of the PRC’. It is inevitable that the LAC region looms large over this debate. This research will analyze and contribute towards a better understanding of the rise of the PRC. To be able to provide a precise contribution, this research focuses on the case of the China-Chile economic and foreign political relations after the coming into force of the FTA in 2006. Based on a conceptual analysis of the foreign and economic relations of the PRC with Chile, this research will also apply defensive neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism to provide a better understanding of the strategies and motivations of the PRC towards Chile. Even though Chile is an independent country of the LAC region, this research will also partly integrate the research finding into the bigger picture of the relations between the PRC and the LAC region in general.
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McLaughlin, James A. « The Chavez corollary the new hegemony on the block / ». Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491192.
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Albuquerque, Antonio Carlos Carneiro de. « O socioambientalismo na perspectiva da sociedade civil latino americana : uma analise no ambito das conferencias das Nações Unidas ». [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280516.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientadores: Leila da Costa Ferreira, Roberto Pereira GuimarãesTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Nesta tese estabeleceu-se o objetivo de pesquisar a construção da abordagem socioambiental, na perspectiva da sociedade civil da América Latina no âmbito internacional, com o recorte nas conferências internacionais e reuniões organizadas pelas Nações Unidas sobre meio ambiente. Neste sentido, o que se pretendeu nesse trabalho foi compreender as origens, os significados e os desdobramentos das discussões sobre a sustentabilidade, o desenvolvimento, a temática ambiental, ocorridas nas fases preparatórias e durante a realização desses encontros, e de que forma levaram à formação de uma perspectiva socioambiental na arena internacional. Também são apresentadas as alterações no contexto, nos elementos constitutivos e nos referenciais teóricos criados pelos atores participantes dos fóruns internacionais patrocinados pela ONU ao longo de cerca de cinco décadas, especialmente no que diz respeito à sociedade civil. Procurou-se, assim, realizar a análise dos registros e produtos gerados nas fases preparatórias e durante a realização de cada um dos eventos internacionais, tanto na agenda oficial quanto nos eventos paralelos de cada um deles. A tese também faz uma análise segundo cada um dos períodos históricos vinculados às conferências e reuniões da ONU e cobertos pela pesquisa (1960 e 1970, 1980, 1990 e século XXI), procurando construir uma caracterização dos movimentos e das organizações sociais em relação a sua forma de organização, a sua agenda, ao seu modo de atuação e as suas relações com os demais atores sociais, com especial atenção para a realidade Latino-Americana. Na parte conceitual, formulou-se um breve panorama acerca das principais correntes de pensamento que procuraram refletir sobre a sociedade civil e os movimentos sociais na transição do século XX para o século XXI, onde são apontados os elementos mais significativos de como tais linhas de pensamento procuravam analisar e compreender suas características, suas relações com seus pares e com os demais atores sociais da esfera pública e privada, além deressaltar as diferenças em relação à sociedade civil de outras épocas. O objetivo principal era salientar que são conceitos em constante alteração e objeto de grande debate por parte do campo acadêmico e em várias áreas do conhecimento, reflexos da complexidade que tais atores vêm ganhando ao longo do tempo. Por ser a América Latina o foco de análise da tese, são apresentadas informações sobre os fatores sociais, econômicos e políticos da região a partir de eixos temáticos comuns, característicos do continente e que têm significância para o surgimento da abordagem socioambiental: elementos sociais, políticos e econômicos históricos, as relações entre os campos públicos e privados e a relações da sociedade civil com o Estado, na democracia e em regimes autoritários. Tal apreciação abrange os seguintes países: Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Colômbia, Equador, México e Peru. A esse painel soma-se um quadro sobre a situação e os desafios ambientais na América Latina e suas relações com a esfera internacional. Finalmente, são apresentados os elementos que pautaram a formulação da abordagem socioambiental e os desafios para que esta visão seja efetivamente implantada por atores sociais, propondo-se, para tanto, da adoção de um paradigma pautado pela Ecopolítica, capaz de enfrentar a questão ambiental, sua complexidade e seu caráter global.
Abstract: In this thesis objective was to investigate the construction of the social environmental approach in the perspective of the Latin America civil society at international level, with the cutting out in the international conferences and meetings organized by the United Nations on environment. In this sense, the intent was to understand the origins, the meanings and the ramifications the debate about sustainability, development, environmental issues taken place in the preparatory phases and during the realization of these meetings and, in which form they led to the formation of a social environmental perspective at the international level. It also shows the changes on the context, in the constitutive elements and in the theoretical referential created by the actors along five decades, especially regarding civil society. Therefore an analysis of the registers and products produced in the preparatory phases and during the realization of each one of the international events was carried out, both in the official scenario and in the parallel events. The theory also does an analysis following each one of the historical periods linked to the conferences and meetings of the United Nations and covered by the research (1960 and 1970, 1980, 1990 and century XXI) in order to build a characterization of the movements and social organization regarding their form, agenda, way of acting and of their relationship with other social actors, with special attention for the Latin-American reality. In the part conceptual part a short view was formulated about the main theoretical groups that tried to explain civil society and social movements during the transition of the century XX for the century XXI, where the most significant elements were highlighted referring to their characteristics, relations with their peers and with other social actors of the public and private sphere, besides emphasizing the differences regarding the civil society of other times. The main objective was to point out that those are concepts in constant alteration and object of great discussion on the academic field and in several areas, which reflects the complexity those actors have gained along the time. Since the Latin America is the focus of analysis of the theory, information about historical, social, economical and political reality of the region have been presented from a thematic axles referring common characteristic of the continent and that have signification for the appearance of social environmental approach: historical social, political and economical elements, relations between the public and private fields and relations of the civil society with the State in the democracy and in authoritarian regimes. Such an appreciation includes the following countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico and Peru. A picture is added up to this panel on the situation and the environmental challenges in the Latin America and its relations with the international sphere. Finally, the thesis presents the elements that ruled the formulation of the social environmental approach and the challenges so that this vision might be effectively implemented by social actors, being proposed the adoption of a paradigm ruled by Ecological Politics, able to face the environmental issue, its complexity and global character.
