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1
Jackson, Robert H. « Negative sovereignty in sub-Saharan Africa ». Review of International Studies 12, no 4 (octobre 1986) : 247–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113828.
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Martin Wight once compared ‘the increasing number of small states which are the debris of colonial empires’ to ‘the increasing number of small principalities’ of an earlier period in international history which were ‘the debris of feudalism’. The citystates, monarchies, republics, confederations and various other emergent states of Europe eventually found an alternative to the mediaeval societas Christiana on which their independence and intercourse could be legitimately based. This was, of course, the practice of dynastic legitimacy or what Burke glorified as ‘prescription’: the right of inherited and established states to international recognition which sufficed as the constitution of European international society until the French revolution. Burke invoked it to condemn the revolution and justify foreign intervention not only to destroy the Jacobins and restore the monarchy but also to defend ‘the college of the ancient states of Europe’.3 It was a lost cause.
2
Webber, Mark. « Soviet Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa : the Final Phase ». Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no 1 (mars 1992) : 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007709.
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The transformation of Soviet foreign policy during the Gorbachev era was truly seismic in nature. Re-evaluations were effected in all areas of policy, resulting, most visibly, in the fundamental reordering of relations with the United States and fellow N.A.T.O. countries, and the demise of the Warsaw Pact and communist régimes in Eastern Europe. Equally sweeping were alterations in approach to the Third World and, more specifically, sub-saharan Africa, where changes in policy Soviet retreat.
3
Gupta, Vijay. « Economic Crisis in Africa ». India Quarterly : A Journal of International Affairs 41, no 2 (avril 1985) : 236–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848504100205.
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Sub-Saharan Africa is facing deep economic crisis. A situation has reached where there is total stagnation with zero per cent growth rate and no hope of recovery. Hunger is hovering over vast areas of Africa threatening the lives of 150 million people and every day people are dying of starvation. It is said, that nature and international economic relations are both responsible for the crisis. The problems include drought and expanding desertification leading to scarcity of food and consequently rising foreign exchange expenditure on food purchase. There is shortage of inputs for the very few industries that exist. The burden of external debts is increasing every day and is reaching a stage when repayment would be impossible. According to a World Bank Report: “Of the 45 states in the sub-Saharan region, 24 have fewer than five million people. African economies are for the most part small in economic terms. These are open economies where foreign trade accounts for about a quarter of the GDP. They are specialized economies, most of them agricultural, dependent on the export of two or three primary commodities. Even in mineral exporting countries, the majority of the population (around 80 per cent) is engaged in agriculture with subsistence production. Only 20 per cent of the population is non-rural, and modern wage employment absorbs a very small proportion of the labour force—in most countries less than 10 per cent.”1 There is mass-poverty and regional inequality with under-developed structures. Agricultural growth per capita, a key indicator in Africa, has been showing negative rates of growth. In most African societies the patriarchal, tribal social structure still exists today side by side with the foreign companies (MNCs) holding key positions in the economy of a number of countries. Small-scale production by farmers, livestock breeders and handicraftsmen is still the largest sector of the African economy today. The low level of subsistence farming often with primitive tools and Implements prevails all over the continent. The small cash crop growers are ruthlessly exploited by foreign monopolies, local feudals and the tribal elite. Forced by an unbearable and miserable existence “peasants” abandon land temporarily and are forced to seek work in the cities, plantations or in mines. As the rate of industrial growth is very low, migration from the rural to the tertiary or industrial sector is minimal. Africa is underdeveloped, that is, Africa's economic potential is scantily developed. For instance, the African continent possesses two-fifths of the world's total hydroelectric potential—more than Europe and the two Americans put together but the present production is ridiculously small—25 billion kwh—that is equivalent to the consumption of a large European city. Similarly African mineral resources have been relatively little exploited and so far research on tropical soils is in the first stages, knowledge of water resources is minimal. African human resources have remained underutilized. Africa lags far behind in education leading to low capacity in technical and economic inventiveness. Between 1960 and 1979 the per capita income in a number of sub-Saharan countries showed increase while some others had a very low rate of growth and still others showed negative rates of growth. Since 1980 it appears that there has been a constant tendency of decline in the rate of growth in a large number of countries.2 Even the oil-producing countries are in trouble.
4
DZEKASHU, WILLIAM. « China Belt and Road Initiative : ». Archives of Business Research 9, no 5 (20 mai 2021) : 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.95.10180.
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Most of Sub-Sahara Africa gained independence from Europe in a wave from 1957 through the late 1980s with the notion that her former colonial masters would be development partners in the newfound era of political, social, and economic freedom. This perception of partnership is evidenced in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth, but regrettably, in other countries in the continent, there have been delays in infrastructure development. With Europe’s failure to meet the expectation, Africa has turned to China as a development partner. China has tackled some of the urgent infrastructure needs in return for agricultural products and natural resources. This recent partnership with China continues to expand in Africa, demonstrated by the launching of the Belt and Roads Initiative (BRI). East and Southern Africa represent the highest beneficiaries of the BRI engagements, receiving over half of the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from China whose foreign investment practices in Africa have come under great criticism from the West. This skepticism is due to the vague nature of the engagements and notes which are not publicly reported. This persistent suspicion by the West calls for close monitoring of the relations between the US and China that could easily escalate to a conflict between both nations. Though under attack, BRI has scored great instances of success through the execution of major infrastructure and commercial projects in partner nations. An issue of focus addressed here is whether the engagements with China represent sustainable relationships for development.
5
Uysal, Gönenç. « Turkey’s Sub-imperialism in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Review of Radical Political Economics 53, no 3 (24 juin 2021) : 442–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/04866134211003995.
