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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Europe – Foreign relations – Africa, Sub-Saharan"
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Jackson, Robert H. « Negative sovereignty in sub-Saharan Africa ». Review of International Studies 12, no 4 (octobre 1986) : 247–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113828.
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Martin Wight once compared ‘the increasing number of small states which are the debris of colonial empires’ to ‘the increasing number of small principalities’ of an earlier period in international history which were ‘the debris of feudalism’. The citystates, monarchies, republics, confederations and various other emergent states of Europe eventually found an alternative to the mediaeval societas Christiana on which their independence and intercourse could be legitimately based. This was, of course, the practice of dynastic legitimacy or what Burke glorified as ‘prescription’: the right of inherited and established states to international recognition which sufficed as the constitution of European international society until the French revolution. Burke invoked it to condemn the revolution and justify foreign intervention not only to destroy the Jacobins and restore the monarchy but also to defend ‘the college of the ancient states of Europe’.3 It was a lost cause.
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Webber, Mark. « Soviet Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa : the Final Phase ». Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no 1 (mars 1992) : 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007709.
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The transformation of Soviet foreign policy during the Gorbachev era was truly seismic in nature. Re-evaluations were effected in all areas of policy, resulting, most visibly, in the fundamental reordering of relations with the United States and fellow N.A.T.O. countries, and the demise of the Warsaw Pact and communist régimes in Eastern Europe. Equally sweeping were alterations in approach to the Third World and, more specifically, sub-saharan Africa, where changes in policy Soviet retreat.
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Gupta, Vijay. « Economic Crisis in Africa ». India Quarterly : A Journal of International Affairs 41, no 2 (avril 1985) : 236–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848504100205.
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Sub-Saharan Africa is facing deep economic crisis. A situation has reached where there is total stagnation with zero per cent growth rate and no hope of recovery. Hunger is hovering over vast areas of Africa threatening the lives of 150 million people and every day people are dying of starvation. It is said, that nature and international economic relations are both responsible for the crisis. The problems include drought and expanding desertification leading to scarcity of food and consequently rising foreign exchange expenditure on food purchase. There is shortage of inputs for the very few industries that exist. The burden of external debts is increasing every day and is reaching a stage when repayment would be impossible. According to a World Bank Report: “Of the 45 states in the sub-Saharan region, 24 have fewer than five million people. African economies are for the most part small in economic terms. These are open economies where foreign trade accounts for about a quarter of the GDP. They are specialized economies, most of them agricultural, dependent on the export of two or three primary commodities. Even in mineral exporting countries, the majority of the population (around 80 per cent) is engaged in agriculture with subsistence production. Only 20 per cent of the population is non-rural, and modern wage employment absorbs a very small proportion of the labour force—in most countries less than 10 per cent.”1 There is mass-poverty and regional inequality with under-developed structures. Agricultural growth per capita, a key indicator in Africa, has been showing negative rates of growth. In most African societies the patriarchal, tribal social structure still exists today side by side with the foreign companies (MNCs) holding key positions in the economy of a number of countries. Small-scale production by farmers, livestock breeders and handicraftsmen is still the largest sector of the African economy today. The low level of subsistence farming often with primitive tools and Implements prevails all over the continent. The small cash crop growers are ruthlessly exploited by foreign monopolies, local feudals and the tribal elite. Forced by an unbearable and miserable existence “peasants” abandon land temporarily and are forced to seek work in the cities, plantations or in mines. As the rate of industrial growth is very low, migration from the rural to the tertiary or industrial sector is minimal. Africa is underdeveloped, that is, Africa's economic potential is scantily developed. For instance, the African continent possesses two-fifths of the world's total hydroelectric potential—more than Europe and the two Americans put together but the present production is ridiculously small—25 billion kwh—that is equivalent to the consumption of a large European city. Similarly African mineral resources have been relatively little exploited and so far research on tropical soils is in the first stages, knowledge of water resources is minimal. African human resources have remained underutilized. Africa lags far behind in education leading to low capacity in technical and economic inventiveness. Between 1960 and 1979 the per capita income in a number of sub-Saharan countries showed increase while some others had a very low rate of growth and still others showed negative rates of growth. Since 1980 it appears that there has been a constant tendency of decline in the rate of growth in a large number of countries.2 Even the oil-producing countries are in trouble.
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DZEKASHU, WILLIAM. « China Belt and Road Initiative : ». Archives of Business Research 9, no 5 (20 mai 2021) : 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.95.10180.
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Most of Sub-Sahara Africa gained independence from Europe in a wave from 1957 through the late 1980s with the notion that her former colonial masters would be development partners in the newfound era of political, social, and economic freedom. This perception of partnership is evidenced in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth, but regrettably, in other countries in the continent, there have been delays in infrastructure development. With Europe’s failure to meet the expectation, Africa has turned to China as a development partner. China has tackled some of the urgent infrastructure needs in return for agricultural products and natural resources. This recent partnership with China continues to expand in Africa, demonstrated by the launching of the Belt and Roads Initiative (BRI). East and Southern Africa represent the highest beneficiaries of the BRI engagements, receiving over half of the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from China whose foreign investment practices in Africa have come under great criticism from the West. This skepticism is due to the vague nature of the engagements and notes which are not publicly reported. This persistent suspicion by the West calls for close monitoring of the relations between the US and China that could easily escalate to a conflict between both nations. Though under attack, BRI has scored great instances of success through the execution of major infrastructure and commercial projects in partner nations. An issue of focus addressed here is whether the engagements with China represent sustainable relationships for development.