Doutorado
Aspectos Sociais de Sustentabilidade e Conservação
Doutor em Ambiente e Sociedade
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Clark, John Denis Havey. « British, French, and American attitudes and policies towards the rebirth of Poland, 1914-1921 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:21becc10-e2b5-49cc-ad6e-f568157992f4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis considers how attitudes shaped British, French, and American policy regarding the rebirth of Poland. From the outbreak of war in 1914 to the plebiscite in Upper Silesia in 1921, Allied and American policy-makers first considered whether Poland should be an independent state and then where its borders should be. As they did this, they developed attitudes about these questions, for instance about Poles and the right or ability of the Polish nation to administer a modern state. Such considerations assumed that national character exists and is important in the success or failure of a country. My research draws on literature from social psychology in defining the development of such understandings as consistent with stereotyping, in other words using generalisations about social groups to understand those groups or individuals. Allied and American policy-makers considered Poles to be, for instance, quarrelsome, aggressive, anti-Semitic, pitiable, passionate, or loyal. The thesis begins by examining pre-war attitudes to Poland and the impact of the war on these and on the diplomacy of the Polish question. It then discusses the re-emergence of an independent Poland in 1918 and the impact on policies and attitudes of the Polish delegation’s claims at the Paris Peace Conference, of events on the ground, and of the Russo-Polish War. Allied and American decision-making on the rebirth of Poland was central for European diplomacy not only because the attitudes they expressed left lingering grudges on both sides, but also because Poland’s frontiers were an irritant throughout the interwar period until Germany and Russia invaded Poland in September 1939. Moreover, the conclusion that attitudes were a factor in decision-making contributes to a growing recognition among international historians and international relations theorists that it is necessary to look beyond individuals' 'rational' motivations.
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Scherma, Márcio Augusto 1983. « A atuação do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento no Brasil (1959-2006) ». [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281580.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Shiguenoli MiyamotoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa as linhas de atuação do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (BID) no Brasil, desde sua criação, em 1959, até o ano de 2006 (final do primeiro governo Lula), tendo como preocupação central detectar uma possível mudança no modo de atuação do BID a partir de fins da década de 80 e início dos anos 90, período de crise na América Latina. A hipótese da dissertação é que, embora tenha o BID sido influenciado pelo receituário do ¿Consenso de Washington¿ e por idéias mais liberais oriundas dos Estados Unidos durante os 70-80, as raízes do Banco garantiram a ele um papel mais independente do que outras instituições, fazendo com que, no caso do BID, as conhecidas ¿condicionalidades¿ nos empréstimos fossem menos relevantes e contassem com menos exigências. Acreditamos que e exemplo brasileiro é interessante para demonstrar isso, já que as chamadas ¿reformas neoliberais¿ ocorrem mais tardiamente no Brasil do que em outros países da América Latina; o que nos levou a questionar qual fora o real papel de organizações internacionais como o BID no processo de adoção destas reformas. Escolhemos o caso específico do BID por ser, esta instituição, a maior fonte multilateral de crédito brasileira
Abstract: This dissertation examines the lines of action of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) in Brazil, since its creation in 1959, until the year 2006 (end of the first government Lula), with the main objective of detecting a possible change in the mode of action of the IADB from the end of the decade of 80 and the early 90, a period of crisis in Latin America. The hypothesis of this dissertation is that although the IADB has been influenced by the prescriptions of the "Washington Consensus" and some kind of liberal ideas from the United States during the 70¿s-80¿s, the bank¿s roots assured it more independence than others institutions, so that in the case of the IADB, the well-knowned "conditionalities" in loans were less relevant and contracted with fewer requirements. We believe that the brazilian example is interesting to demonstrate this, because the so-called "neoliberal reforms" occured later in Brazil than in other Latin American countries; what led us to question what was the real role of international organizations such as the IADB in the process of adopting these reforms. We have chosed the specific case of the IADB because this institution is the largest source of multilateral credit of Brazil
Mestrado
Política Externa
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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Hirst, Monica Ellen Seabra. « As relações Brasil-Estados Unidos desde uma perspectiva multidimensional : evolução contemporânea, complexidades atuais e perspectivas para o século XXI ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/36743.