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The growing economic and political roles of the so-called emerging powers in sub-Saharan Africa have attracted particular attention following the apparent decline of Western powers in the face of the global economic crisis of 2007–2008. The AKP’s “proactive” foreign policy has manifested Turkey’s burgeoning role in the region. This paper draws upon Marxism to explore the diffusion of Turkish capital and the enhancement of military relations in the region in harmony and in contradistinction with Western and Gulf countries. It discusses the AKP’s proactive foreign policy vis-à-vis sub-Saharan Africa as a particular sociohistorical form of sub-imperialism that is characterized by and reproduces economic and geopolitical rivalries and alliances among Turkey and Western and Gulf countries. JEL Classification: F5, P1, O1
6
Tomšík, Karel, et Luboš Smutka. « Selected aspects and specifics of the economic development in sub-Saharan Africa ». Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 61, no 2 (2013) : 517–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201361020517.
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The paper examines the development of economies in the sub-Saharan region. It aims to identify particular development trends specific to the region. That means identifying changes which have occurred in the past five decades in following areas: development of the GDP value and structure, growth in the value of foreign trade, demographic growth, and changes in the value of GDP per capita. The results of the analysis show very constrained economic power of sub-Saharan region. Not only weak economy of the region but also a significant population growth is a problem. Increasing production and trade does not contribute effectively to elimination of high level of poverty and malnutrition which remains a long-term problem of the sub-Saharan region. In real terms, the GDP per capita was growing by less than 1 % in the period 1961–2010. Sub-Saharan region is highly dependent on cooperation with other world regions in its effort to increase economic growth and to improve the economic situation of own population. The GDP growth is thus very sensitive to GDP development in Europe and North America. Concerning the foreign trade, development of sub-Saharan trade is dependent on regions of the Southern and Eastern Asia, and Europe.
7
Suha, György, et Péter Szatmári. « Adaptive Dynamics of Foreign Trade and Foreign Policy Strategy in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Polgári szemle 17, Special Issue (2021) : 383–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24307/psz.2021.0026.
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Geographically situated in the Global South as the geological extension of the Afro-Eurasian land mass, Africa is centrally situated at the very intersection of global strategic dynamics. Based on this special political and economic position, Africa is re-defining its partnership with various regions of the world, including Central Eastern Europe. These countries played an important role during the African anti-colonial struggles and their early years of nation-formation in the development of the African human capital. Hungary as member of the European Union prides itself with its extensive experience in agriculture, education, science, technology and innovation, it will actively participate in reshaping relations with the countries of the continent. This paper attempts to analyze the current government policy for Hungarian involvement in Africa, with a fuller insight into the foreign economic relations as the most dynamic and thriving framework of cooperation. Finally, it touches upon issues of various trade and investment related financial instruments, and best practice methods of intervention as key elements of a successful long-term strategic Hungarian policy towards Africa.
8
Mair, Lucy. « Politics in sub-Saharan Africa and United States foreign policy towards sub-Saharan Africa : change, continuity and constraint ». International Affairs 62, no 2 (1986) : 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618431.
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Huliaras, Asteris C. « Sub‐Saharan Africa in us foreign policy : From marginalisation to domestication ? » South African Journal of International Affairs 4, no 1 (janvier 1996) : 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220469609545179.
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Kibria, Ahsan, Reza Oladi et Sherzod B. Akhundjanov. « Foreign direct investment and civil violence in Sub‐Saharan Africa ». World Economy 43, no 4 (15 décembre 2019) : 948–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/twec.12904.
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Singh, Devesh, et Zoltán Gal. « Economic Freedom and its Impact on Foreign Direct Investment : Global Overview ». Review of Economic Perspectives 20, no 1 (1 mars 2020) : 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/revecp-2020-0004.
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AbstractThe purpose of this research is to examine the economic freedom (EF) along with its macroeconomic determinants impact on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflow in South Asia, East Asia, Latin America, Middle East, and North Africa, Northern Europe, Southern Europe, Western Europe, Eastern Europe and Sub Saharan Africa. We use Heritage Foundation economic freedom index data over the period of 1999 to 2018 and employ the stepwise multi regression on variables of business freedom, government spending, tax burden, government integrity, property rights, investment freedom, trade freedom and monetary freedom. The results show that EF has a significant positive impact in South Asia, Latin America, East Asia, North Europe and West Europe. However, for the Middle East and North Africa, East European and South European economies EF has an insignificant influence on FDI inflow.
12
Heinrich, Tobias, Carla Martinez Machain et Jared Oestman. « Does counterterrorism militarize foreign aid ? Evidence from sub-Saharan Africa ». Journal of Peace Research 54, no 4 (5 juin 2017) : 527–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317702708.
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This article studies whether the pursuit of counterterrorism militarizes foreign aid flows. It focuses on the case of US foreign aid to sub-Saharan African states, which recently have experienced an increase in the presence of al-Qaeda or its affiliate terrorist organizations. This article argues that as terrorist groups carry out attacks inside a state’s territory, aid towards that state will serve such counterterrorism goals. For one, the state’s executive branch will receive increased military aid to immediately fight al-Qaeda or affiliates. For the other, the United States also steps up aid for civil society and development, which could over time undermine al-Qaeda’s mobilization and recruitment efforts. In an empirical analysis that covers 46 African states from 1996 to 2011, our results largely corroborate the hypothesized patterns for attacks that occur on a country territory and in the neighborhood. We note, though, that the overall composition of aid shifts relative to the military when there are direct attacks, something that does not occur when attacks happen in the neighborhood only. Our article concludes that concerns about militarization of aid are warranted, but that actual manifestations are nuanced.
13
Odhiambo, Scholastica Achieng. « Economic Crisis Influence on FDI and Foreign Inflows in Sub-Saharan Africa Economies ». European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no 31 (30 novembre 2017) : 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n31p557.
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The global economic crisis affected most of developed economies in North America and Europe which was likely to trigger a trickle-down effects on Sub-Saharan Africa. This effect was characterized by falling exports demand, foreign capital inflows in terms of foreign direct investment (FDI), foreign aid inflows and remittances from African immigrants working in the ICs. This paper investigated the effects of economic crisis on FDI and the foreign aid inflows in four countries which include Botswana, Kenya, Malawi and Mozambique. Panel data was used for analysis with OLS, Random Effects and Maximum Likelihood Estimation from 1990-2010 was conducted. The results show that contrary to the expectation that economic crisis had negative effects on FDI inflows in SSA it was the other way round. Economic crisis has a positive impact on FDI inflows. This maybe because of natural resource oriented FDIs in Mozambique and Botswana and low integration in world markets for Kenya and Malawi (Most FDI are primary resource base such as agriculture).
14
Miles, William F. S., et David A. Rochefort. « Nationalism Versus Ethnic Identity in Sub-Saharan Africa ». American Political Science Review 85, no 2 (juin 1991) : 393–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963166.
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Part and parcel of the conventional wisdom about rural publics in Africa is that populations on the periphery will accord ethnic solidarity greater significance than national consciousness. A survey of neighboring Hausa villages on different sides of the Niger-Nigeria boundary counters this myth. Probing issues of self-identity and ethnic affinity, we found that most Hausa villagers on the frontier did not place their Hausan ethnic identity above their national one as citizens of Nigeria or Niger and expressed greater affinity for non-Hausa cocitizens than for foreign Hausas. However, expressed attachments to ethnic, national, and other social identifications (such as religion) varied according to village: citizenship does make a difference in the political consciousness of villagers on the geographic margins of the state. More survey research in other transborder regions should shed further light on processes of state penetration and national integration in developing countries.
15
Bradshaw, York W., et Zwelakhe Tshandu. « Foreign Capital Penetration, State Intervention, and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa ». International Studies Quarterly 34, no 2 (juin 1990) : 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600710.
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Bussmann, Margit, Gerald Schneider et Nina Wiesehomeier. « Foreign Economic Liberalization and Peace : The Case of Sub-Saharan Africa ». European Journal of International Relations 11, no 4 (décembre 2005) : 551–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066105057900.
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POPESCU, Alba-Iulia Catrinel. « THE EVOLUTION OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ROMANIA AND THE SUB-SAHARAN STATES BEFORE DECEMBER 1989 AND IN THE FIRST TWO DECADES OF TRANSITION ». Strategic Impact 80, no 3 (2 février 2022) : 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1841-5784-21-19.
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The decolonization of sub-Saharan Africa was an opportunity intelligently speculated by the communist regime in Bucharest. Unlike the other communist states, regimented to the ideological current imposed by Moscow, Romania promoted an independent foreign policy and sought to establish economic relations with all developing states, regardless of their political orientation. But the events of December 1989 radically changed Romania’s policy towards sub-Saharan states. This article proposes an analysis of the way in which the economic relations between Romania and the sub-Saharan states evolved before the events of December 1989 and in the first two decades of the transition to a market economy.
18
Marques, Joseph, et Anthony Spanakos. « South-South relations and the English School of International Relations : Chinese and Brazilian ideas and involvement in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 57, spe (2014) : 138–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201400209.
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The rise of large developing countries has led to considerable discussions of re-balancing global relations and giving greater priority to understanding South-South relations. This paper, in exploring the central ideas of Chinese and Brazilian foreign policy and the behavior of these two rising Southern countries toward Sub-Saharan Africa, argues that the English School of International Relations is well suited to understanding the intentions and actions that characterize South-South relations.
19
Smutka, Luboš, et Karel Tomšík. « Selected aspects of GDP value and structure development in sub-Saharan Africa ». Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 59, no 7 (2011) : 347–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201159070347.
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Africa belongs to the poorest regions of the world. This statement may be applied especially to its sub-Saharan part. The paper analyses some basic structural characteristics related to the economic development of sub-Saharan region. The article reveals existing differences between countries and regions of sub-Saharan Africa and analyses key problems which influence economic development of individual states. An emphasis is placed on analysing an unsuitable GDP structure and on external economic relations which affect this structure. Results of an investigation show that the GDP of sub-Saharan countries is to a large extend generated by the primary sector of their economies, which is dominant in the total GDP value and its position is continuously strengthening due to a high dynamics of its growth. Having regard to the external environment, there can be stated that the foreign trade has contributed to the GDP growth of the whole region only to a limited degree (this does not apply to all countries seen as individuals). The integration process in sub-Saharan Africa may be characterized as questionable. Many integration groupings are operating in the region, but their influence on economic growth is limited due a low potential for mutual cooperation based on specialisation and use of comparative advantages. The economies of sub-Saharan countries are very sensitive to changes in their external economic environment. In this regard, there is important to highlight the very strong sensitivity of the GDP in the sub-Saharan region in relation to the World GDP (mainly to European and US GDP because both regions belong to the most important trading partners of Africa as a whole).
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STEVENS, CHRISTOPHER. « The Impact of Europe 1992 on the Maghreb and Sub-Saharan Africa ». JCMS : Journal of Common Market Studies 29, no 2 (décembre 1990) : 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1990.tb00390.x.
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Jacobs, Bert. « A Dragon and a Dove ? A Comparative Overview of Chinese and European Trade Relations with Sub-Saharan Africa ». Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 40, no 4 (décembre 2011) : 17–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261104000402.
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As China's footprint in African trade grows larger by the day, the need to contextualize this rise through comparative analysis becomes ever more necessary. This paper contrasts the sub-Saharan trade relations of both China and Europe with their respective designated stereotypes: those of a dragon and a dove. The article compares the trade dynamics on four levels: the policies and institutional mechanisms that shape the relationship; the composition of the trade flows; the geographic distribution of trade dominance; and the influence of norms and values on the trade pattern. It concludes that although there are empirical grounds behind these stereotypes, Chinese and European trade relations with sub-Saharan Africa are becoming more similar, partly due to a more hawkish European stance.
22
Zajaczkowski, Małgorzata. « Instytucjonalizacja zewnętrzna Unii Europejskiej na przykładzie Afryki Subsaharyjskiej ». Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no 2 (5 décembre 2013) : 131–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2013.2.6.