Texte intégralRésumé :
O tema principal desta tese é o das relações Brasil-Estados Unidos, enfocado a partir de uma perspectiva dual que articula a história contemporânea deste vínculo com o seu sentido político para a inserção internacional de nosso país. O corpo desta tese está subdivido em três partes principais: 1) Evolução contemporânea das relações Brasil-Estados Unidos desde o início do século XX. 2) Relacionamento Brasil-Estados Unidos na pós-Guerra Fria. 3) Novo enquadramento das relações Brasil-EUA depois do 11 de setembro. A tese procura mostrar que Brasil se encontra num momento crucial para re-equacionar o lugar e o sentido das relações com Estados Unidos para a inserção externa do país. A perda de sua centralidade obriga uma reavaliação profunda que certamente virá a influenciar a produção acadêmica em Relações Internacionais no futuro.This dissertation focus on Brazil-US relations with a twofold perspective: one that emphasizes the contemporary history of this relationship and another that underlines its political implications for the international insertion of our country. This dissertation is subdivided in three units: 1) Contemporary evolution of Brazil-United States relations since early XXth century. 2) Relation Brazil-United States after the Cold War. 3) New alliance of Brazil-United States after the 9-11 period. This dissertation wishes to point out that Brazil nowadays faces a crucial moment to re-think the place and importance of the relations with the US in this foreign policy. The loss of its previous centrality imposes an re-evaluation, this which will certainly influence the future of International Relations studies in Brazil.
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Craig, Maddison L. « Women in the Foreign Service : A Case Study of Margaret Parx Hays, 1942-1964 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1609150/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This project seeks to include the historical significance of women in the Foreign Service and subsequently the United States Department of State between 1942 and 1964. Using the life and experience of Margaret Parx Hays, one of fewer than three hundred female foreign service officers before 1960, this study explores the importance of examining women at the "ground level." This narrative examines the life of Hays at several different duty stations and her experience navigating a male-dominant workplace congruent to the political and diplomatic missions of each stations. Hays was stationed in Buenos Aires, Argentina (1942-1945); Bogota, Columbia (1945-1947); Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (1948-1950); Washington D.C., U.S. (1951-1954; 1959-1962); Manila, Philippines (1954-1956); Mexico City, Mexico (1956-1958); and Hong Kong, China (1962-1964). Throughout the deployment at each station, Hays was confronted with major political events in her duty station's history or in the intersection of American foreign and domestic policy. Through the use of Hays's archived collection of personal papers, including letters and newspapers, this thesis presents a more representative story about women and about the Department of State as a larger whole than previous scholarship that has ignored how gender affected diplomatic history.
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Mollès, Devrig. « Triangle atlantique et triangle latin : l'Amérique latine et le système-monde maçonnique (1717-1921) : éléments pour une histoire des options publiques internationales ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA027.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse analyse le système‐monde maçonnique entre 1717 et 1921, perçu comme un produit et un agent de la modernité occidentale, comme le prototype fondateur de l’opinion publique internationale et comme une plaque tectonique de la géoculture du système-monde moderne. Elle fluctue entre une perspective globale, une perspective atlantique et un ancrage latino‐américain, fourni notamment par les principales puissances océaniques d’Amérique latine (Argentine, Brésil, Mexique). Quelle fut l’évolution globale des réseaux maçonniques au cours des XIXe et XXe siècles ? Quelle fut leur géopolitique et leur géoculture ? Dans quelle mesure peut‐on ou non parler de « système maçonnique international » ? Quelle fut la place de l’Amérique latine dans cette dynamique ? Comment le sous‐continent américain s’intégra‐t‐il dans le système‐monde maçonnique ? Les réseaux maçonniques y furent‐ils une plaque tectonique géoculturelle et des vecteurs de transferts culturels ? Contribuèrent‐ils à l’intégration du sous‐continent américain au sein de la grande communauté atlantique mais aussi à l’intégration et à l’autonomisation latino américaine ?This thesis investigates the birth and development of the Masonic world‐system, seen as a product and an agent of western modernity, as the prototype of international public opinion and as a tectonic plate of the géoculture of the modern world‐system. This text focuses on the first period of its development (1717‐1921). It fluctuates between a global perspective,an Atlantic perspective, and a Latin American anchorage, provided by the major oceanic powers of Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico). What was the global evolution of the Masonic networks in the 19th and 20th centuries? What were their geopolitics and their géoculture? Is it possible to talk about an "international Masonic system"? What was the place of Latin America in this dynamic? How the American subcontinent became a part of the Masonic world‐system? In Latin America in the 19th and 20th centuries, were the Masonic networks a tectonic plate of géoculture and the vectors of cultural transfers? Did they contribute to the integration of the American sub‐continent in the Atlantic community? Did they contribute discreetly to the regional integration and to the Latin American empowerment ?