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Institutionalization of relations with Sub-Saharan Africa states is one of approaches used to include those states in main currents of world economy. The African states will benefit because new markets for their exports will open which will increase the speed of reform of their political systems and economies. EU will benefi t because better overall situation of the African states will help in development of stable multilateral relations. In this paper I analyze the EU – Sub-Saharan states relations as an example of institutionalization understood as development of legal and institutional solutions that shape international relations. In this context institutionalization is an instrument that enhances systematic change which in turn leads to transformation of particular states and regions. In the paper I try to answer the question: is the declared level of integration of different instruments of EU foreign policy identical with the reality vis-a-vis the states of Africa.
23
Gez, Yonatan N., Nadia Beider et Helga Dickow. « African and Not Religious : The State of Research on Sub-Saharan Religious Nones and New Scholarly Horizons ». Africa Spectrum 57, no 1 (10 novembre 2021) : 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00020397211052567.
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Sub-Saharan African societies are widely seen as highly religious. However, at least 30 million Sub-Saharan Africans identify themselves as “religious nones” and are supposedly not affiliated with any religious tradition. While research interest in religious nones has been growing in the United States, Canada, and Western Europe, there is a dearth of literature on nones in Sub-Saharan Africa. In this paper, we offer an overview of this understudied subject and dwell on key challenges for studying African nones, including preconceived notions and structural oppositions. We further muse on the identity of African nones and consider differences from the characteristics established concerning Western nones. The article draws on quantitative data from across the region (primarily from Afrobarometer and Pew Research Center) and supplements them with interview data collected in Chad, Kenya, and South Africa.
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Fofana, Mory Fodé. « The Influence of Measures of Economic Freedom on FDI : A Comparison of Western Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa ». Global Economy Journal 14, no 03n04 (18 septembre 2014) : 399–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gej-2014-0023.
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This research found that recent efforts aimed at stimulating both domestic and foreign investment have attached great importance to the improvement of the regulatory framework and institutions of economic freedom. From the empirical perspective, benchmarking panel data of two samples of countries of Sub-Saharan Africa and Western Europe was used to assess the disaggregated effect of the regulatory variables of economic freedom on FDI. The results indicate that institutional variables of economic freedom are important in attracting FDI for both Europe and Africa. However, the specific variables that are statistically significant depend on the current state of development of the countries in the samples. These results are useful for comparing and identifying the priorities of the regulatory framework reforms for improving economic performance.
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Popławski, Błażej. « Politoligwistyka dyplomatyczna ». Politeja 17, no 6(69) (1 octobre 2020) : 197–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.69.10.
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Diplomatic Politolinguistics. The Analysis of the Perception of Sub-Saharan Africa in the Exposé of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Second and Third Polish Republics
The aim of the article is to present the image of sub-Saharan Africa in the exposé of the ministers of foreign affairs of the Second andThird Republics of Poland, in the context of changes in the ideological imaginary of the Polish diplomacy. The introduction describes a political linguistic perspective which was adopted in the work, treating the discourse of political actors as one of the main determinants of the political universe. Then the “parliamentary custom” of delivering an exposé was characterised. The next part discusses the perception of the colonial and imperial idea in the Second Polish Republic. Research on the information provided by the chiefs of the diplomacy after 1989 was focused on the description of the transfer of democracy to the South, the clash of civilizations, and securitization in the international relations.
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Anetor, Friday Osemenshan. « Human capital threshold, foreign direct investment and economic growth : evidence from sub-Saharan Africa ». International Journal of Development Issues 19, no 3 (4 juin 2020) : 323–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijdi-01-2020-0014.
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to analyze the mediating effect of human capital in foreign direct investment (FDI) and growth nexus and establish the threshold of human capital in 28 sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries over the period 1999–2017. Design/methodology/approach This study used a secondary source of data obtained from the World Development Indicator and used the system generalized method of moments and dynamic panel threshold regression (TR) to analyze the data. Findings This study found that FDI and human capital have no significant impact on the economic growth in SSA. However, when the interactive term of FDI and human capital was introduced in the model, the economic growth effect of FDI became positive and significant, while the coefficient of the interactive term is negative and significant. This presupposes that SSA does not have a sufficient high-quality workforce that can absorb and transform the spillover benefits of FDI into economic growth. As a result, this study applied the TR to determine the minimum level of human capital and established a threshold level at 63.91%. Practical implications It, therefore, becomes pertinent for policymakers in the SSA region to have a human capital policy to build up their absorptive capacities to fully take advantage of FDI. Originality/value The contribution of this study lies in establishing a threshold of human capital at 63.91% for countries in the SSA region.
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Bratton, Michael. « Academic Analysis and U.S. Economic Assistance Policy on Africa ». Issue : A Journal of Opinion 19, no 1 (1990) : 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501218.
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Of all the policy issue areas that concern the U.S. government in its relations with Africa, economic assistance policy has attracted the deepest and widest involvement from U.S. university scholars. University-based analysts have enjoyed numerous avenues of access to officials who define, design, implement and evaluate U.S. foreign aid programs for sub-Saharan Africa. U.S. universities have stronger institutional linkages with the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) than with any other Washington institution discussed in this ISSUE, including the U.S. Congress and agencies within the the national security bureaucracy.
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Rutazibwa, Olivia Umurerwa. « In the name of human rights : the problematics of EU ethical foreign policy in Africa and elsewhere ». Afrika Focus 27, no 1 (25 février 2014) : 96–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02701007.
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This doctoral research project explores avenues to research ethically defined foreign policy differently, i.e. in ways that more systematically account for its counterproductive elements. Building on the specific case of the European Union’s foreign policy in sub-Saharan Africa, embodied by the 2000 Cotonou Agreement and the 2007 Joint Africa-EU Strategy, through four papers and one books review, the study firstly develops the Ethical Intervener Europe analytical framework to account for the embedded problematics in the EU’s ethical foreign policy. Secondly, through an eclectic theoretical approach, the study seeks to theoretically pin-point some alternatives to think about ethical foreign policy and finally, looks to concretize it through its application on the case of relative autonomous peace- and state-building in Somaliland. This research report briefly introduces the different findings and addresses the need for further research in view of a decolonial approach to the study of ethical foreign policy in a context of structural inequality.
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Jarad, Ali, Almokhtar Attwairi, Tarek Elaswed et Elhadi Elmghirbi. « The role of the southern Libyan Saharan cities in building their relations with neighbouring countires ». Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 102, no 1 (2022) : 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd2201141j.
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The southern Libyan cities (Ghat, Murzuq, and Al-Kufra) played their political, economic, and social role in Libyan relations with neighbouring countries during various historical phases. These cities paved the way for building economic relations, especially the exchange of goods between North and South Africa through Mediterranean ports to Europe. The main goal of the research is to stress the role of the Saharan towns and cities in building relations between Libya and neighbouring countries and to tracking the political, economic and social impacts on Saharan cities, but also their effects between the northern African region and southern Libya towards African Sub-Saharan region. Additionally, it is important to explain the role of southern cities geographically in the influx of illegal migration of temporary transit and settlement areas and crossing north to Europe and studying the impact of instability and insecurity after 2011 in the tribal and ethnic conflict in southern Libyan region. The importance of the study is based on identifying the political, economic, and social conditions of southern Libyan region and its important historical cities.
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Brännström, Inger. « Publishing ethics in paediatric research : A cross-cultural comparative review ». Nursing Ethics 19, no 2 (mars 2012) : 268–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969733011419242.
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The present article aims to scrutinize publishing ethics in the fields of paediatrics and paediatric nursing. Full-text readings of all original research articles in paediatrics from a high-income economy, i.e. Sweden, and from all low-income economies in Sub-Saharan Africa, were reviewed as they were indexed and stored in Web of Science for the search period from 1 January 2007 to 7 October 2009. The application of quantitative and qualitative content analysis revealed a marked discrepancy in publishing frequencies between the two contrasting economies. Authors from 16 low-income economies in Sub-Saharan Africa, with at least one article stored, were obviously closely linked to co-authorships and foreign funding sources, predominantly from Europe and the USA. Statements concerning conflicts of interest were frequently missing (both regions), even when multiple financial sources, including companies, were involved. It is necessary to be aware of possible systematic bias when using electronic databases to search for certain topics and regions. Further research regarding publishing ethics in paediatrics and paediatric nursing is emphasized.
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Chanceline, Boutchouang Nghomsi. « Land Grabbing And Its Impact On Food Security In Sub-Saharan Africa ». SocioEconomic Challenges 3, no 4 (2019) : 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/sec.3(4).72-85.2019.
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Over the last decade, the synergy between the financial and food crises has led to the emergence of new processes in the functioning of national economies – the seizure of agricultural land. On the one hand, the governments of most African countries, for the sake of their food security, import food and buy agricultural land overseas to organize their own agricultural production. On the other hand, the main purpose of multinational companies investing in land purchases is to generate more profit. This situation led to the rapid and complete privatization of agricultural land on the African continent between 2008 and 2010, while the locals were living outside poverty. The peasants’ right of access to land is no longer guaranteed, they have remained unprotected in their own territories. At present, exponential population growth and its needs are taking place, access to land and water is a crucial element of government. The purpose of the article is to analyze the probable conflicts in land relations arising from the transfer of land to multinational companies. The term ‘land grabbing’ means the large-scale acquisition (purchase, lease) of agricultural land by private individuals for commercial purposes abroad and in the long term (30-90 years) for agricultural production or biofuel production for export. The author of the article found that the products grown on these lands will be destined for the population of other countries, which is detrimental to the local population. Consequently, the seizure of land will in the future have negative socio-economic consequences for society: the destruction of farms, the exacerbation of contradictions between the rural population, the destruction of community fields beyond land acquired by foreign states and transnational corporations. In addition, the study concludes that, first, the seizure of land on the African continent through foreign direct investment, capital transfers, technology and job creation can help to increase the individual income and standard of living of the local population, and thus promote food security; secondly, the significant demand for food and biofuels in the world, population pressures and climate change are factors contributing to the improvement of product quality in the African continent. Keywords: land grabbing, food security, impact, rural agriculture, Sub-Saharan Africa.
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Bishku, Michael B. « Morocco and Sub-Saharan Africa : In the Shadow of the Western Sahara Dispute ». Contemporary Review of the Middle East 8, no 3 (31 mai 2021) : 273–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477989211017568.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During much of the past several decades, Moroccan actions in Western Sahara have impacted on that country’s bilateral and multilateral ties, especially with other countries in Africa, though to a lesser degree in the Arab world. In recent years, Morocco has gained the upper hand in its conflict in Western Sahara and has been increasing its political and economic footprint on the continent of Africa, an area of interest since independence. At the same time, Morocco has regarded itself as a “gateway” to Africa for the USA and Europe, while the USA, France (and the Gulf states) have provided military and financial assistance as well as diplomatic support for Morocco as that country’s policies have served Western interests. While attention is given by academics in recent years to the involvement in Africa of other middle powers from the Middle East such as Turkey, Iran and Saudi Arabia and, in the past, of Nasser’s Egypt and Qaddafi’s Libya, as well as Israel, Morocco has not stirred the same sort of interest. This article seeks to address that issue by examining all political and economic factors that have influenced Moroccan policy toward Sub-Saharan Africa, those both connected and unconnected with the issue of the Western Sahara dispute.
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Emudainohwo, Ochuko B., Agyenim Boateng, Sanjukta Brahma et Franklin Ngwu. « Analysis of government policies, institutions, and inward foreign direct investment : Evidence from sub-Saharan Africa ». Thunderbird International Business Review 60, no 4 (11 septembre 2017) : 523–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/tie.21942.
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Kohnert, Dirk. « More Equitable Britain-Africa Relations Post-Brexit : Doomed to Fail ? » Africa Spectrum 53, no 2 (août 2018) : 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971805300206.