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Wurstová, Adéla. « USA jako globální supervelmoc a jejich pozice v 21. století ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193706.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is dealing with the analysis of American attributes of power which formed the USA as a superpower and has influenced the world politics in the 21st century. Hypothesis that the USA is still a superpower on the beginning of the 21st century was confirmed in six chapters. The first part of the diploma thesis presents theoretical and methodological bases, history and development of the United States and its rise to superpower status after the Second World War. The second part of the thesis, the last three chapters which are dealing with current American foreign policy and its relations with other important states and regions, proved the expected results of the hypothesis. Therefore the result of the thesis is that the United States still maintains its leading position of the global superpower despite of its relative political and economic weakness in the recent years.
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Phillips, Matthew Todd. « The Millennium and the Madhouse : Institution and Intervention in Woodrow Wilson's Progressive Statecraft ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1310738105.
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Pereira, Paulo Jose dos Reis 1980. « Securitização do Crime Organizado Transnacional nos Estados Unidos na década de 1990 ». [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280966.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Shiguenoli MiyamotoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O crime organizado transnacional (COT), apesar de seu papel crescente nas agendas de segurança nacional e internacional dos Estados desde a década de 1990, teve pouca atenção nos estudos de relações internacionais. As referências teóricas tradicionais desta área (particularmente da subárea de segurança internacional), bem como a noção estreita de criminalidade como um assunto doméstico e essencialmente jurídico, dificultaram a avaliação adequada deste novo papel assumido pelas atividades ilícitas transnacionais. Dado o pioneirismo estadunidense em tal processo, o objetivo do trabalho é analisar a alocação do COT na agenda de segurança nacional estadunidense durante o governo Clinton e alguns dos seus resultados, especialmente para a distinção entre as noções de segurança doméstica e internacional. Para tanto, fazemos uma análise documental e histórica, pautada no conceito de securitização da Escola de Copenhagen. A securitização pela qual o COT passou nos Estados Unidos pautou-se na percepção de ameaça existencial que este fenômeno criminal colocava a vários aspectos da nação, tanto sociais quanto econômicos. O "ato de fala" realizado pelo Executivo do país a partir de 1995, com a diretiva presidencial 42, foi aceito extensamente pelo público em geral e por várias elites sociais, uma audiência que conferiu legitimidade a tal processo. Três grupos de apoiadores foram particularmente importantes: a mídia, os especialistas e o Congresso estadunidense. O primeiro ajudou na disseminação da percepção de ameaça entre a população; o segundo auxiliou na quantificação e qualificação desta ameaça, fornecendo um conhecimento "cientificamente" embasado; o terceiro conferiu suporte político às iniciativas próprias do Executivo, bem como foi, ele mesmo, agente de propostas. O contexto histórico de liberalização política e econômica, o avanço tecnológico nas comunicações e transporte, bem como o fim do conflito bipolar, compôs um quadro favorável ao aumento do COT e à sua percepção como ameaça aos países e à ordem internacional nascente. No entanto, esse processo também deve ser creditado aos interesses de agências de Inteligência e aplicação da Lei estadunidenses, que, com o fim da Guerra Fria, buscaram redefinir seus papéis de proteção à nação. São expressões concretas da securitização o aumento de recursos, bem como a ênfase na ação militar e na internacionalização de atividades policiais que ocorreu com os programas de combate à criminalidade transnacional na América Latina, uma região que já era foco, desde a década de 1980, de políticas de combate ao tráfico de drogas, uma das mais importantes expressões do COT contemporâneo
Abstract: Transnational organized crime (TOC), despite its increasing role in the national and international security agendas of States since the 1990s, got little attention in studies of international relations. The traditional theoretical references in this area (particularly on international security subfield), and the narrow notion of crime as a domestic and essentially legal matter, hampered the proper assessment of this new role played by illicit transnational activities. The objective of this work is to analyze the allocation of TOC in the U.S. national security agenda during the Clinton administration, as well as to check some of its results, especially for the distinction between the notions of domestic and international security. To this end, a historical and documentary analysis, based on the Copenhagen's School concept of securitization, was done. The securitization process in which TOC has passed in the United States was based on the perception of existential threat that this criminal phenomenon posed to various aspects of the nation, both social and economic. The "speech act" carried out by the Executive of the country since 1995, with the PDD-42, was widely accepted by the general public and various social elites, an audience that gave legitimacy to this process. Three supporters groups were particularly important: the media, the experts and the U.S. Congress. The first helped the spread of threat perception among the population; the second helped to quantify and qualify this threat by providing a "scientifically" grounded knowledge; the third gave political support to the Executive initiatives and was, itself, an agent of proposals. The historical context of political and economic liberalization, technological advances in communications and transportation, as well as the end of bipolar conflict, wrote a favorable framework for the increase of TOC and its perception as a threat to countries and to the emerging international order. However, this process must also be credited to the interests of intelligence agencies and U.S. law enforcement, which, with the end of the Cold War, sought to redefine their roles in protecting the nation. The increasing of resources adressed to fight crime, the growth of military action and the internationalization of police activities that occurred in programs to combat transnational crime in Latin America are concrete expressions of securitization. In this scenery Latin America can be considereda region that was already the focus, since the 1980s, of policies to combat drug trafficking, one of the most important expressions of contemporary COT
Doutorado
Relações Internacionais
Doutor em Ciência Política
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Bizzozero, Revelez Lincoln. « L'entrée de l'Uruguay dans le Mercosur : ajustements et changements dans la politique extérieure d'un petit pays de la région ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210949.
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Maia, Luis. « L'accord d'association Union Européenne - Chili et la spécificité chilienne dans le contexte latino-américain ». Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030102.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Le Chili et l’UE ont signé en 2002 un Accord d'association (AA) ambitieux et innovateur basé sur trois piliers: politique, commercial et de coopération. Pourquoi l’UE a-t-elle signé un tel accord avec un pays de 15 millions d’habitants comme le Chili? Cet accord n’est-il pas en contradiction avec la politique de l’UE d’appui à l’intégration régionale? La « spécificité chilienne », liée à de bonnes performances économiques, à une compétitivité externe élevée et à des niveaux de corruption bas, a conforté la décision prise par l’UE de signer l’AA avec le Chili. Par ailleurs, pendant les années 1990 un contexte favorable s’est développé au sein de l’UE et au Chili qui a favorisé leur rapprochement. L’UE était aussi convaincue que le Chili deviendrait membre à part entière du Mercosur et pour cette raison décida d’entamer des négociations pour la réalisation des AA avec le Chili et le Mercosur en parallèle. Avec cette stratégie elle voulait renforcer ses relations avec le Chili en vue d’une possible association et promouvoir l’intégration régionale en créant des liens entre les deux processus en vue d’une intégration du Chili dans le Mercosur. Quand en juin 2000 le Chili a informé la partie européenne qu’il ne deviendrait pas membre à part entière du Mercosur, la nouvelle équipe dirigeante des négociateurs de la Commission européenne a accepté cette position. Les négociations avec le Mercosur étant de fait bloquées et l’adhésion pleine du Chili au Mercosur n’étant plus à l’ordre du jour, l’UE a essayé par cet accord de renforcer sa présence politique et commerciale dans un pays qu’elle percevait comme un facteur de stabilité régionale et comme «modèle»In 2002, Chile and the European Union signed an ambitious and innovative Association Agreement (AA) based on three pillars: political, trade and cooperation. Why did the EU sign such an accord with a country of 15 million people like Chile? Was this agreement not in contradiction with the EU’s policy of supporting regional integration? In fact, the “Chilean specificity” - characterized by the country’s good economic performance, strong competitive position internationally, and low levels of corruption - reinforced the EU’s decision to sign the AA with Chile. In addition, developments during the 1990s within both the EU and Chile favoured their rapprochement. The EU was also convinced that Chile would become a full member of Mercosur and as a result decided to begin AA negotiations with Chile and Mercosur in parallel. With this strategy, the EU aimed to both reinforce its ties with Chile ahead of a possible association agreement and promote regional integration by creating a link between the two processes, in view of Chile’s integration into Mercosur. When Chile informed the Europeans in June 2000 that it would not become a full member of Mercosur, the new team of European Commission negotiators accepted this position. With their talks with Mercosur at a standstill and Chile’s membership in that bloc off the table, the focus shifted to using the AA with Chile to reinforce the EU’s political and trade presence in a country it viewed as a “model” and a factor that contributed to regional stability
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Muffat-Jeandet, Morgan. « Essai sur l’intensification des relations économiques entre la Chine et l’Amérique latine et les Caraïbes. Internationalisation des firmes chinoises, déterminants et modalités de leurs investissements directs au Mexique ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCA012/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La présence chinoise en Amérique latine et Caraïbes (ALC), tout comme dans d’autres régions du monde, a fortement augmenté depuis une quinzaine d’années. Au-delà des motifs traditionnels de cette expansion au niveau économique (la recherche de ressources et de nouveaux marchés), la Chine représente un partenaire particulier pour les pays latino-américains en raison des frontières floues entre les formes de propriété publique et privée, et des objectifs stricts de son gouvernement en matière de politique industrielle et de développement sur le long terme. En outre, des disparités régionales sont apparues entre l’Amérique du Sud, longtemps favorisée par l’augmentation de la demande chinoise en matières premières, et le Mexique, qui s’est rapidement retrouvé en situation de concurrence ouverte avec la Chine sur différents segments de son secteur secondaire, et dont la dynamique d’intégration en Amérique du Nord fut profondément impactée par l’arrivée des entreprises chinoises sur le marché des États-Unis. En combinant une analyse approfondie des bases de données disponibles sur les investissements directs à l’étranger (IDE) de la Chine en ALC et trois études de cas originales d’entreprises chinoises installées dans le domaine manufacturier au Mexique, cette thèse montre que ces opérations présentent des modalités inédites notamment en termes de rythme d’expansion et de capacités d’adaptation aux environnements locaux. Cependant, les externalités positives ou négatives des IDE chinois demeurent tributaires des interactions entre le contexte institutionnel du pays d’accueil et les stratégies des entreprisesChinese footprint in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), as in other parts of the globe, has surged in the last fifteen years. Beyond the traditional drivers of this expansion from an economic perspective (securing resources and new markets), China represents a special partner for Latin-American countries because of grey lines delimiting public and private ownership, strict industrial policy and long-term development goals. Besides, regional discrepancies have appeared between South America, which benefited from the boom of Chinese demand for raw materials, and Mexico, which found itself in direct competition with China on different segments of his secondary sector, and whose integration dynamic in North America was deeply impacted by the growing shares of Chinese companies in the US market. Combining an extensive analysis of existing databases about foreign direct investments (FDI) from China in LAC and three original case studies of Chinese companies located in the manufacturing industry in Mexico, this dissertation shows unique features in these operations such as an accelerated growth path and relative adaptive skills to foreign environments. Nevertheless, the positive or negative externalities of Chinese FDI remain dependent upon the interactions between the institutional context of the host country and the companies’ strategies
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Teixeira, Valadares de Oliveira Luiza. « Expatriate Adjustment in Brazil : A Cross-Cultural Analysis ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1366842311.