Texte intégralRésumé :
High-flying illusions on the part of the proponents and grim predictions on the part of the sceptics have characterised the controversy around Brexit. The article assesses five key issues at stake for post-Brexit relationships between Britain, the EU, and Africa: market access, foreign direct investment (FDI), aid, security, and the nature of the partnership. The analysis focuses on those sub-Saharan African countries that belong to the Commonwealth, as the British government's vision of a “Global Britain” relies heavily on its reinforced cooperation with Commonwealth nations. The review of potential developments in these different policy fields shows that the expectations of Brexiteers and African politicians alike concerning an enhanced, partnership-like post-Brexit Commonwealth relationship are largely unfounded. Although the post-Brexit United Kingdom will increase African countries' choices regarding preferred trading partners, it remains questionable whether London could offer something new that other global players with increasing interest in Africa, such as China, do not already have on their agenda.
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Katoka, Ben, et Huck‐ju Kwon. « A Paradox of New Deal and Foreign Aid for Fragile States in Sub‐Saharan Africa ». Global Policy 12, no 5 (12 octobre 2021) : 639–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13012.
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Levtov, Marianna. « Chinese Diplomacy Discourse in the Prism of the Relations with the Sub-Saharan Region ». Advances in Politics and Economics 4, no 4 (19 novembre 2021) : p81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v4n4p81.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Chinese economic reforms initiated by Deng Xiaoping have given China the necessary push for the development and growth of the domestic economy. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) under Xi Jinping claims, that the originally planned transformation is completed, and China is ready for achieving new goals, such as first peripherical and, later, global dominance, leadership in manufacturing and technology and probably even the moral benchmark. The PRC presents a new model of global order with its active position as the super nation.Chinese current behaviour on the international stage is the direct illustration of the political thought of Xi Jinping. To understand the main principles and the vision of the PRC under Xi, his principles of diplomacy have been analysed.This paper claims, that the rhetoric of Xi Jinping and his administration is a neo-pragmatic approach, which includes nativism, anti-traditionalism and pragmatism within.The article takes as a case study for the implementation of the Chinese foreign policy the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) member states.Contrarily to the American dominance, China suggests guidance, collaboration with mutual benefits and growth, which involves both sides. “Shift in space” stresses the concrete steps for achieving the “China’s dream” of rejuvenation.
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Levtov, Marianna. « Chinese Diplomacy Discourse in the Prism of the Relations with the Sub-Saharan Region ». Advances in Politics and Economics 4, no 4 (27 décembre 2021) : p80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v4n4p80.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Chinese economic reforms initiated by Deng Xiaoping have given China the necessary push for the development and growth of the domestic economy. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) under Xi Jinping claims, that the originally planned transformation is completed, and China is ready for achieving new goals, such as first peripherical and, later, global dominance, leadership in manufacturing and technology and probably even the moral benchmark. The PRC presents a new model of global order with its active position as the super nation.Chinese current behaviour on the international stage is the direct illustration of the political thought of Xi Jinping. To understand the main principles and the vision of the PRC under Xi, his principles of diplomacy have been analysed.This paper claims, that the rhetoric of Xi Jinping and his administration is a neo-pragmatic approach, which includes nativism, anti-traditionalism and pragmatism within.The article takes as a case study for the implementation of the Chinese foreign policy the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) member states.Contrarily to the American dominance, China suggests guidance, collaboration with mutual benefits and growth, which involves both sides. “Shift in space” stresses the concrete steps for achieving the “China’s dream” of rejuvenation.
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Bacik, Gökhan, et Isa Afacan. « Turkey Discovers Sub-Saharan Africa : The Critical Role of Agents in the Construction of Turkish Foreign-Policy Discourse ». Turkish Studies 14, no 3 (septembre 2013) : 483–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2013.832040.
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Müller, Marc F., Gopal Penny, Meredith T. Niles, Vincent Ricciardi, Davide Danilo Chiarelli, Kyle Frankel Davis, Jampel Dell’Angelo et al. « Impact of transnational land acquisitions on local food security and dietary diversity ». Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no 4 (19 janvier 2021) : e2020535118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2020535118.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Foreign investors have acquired approximately 90 million hectares of land for agriculture over the past two decades. The effects of these investments on local food security remain unknown. While additional cropland and intensified agriculture could potentially increase crop production, preferential targeting of prime agricultural land and transitions toward export-bound crops might affect local access to nutritious foods. We test these hypotheses in a global systematic analysis of the food security implications of existing land concessions. We combine agricultural, remote sensing, and household survey data (available in 11 sub-Saharan African countries) with georeferenced information on 160 land acquisitions in 39 countries. We find that the intended changes in cultivated crop types generally imply transitions toward energy-rich, but nutrient-poor, crops that are predominantly destined for export markets. Specific impacts on food production and access vary substantially across regions. Deals likely have little effect on food security in eastern Europe and Latin America, where they predominantly occur within agricultural areas with current export-oriented crops, and where agriculture would have both expanded and intensified regardless of the land deals. This contrasts with Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, where deals are associated with both an expansion and intensification (in Asia) of crop production. Deals in these regions also shift production away from local staples and coincide with a gradually decreasing dietary diversity among the surveyed households in sub-Saharan Africa. Together, these findings point to a paradox, where land deals can simultaneously increase crop production and threaten local food security.
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Schneider, Firedrich. « Estimation of Informal Economy : Figures for Developed and Underdeveloped Countries Around the World ». Revista de Economía Mundial, no 60 (4 avril 2022) : 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33776/rem.v0i60.5631.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper estimates the size of the value added of the informal economy for 157 countries over 1991 to 2017 with the help of the MIMIC-method. The results show that OECD countries have by far the smallest informal economies, with sizes below 20 percent of official GDP. Moreover, informal economies are larger in Latin American and sub-Saharan African countries, averaging almost 38 and 39 percent of GDP, respectively. The average informal-economy size over all 157 countries and over 1991–2017 is 30.9 percent. The average decline in informal-economy size from 1991 to 2017 is a remarkable 6.8 percentage points. In addition, results of the size and development of undeclared or informal employment all over the world are shown. Except for Eastern Europe and Central Asia and Southern Africa, informal employment is above 50% of total employment and even over 88% in Southern Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. Finally, some policy measures to reduce the informal economy and conclusions are given.