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Malone, Chad Allen. « A Socio-Historical Analysis of U.S. State Terrorism from 1948 to 2008 ». University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1216592463.
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TRISCRITTI, Fiorella. « Promoting democracy abroad : the EU and Latin America, 1995-2005 ». Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10471.
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Defence date: 07 July 2008Examining Board: Marise Cremona (EUI/Law Department), Miriam Gomes Saraiva (Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro), Leonardo Morlino (Istituto Italiano di Scienze Umane, Firenze), Pascal Vennesson (EUI/RSCAS)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Since the 1980s an increasing number of international actors have been promoting democracy worldwide using different methods and instruments. However, despite initial successes, many of these newly created democracies remain weak and have failed to consolidate the process. The European Union was most effective in Southern and Eastern Europe during the 1980s and 1990s, and has since developed further initiatives to promote democracy on a wider scale. My investigation contributes to this literature by studying the European Union’s promotion of democracy in Latin America between 1995 and 2005. This region had begun a linear transition toward democracy, but, after more than two decades, it is still unable to capitalise and consolidate its progress. The methodology focuses on the study of the relationship between the donor and the recipient and how such relationship influenced the strategy and impact of the donor’s policies. A set of conditions has been selected in order to evaluate the nature of the relationship. This work examines some case studies of EU initiatives promoting democracy in three Latin American countries - Costa Rica, Peru, Uruguay. The strategy adopted in Costa Rica was heavily influenced by the 'Dialogue of San José' and the democratic development of the recipient country. Since Costa Rica enjoyed some political stability the Union’s sub-regional policies could be implemented by Costa Rican-based organisations and their impact proved successful thanks to the support of both domestic political and civil society organisations. On the contrary, the absence of effective political dialogue between Peruvian authorities and the Union from 1995 to 2000 meant that only few small-scale EU initiatives were implemented. However, once stronger political dialogue had been established, in 2001-2005, the initiatives increased in dimension and they were more visible. Finally, in Uruguay very few democracy promotion programmes were applied. Although political and economic agreements were signed between the Union and Uruguay, via the inter-regional dialogue EU-MERCOSUR, Uruguay did not benefit from large-scale programmes due to the relatively advanced level of democracy throughout MERCOSUR. To conclude, I argue that the European Union’s programmes in these Latin America countries were influenced by the nature of the relationship between donor and recipient. The evidence suggests that the Union was not capable of enforcing sustainable democratic initiatives without the support of domestic actors.
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TORO, MENDOZA Sergio F. « The EC's association policy towards Latin America : the envisaged political and economic association between Chile and the European Community ». Doctoral thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5677.
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Emerson, Ronald Guy. « Battle for the Americas : U.S. and Venezuelan visions for Latin America ». Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149726.
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This is a thesis about how Washington views and understands itself in relation to Latin America. So too, however, is it an investigation into how this particular reading is being challenged principally, but not exclusively, by the Hugo Chavez administration in Venezuela. Conceptualising this antagonism as a 'Battle for the Americas', the thesis juxtaposes rival attempts by both Washington and Caracas to co-opt the rest of Latin America into their respective political and ideological projects. Taking an analytical approach influenced by post-structuralist thinking, it explores the politics of representing Latin America. It focuses on how a U.S. reading of its 'backyard' confirms its pre-eminence, but also illustrates how a Venezuelan reading energises its claims for emancipatory change. Accordingly, the thesis explores crucial issues of hegemonic power in the post-Cold War era and its particular manifestation in U.S.-Latin American relations. This is done in three parts. First, it demonstrates how U.S.-authored representations of Latin America limit what is deemed possible and who are seen as legitimate actors; second, how this reading is being resisted; and third, how this resistance, in tum, affects U.S. identity and foreign policy possibilities. It does so by exploring contemporary issues on the thinking and practice of democracy, economic development and regional diplomacy. This investigation will show how Latin America is acting in an increasingly autonomous fashion and is, therefore, a less certain region for the United States, as it can no longer be relied upon to conform to U.S. ways of thinking and acting. The thesis then concludes by revealing how this shift not only recasts inter-American politics by redefining the 'art of the possible', but also displaces Washington as the central actor and standard-bearer for the region.
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Werner, Jack. « Wanderers of Empire : The Tropical Tramp in Latin America, 1870-1930 ». 2018. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/675.
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U.S. public and private imperial interests confronted the problem of labor and labor power in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century as the U.S. empire expanded into Latin America and the Caribbean. The question of how to make an empire work spurred the creation of new labor regimes reliant on black West Indians who traveled to work in the Panama Canal Zone and on United Fruit Company (UFCO) banana plantations. Just as importantly, new labor regimes engendered new categories for troublesome laborers. One of these classifications, “tramp,” surfaced in the United States after the U.S. Civil War as a shorthand for vagrant, vagabond, and hobo. This thesis examines the so-called “tramp crisis” of the late nineteenth century to show how questions of labor invariably shaped problems of empire. As a category, the tramp moved outside of the United States where various U.S. foreign policymakers, writers, and business officials created the idea of the “tropical tramp” in U.S. imperial spaces. This label, tropical tramp, offers scholars a different starting point to analyze larger issues of whiteness, masculinity, sexuality, class, and the U.S. empire. By following discursive formations of the tramp and tropical tramp into Central and South America, this thesis argues that the figure of the tramp represented someone unbefitting the U.S. empire’s desired sociopolitical order.
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Trapani, James. « A pretext for power : the United States, anti-communism and the democrats of Latin America, 1933-1965 ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.7/uws:36427.
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This thesis offers a revisionist interpretation of the anti-communist pretext that justified US interference in Latin America to the detriment of social democratic leaders between 1933 and 1965. It posits that the Latin American social democratic ideology of ‘nationalism, socialism and anti‐imperialism’, adopted in Mexico, Venezuela, Peru, Cuba, Colombia, Guatemala and Costa Rica, posed a systematic threat to the established Latin American oligarchies and their North American supporters. This ideology sought to transform the political and economic structures of those individual Latin American nations in order to increase the quality of life for the majority of the population. Yet the social democrats emerged during the transition between World War II and the Cold War, when progressive politics were viewed with caution. This placed their nationalist movements within the broader context of the global Cold War. While the Latin American social democrats distanced themselves from the small Latin American communist movement, Washington characterised their economic policies as within ‘the communist line’. Despite their lack of evidence, US policy makers directly contributed to the downfall of several social democratic governments between 1948 and 1965 under the pretext of anti-communism. This pretext effectively ended the movement for Latin American social democracy. Significant ‘blowback’ then occurred in the form of the radicalisation of the democratic left, the implantation of a communist regime in Cuba and the destabilisation of the region in its aftermath. By revising the contextual and ideological origins of the anti-communist pretext as a mechanism to thwart social democracy in Latin America, this thesis will contribute to the literature regarding the political, military and economic machinations of the US in Latin America during the Cold War.
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« Pathways to Peace, Progress, and Public Goods : Rethinking Regional Hegemony ». Doctoral diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.17833.
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abstract: The purpose of this dissertation is to study not only relations between Latin America and the United States, but also Latin American states with each other. It specifically aims to examine the extent to which the United States, the principal hegemonic power in the Americas, can play a constructive role by providing regional public goods. These goods include conflict resolution and economic progress. Although the United States has the potential to create such goods, it also has the potential to create public bads in the form of regional instability, political terror, and economic stagnation. This raises two fundamental research questions: Under what conditions can Washington play a positive role and if these conditions cannot be met, under what conditions can Latin American nations bypass the United States and create their own economic progress and conflict resolution strategies? Drawing upon qualitative research methods and case studies that have attracted scant academic attention, this dissertation finds that through regional multilateral diplomatic negotiations, the United States can play a positive role. However, due to U.S. parochial economic interests and the marginalization of diplomacy as a foreign policy tool, these conditions rarely occur. This research further finds, however, that through flexible regionalization Latin American nations can bypass the United States and create their own goods. Supported by an alternative regional power, flexible regionalization relies upon supranational institutions that exclude the United States, emphasize permanent political and economic integration, and avoid inflexible monetary unions. Through this type of regionalization, Latin America can decrease U.S. interference, sustain political and economic autonomy, and open space for alternative conflict resolution strategies and economic policies that Washington would otherwise oppose. This dissertation is academically significant and policy relevant. First, it reconsiders diplomacy as an instrumental variable for peace and offers generalizable results that can be applied to additional cases. Moreover, finding that Latin American countries can address their own regional issues, this study recognizes the positive agency of Latin America and counters the negative essentialization commonly found in U.S. academic and policy research. Finally, this research offers policy advice for both the United States and Latin America.Dissertation/Thesis
Ph.D. Political Science 2013
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Patel, Nabeelah. « The voice of the Barrios : Hugo Chavez's 21st Century Socialism as a counter-hegemonic challenge to American Supremacy ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/15865.
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Pelant, Matyáš. « Brazilská zahraniční politika 2. pol. 20. století ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-341988.