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Schneider, Firedrich. « Estimation of Informal Economy : Figures for Developed and Underdeveloped Countries Around the World ». Revista de Economía Mundial, no 60 (4 avril 2022) : 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33776/rem.v0i60.5631.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper estimates the size of the value added of the informal economy for 157 countries over 1991 to 2017 with the help of the MIMIC-method. The results show that OECD countries have by far the smallest informal economies, with sizes below 20 percent of official GDP. Moreover, informal economies are larger in Latin American and sub-Saharan African countries, averaging almost 38 and 39 percent of GDP, respectively. The average informal-economy size over all 157 countries and over 1991–2017 is 30.9 percent. The average decline in informal-economy size from 1991 to 2017 is a remarkable 6.8 percentage points. In addition, results of the size and development of undeclared or informal employment all over the world are shown. Except for Eastern Europe and Central Asia and Southern Africa, informal employment is above 50% of total employment and even over 88% in Southern Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. Finally, some policy measures to reduce the informal economy and conclusions are given.
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Abu, Nurudeen, et Mohd Zaini Abd Karim. « The relationships between foreign direct investment, domestic savings, domestic investment, and economic growth : The case of Sub-Saharan Africa ». Society and Economy 38, no 2 (juin 2016) : 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2016.38.2.4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Despite the large body of research on foreign direct investment, domestic savings, domestic investment and economic growth, little has been done to investigate the relationships among them. This paper examines the relationships among foreign direct investment, domestic savings, domestic investment, and economic growth in 16 Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries from 1981 to 2011, using various techniques. The results of VAR estimation and Granger causality tests demonstrate that there is a unidirectional causality from foreign investment to growth and domestic investment, savings to growth, and a bidirectional causality between growth and domestic investment as well as savings and domestic investment. The results of the variance decomposition analysis reveal that foreign investment exerts more influence on growth. Savings are more important in explaining domestic investment, growth is more important in explaining foreign investment, and domestic investment is more important in explaining savings. Based on the results of the impulse response analysis, there is a positive unidirectional causality from foreign investment to growth and domestic investment, savings to growth, and a positive bidirectional causality between savings and domestic investment, both in the short and long-run. Although there is feedback causality between domestic investment and growth, the impact from investment is negative in the short-run and positive in the long-run. Thus, policies that encourage foreign investment and savings are required to boost domestic investment and promote growth, and policies that raise domestic investment will lead to higher savings and growth in SSA.
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Gonzalez, Ariel, et Huseyin Zengin. « A decade of opening. Turkey's new international role in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America ». Tiempo devorado 3, no 2 (21 juillet 2016) : 262–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.72.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been central for the contemporary Turkish history due to the its novel domestic identity grounded on the moderate Islamism, and an assertive, autonomous foreign policy, beyond the Western axis. For more than a decade, Turkey developed an active agenda as an emerging middle power, thus opening new spaces and increasing its presence in global political economy forums such as G-20. Until recently, Ankara tried to generate a non-turbulent regional environment to boost its political, economic and cultural relations with the Middle East, the Caucasus and the Balkans. At the same time, Turkey started developing particular strategies for new regions like Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America. These spaces were chosen mainly to expand global influence and presence, and pursuit market diversification through the creation of official representations, high-rank visits, and commercial initiatives. This paper attempts to bring some arguments about the sources of Ankara’s diplomatic opening toward these regions in the age of the emerging middle powers, while, at the same time, comparing the similarities and differences of the opening’s process and outcomes in both regional spaces.
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Khlat, Myriam, Stéphane Legleye et Damien Bricard. « Gender Patterns in Immigrants’ Health Profiles in France : Tobacco, Alcohol, Obesity and Self-Reported Health ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no 23 (25 novembre 2020) : 8759. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17238759.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Background: to date, little attention has been given to gender differences in the health of migrants relative to native-born. In this study, we examine the health profile of the largest immigrant groups in metropolitan France, considering several health indicators and with a special interest in the gendered patterns. Methods: The data originate from the 2017 Health Barometer survey representative of metropolitan France. A subsample of 19,857 individuals aged 18–70 years was analysed using modified Poisson regression, and risk ratio estimates (RR) were provided for the different migrant groups regarding alcohol use, current smoking, obesity and less-than-good self-reported health, adjusting for age and educational level. Results: None of the groups of male migrants differs from the native-born in terms of self-reported health, and they have healthier behaviours for alcohol (men from sub-Saharan Africa: 0.42 (0.29–0.61)) and from the Maghreb: 0.30 (0.1–0.54)) and smoking (men from sub-Saharan Africa: 0.64 (0.4–0.84)), with less frequent obesity (men from the Maghreb: 0.61 (0.3–0.95)). The latter, however, more frequently report current smoking (1.21 (1.0–1.46)). For women, less-than-good health is more frequently reported by the groups from sub-Saharan Africa (1.42 (1.1–1.75)) and from the Maghreb (1.55 (1.3–1.84)). Healthier behaviours were found for alcohol (women from overseas départements: 0.38 (0.1–0.85)) and from the Maghreb: (0.18 (0.0–0.57)) and current smoking (women from southern Europe: 0.68 (0.4–0.97), from sub-Saharan Africa: 0.23 (0.1–0.38) and from the Maghreb: 0.42 (0.2–0.61)). Conversely, some were more frequently obese (women from overseas départements: 1.79 (1.2–2.56) and from sub-Saharan Africa: 1.67 (1.2–2.23)). In the latter two groups from Africa, there is a larger relative male excess for tobacco than in the native-born (male-to-female ratios of respectively 2.87 (1.6–5.09) and 3.1 (2.0–4.65) vs 1.13 (1.0–1.20)) and there is a female excess for obesity (0.51 (0.2–0.89) and 0.41 (0.2–0.67)) in contrast with the native-born (1.07 (0.9–1.16)). The female disadvantage in terms of less-than-good self-reported health is more pronounced among migrants from the Maghreb than among the natives (0.56(0.4–0.46) vs. 0.86 (0.8–0.91)). Conclusion: Considering a set of four health indicators, we provide evidence for distinctive gender patterns among immigrants in France. Male immigrants have a healthy behavioural profile in comparison with the natives and no health disadvantage. Female immigrants have a more mixed profile, with a health disadvantage for the non-Western groups from Africa. The contribution to this discordance of socioeconomic factors and gender relations needs to be investigated.