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This thesis analyzes Brazilian Foreign Policy in the second half of twentieth century. The case study on relations between Czechoslovakia and Brazil during the Cold War is the core of the dissertation. The study is based on unpublished materials from Czech archives. The case study is preceded by two sections: first one deals with tradition and development of Brazilian foreign policy, describes the forming of Brazil-US special relationship and the positions of Brazil in the international politics. Second chapter defines key milestones of the Brazilian Foreign Policy in the second half of 20th century for the purposes of the case study and for better understanding of the context. It focuses on relationship with Eastern Bloc, United States and Western Europe. The chapter is divided into six periods. Same periodization is then used for the case study. A chapter on the tradition of relations between Czechoslovakia and Brazil before 1945 and a chapter on the Czechoslovak intelligence service activities in Brazil are added to the case study. The case study primarily deals with political and trade relations. The case study shows us that the trade was crucial for upholding the relations. Both countries not only stood against each other in the Cold War setting, but Czechoslovakia actively supported the opposition...
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Jindra, Jan. « Chilsko - německé bilaterální vztahy a jejich historické předpoklady ». Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-330471.
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This thesis examines the evolution and particulars of Chilean-German Bilateral Relations stressing the crucial periods in their history. Both these such different and far-distant countries are linked to each other with network of current and traditional ties. Nowadays, Federal Republic of Germany is Chile's major trade partner within EU. Although German immigration in Chile was relatively small in numbers, Chilean Germans subsequently managed to establish respected position and notably contributed to building-up this South American country in various fields. A positive reception of Chilean Germans' and/or Germany's influence was also reflected in this country's approach towards Germany during turbulent 20th century. The paper offers a qualitative historical overview of the official bilateral relations of Germany to one of its closest partners in the region. The relation is studied from several various perspectives (German-Chilean community, Chilean state authorities and government, foreign policy of FRG and GDR). In order to provide a more complex understanding of general context the issues are explained within wider frame of Chilean, German and Latin American modern history. Furthermore, a character of bilateral relations between Chile in democratic transition and unified Germany after 1990 is...
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Aleixo, Beatriz de Carvalho Ramos. « O Papel do Instituto para a Promoção da América Latina e Caraíbas na promoção do Triângulo Estratégico América Latina - Europa - África ». Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/37777.
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Numa envolvente em que várias organizações internacionais utilizam estratégias de advocacy, tendo em vista sensibilizar decision makers para determinados temas, considera-se relevante analisar a importância de Portugal na promoção da relação triangular América Latina – Europa – África no quadro da Política Externa Portuguesa e da Política Externa da União Europeia.
O presente Relatório de Estágio procura realizar um estudo sobre o “Triângulo Estratégico América Latina – Europa – África”, analisando a importância de Portugal (Estado-membro da União Europeia com relações privilegiadas e posicionamento estratégico neste âmbito) na promoção da relação triangular. Com tal objetivo pretende-se, mais concretamente, perceber se o Instituto para a Promoção da América Latina e Caraíbas (IPDAL) utiliza instrumentos de advocacy na promoção do triângulo estratégico no quadro da Politica Externa Portuguesa, estando esta enquadrada pela pertença à União Europeia e, assim, procurar responder à pergunta de investigação - Como é que o IPDAL promove o Triângulo Estratégico América Latina – Europa – África no quadro da Politica Externa Portuguesa?
Neste Relatório é ainda feita uma apresentação do Instituto, uma análise dos Encontros realizados sobre o Triângulo Estratégico, do enquadramento desta dinâmica atlântica triangular na Política Externa Portuguesa e na Política Externa da União Europeia e são igualmente descritas as atividades realizadas durante o Estágio, terminando com uma apreciação critica das atividades desenvolvidas.
Conclui-se que o Instituto utiliza instrumentos de advocacy na promoção da dinâmica triangular e que, assim, Portugal se afirma como hub e elo de ligação entre as três regiões, a América Latina, a Europa e África.In an environment in which numerous international organisations use advocacy strategies to draw decision makers’ attention to specific themes, it is relevant to analyse the importance of Portugal in the promotion of the triangular relation Latin America – Europe – Africa in the framework of the Portuguese foreign policy and the European Union foreign policy. This work aims to conduct a study about the “Strategic Triangle Latin America – Europe – Africa” and analyses the importance of Portugal (Member-State of the European Union and a country with privileged relations and strategic position in this triangulation) in the promotion of the relation between Europe, Latin America and Africa. More specifically, this work aims to understand if the Institute for the Promotion of Latin America and the Caribbean (IPDAL) uses instruments of advocacy in promoting the strategic triangle in the framework of the Portuguese foreign policy in order to respond to the research question - How does IPDAL promote the Strategic Triangle Latin America – Europe – Africa in the framework of the Portuguese foreign policy? The presentation of the Institute, the analyses of the initiatives organized about the Strategic Triangle and the framework of this theme in the Portuguese foreign policy and in the European Union foreign policy are also described in this report, as well as a critical appraisal about the activities developed during the internship in IPDAL. Finally, it is concluded that the Institute uses instruments of advocacy in the promotion of the triangular dynamic and, consequently, it is also concluded that Portugal is a hub and a connecting link between the three regions, Latin America, Europe and Africa.