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Hauser, Ellen. « Ugandan relations with Western donors in the 1990s : what impact on democratisation ? » Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no 4 (décembre 1999) : 621–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x9900316x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Aid donors' support for democratisation in sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s has been tempered by their desire to achieve other objectives. In Uganda, a high level of donor support for the Museveni government has been compatible with the Ugandan government's reluctance to introduce multiparty democracy. Donors have opted for ‘dialogue’ rather than coercive methods. This may be ascribed to a number of factors, including the destruction from which Uganda was recovering, the need to present Uganda as a success story for economic liberalisation, and donors' need to maintain good relations with Uganda in order to pursue their foreign policy goals. The resulting donor–recipient relationship has however created dangers for the maintenance of long-term sustainable democracy in Uganda, by condoning divisive policies, and neglecting the need for coalition-building and conflict resolution.
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Bottazzi, Patrick, Sébastien Boillat, Franziska Marfurt et Sokhna Mbossé Seck. « Channels of Labour Control in Organic Farming : Toward a Just Agroecological Transition for Sub-Saharan Africa ». Land 9, no 6 (22 juin 2020) : 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land9060205.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Agroecological farming has long been described as more fulfilling than conventional agriculture, in terms of farmers’ labour and sense of autonomy. These assumptions must be reconsidered with adequate theoretical perspectives and with the empirical experience of recent studies. This paper introduces the concept of channels of labour control in agriculture based on four initiatives in Senegalese agroecological horticulture. We build on Bourdieu’s theory of social fields to elaborate a framework that articulates multiple channels of labour control with the type of capital or surplus values structuring power relations during labour processes. Although each of the four agroecological initiatives place a clear emphasis on improving farmers’ well-being, various top-down channels of labour control exist, maintaining most farmworkers as technical demonstrators rather than agents of transformation. These constraints stem from dependence on foreign funding, enforcement of uncoordinated organic standards, and farmers’ incorporation of cultural values through interplays of knowledge and symbolic power with initiative promotors. Pressure on agricultural workers is exacerbated by the context of the neo-liberalisation of Senegalese agriculture and increasingly difficult climatic conditions. A more holistic approach of agroecological initiatives is needed, including the institutionalisation of protected markets for their products, farmers’ inclusion in agroecosystem governance and inclusiveness in the co-production of agroecological knowledge, taking cultural patterns of local communities into account. Recent attempts to scale-up and politicise agroecology through farmers’ organisations, advocacy NGOs, and municipalities may offer new perspectives for a just agroecological transition in sub-Saharan Africa.
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Tsourapas, Gerasimos. « Authoritarian emigration states : Soft power and cross-border mobility in the Middle East ». International Political Science Review 39, no 3 (juin 2018) : 400–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118759902.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making.
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Levitsky, Steven, et Lucan A. Way. « Response to Slater review ofCompetitive Authoritarianism : Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War ». Perspectives on Politics 9, no 2 (juin 2011) : 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711000454.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dan Slater offers thoughtful and incisive comments. We respond here to three of his points. The first is that by limiting our study to the post–Cold War period, we convert it into a “period piece,” akin to studies of fascist and communist regimes. Although this may be true, a historically bounded analysis is essential because of the changing character of the international environment. World historical time powerfully shapes regime outcomes. The prospects for democracy and authoritarianism during the Cold War, which was marked by global superpower rivalry, differed dramatically from those during periods of Western liberal hegemony. During the Cold War, for example, nearly all military coups ushered in authoritarian rule; after 1989, nearly 70 percent of coups led to multiparty elections In 1989, single-party rule predominated in Eastern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa; five years later, it had disappeared.
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González-Torres, Rolando. « ALTERNATIVE OUTLINES OF IMMIGRATION : A CASE OF REPOPULATION OF EXISTING ABANDONED SPANISH TOWNS ». Journal of Architecture and Urbanism 40, no 1 (6 avril 2016) : 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/20297955.2016.1150221.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One of the most sensitive tragic situations today, in regards to human relations in Europe is the illegal immigrants’ issue. But it is no longer mainly a subject of borders’ transgression, obsolete sovereignties, or labor-hand marketing. Huge population masses without fixed course are driven by different urgent motives from their countries of origin – North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East, Eastern Europe,– they have no choice but to move in search of places to settle and provide a decent home for their families. In the form of another drama in this case of heritage and environment, some old rural villages of Spain – as there are in other southern European countries – have been completely abandoned and their current status, in ruins, results of the economic, political and urban trends of the past 75 years. Connecting these issues, it could be considered a promising future for those homeless families as well as for those dying towns through integrated solutions of mutual benefit. This research examines the resurgence of human being’s value over any other concept of relative temporarily value, and where a town’s roots are more important than any commercial interest and real estate speculation.
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Lajeunesse, Marcel. « The National Libraries of the Countries of the Francophonie : A Comparative Study ». Alexandria : The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues 20, no 3 (décembre 2008) : 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095574900802000303.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The International Organization of the Francophonie (Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie, OIF) which developed over the last decades of the twentieth century brings together, as of 2008, 53 State and government full members and 13 observer members, spread out over five continents. The Répertoire des bibliothèques nationales de la Francophonie, which is in its third edition (2008), presents index cards on every national library, or library fulfilling such a role, of each member or observer country. After presenting an overview of the International Organization of the Francophonie, this article looks at the creation of the national library in each country, legal deposit and national bibliography. Then, communication (websites) and international relations (membership of IFLA) are addressed. Of the 63 countries surveyed, only 9 countries do not have a national library, although the majority of these nine countries have another institution – a national documentation centre, public or parliamentary library or national archives – that normally fulfils the functions of a national library. It must be recognized that there is a large disparity between the national libraries of developed countries in Europe and North America and those in developing countries of sub-Saharan Africa, Asia and the Antilles. In some sub-Saharan African countries, the national library has only a nominal existence.