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Uysal, Gönenç. « Turkey’s Sub-imperialism in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Review of Radical Political Economics 53, no 3 (24 juin 2021) : 442–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/04866134211003995.
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The growing economic and political roles of the so-called emerging powers in sub-Saharan Africa have attracted particular attention following the apparent decline of Western powers in the face of the global economic crisis of 2007–2008. The AKP’s “proactive” foreign policy has manifested Turkey’s burgeoning role in the region. This paper draws upon Marxism to explore the diffusion of Turkish capital and the enhancement of military relations in the region in harmony and in contradistinction with Western and Gulf countries. It discusses the AKP’s proactive foreign policy vis-à-vis sub-Saharan Africa as a particular sociohistorical form of sub-imperialism that is characterized by and reproduces economic and geopolitical rivalries and alliances among Turkey and Western and Gulf countries. JEL Classification: F5, P1, O1
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Tomšík, Karel, et Luboš Smutka. « Selected aspects and specifics of the economic development in sub-Saharan Africa ». Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 61, no 2 (2013) : 517–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201361020517.
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The paper examines the development of economies in the sub-Saharan region. It aims to identify particular development trends specific to the region. That means identifying changes which have occurred in the past five decades in following areas: development of the GDP value and structure, growth in the value of foreign trade, demographic growth, and changes in the value of GDP per capita. The results of the analysis show very constrained economic power of sub-Saharan region. Not only weak economy of the region but also a significant population growth is a problem. Increasing production and trade does not contribute effectively to elimination of high level of poverty and malnutrition which remains a long-term problem of the sub-Saharan region. In real terms, the GDP per capita was growing by less than 1 % in the period 1961–2010. Sub-Saharan region is highly dependent on cooperation with other world regions in its effort to increase economic growth and to improve the economic situation of own population. The GDP growth is thus very sensitive to GDP development in Europe and North America. Concerning the foreign trade, development of sub-Saharan trade is dependent on regions of the Southern and Eastern Asia, and Europe.
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Suha, György, et Péter Szatmári. « Adaptive Dynamics of Foreign Trade and Foreign Policy Strategy in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Polgári szemle 17, Special Issue (2021) : 383–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24307/psz.2021.0026.
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Geographically situated in the Global South as the geological extension of the Afro-Eurasian land mass, Africa is centrally situated at the very intersection of global strategic dynamics. Based on this special political and economic position, Africa is re-defining its partnership with various regions of the world, including Central Eastern Europe. These countries played an important role during the African anti-colonial struggles and their early years of nation-formation in the development of the African human capital. Hungary as member of the European Union prides itself with its extensive experience in agriculture, education, science, technology and innovation, it will actively participate in reshaping relations with the countries of the continent. This paper attempts to analyze the current government policy for Hungarian involvement in Africa, with a fuller insight into the foreign economic relations as the most dynamic and thriving framework of cooperation. Finally, it touches upon issues of various trade and investment related financial instruments, and best practice methods of intervention as key elements of a successful long-term strategic Hungarian policy towards Africa.
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Mair, Lucy. « Politics in sub-Saharan Africa and United States foreign policy towards sub-Saharan Africa : change, continuity and constraint ». International Affairs 62, no 2 (1986) : 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618431.
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Huliaras, Asteris C. « Sub‐Saharan Africa in us foreign policy : From marginalisation to domestication ? » South African Journal of International Affairs 4, no 1 (janvier 1996) : 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220469609545179.
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Kibria, Ahsan, Reza Oladi et Sherzod B. Akhundjanov. « Foreign direct investment and civil violence in Sub‐Saharan Africa ». World Economy 43, no 4 (15 décembre 2019) : 948–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/twec.12904.
Texte intégralThèses sur le sujet "Europe – Foreign relations – Africa, Sub-Saharan"
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Van, der Holst Marieke. « EPA negotiations between the EU and SADC/SACU grouping : partnership or asymmetry ? » Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1931.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.Europe and Africa share a long history that is characterized both by oppression and development. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries is a particularly important aspect of EU development cooperation policy. The developmental history between the EU and Africa started with the Yaoundé Conventions of 1963 and 1969, which were replaced by the Lomé Convention. Unfortunately, the favourable terms and preferential access for the ACP countries to Europe failed and the Lomé Convention was replaced by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) in 2000. As a result of a WTO-waiver, the discriminatory non-reciprocal trade preferences, which were previously enjoyed under the Lomé Convention, continued until December 2007. The Cotonou Agreement points out that these trade preferences will be replaced by joint WTOcompatible Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). During the EPA negotiations, the EU preferred to negotiate on a regional basis instead of negotiating with the ACP as a whole or with individual countries. Consequently, Sub-Saharan Africa formed two negotiation groups; the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA) EPA group and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) EPA group, represented by the five Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries, together with Mozambique and Angola. Although Southern Africa is the region that leads the continent; from an economic perspective, the Southern African states show considerable disparities. Due to the economic differences between South Africa and the BLNS countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland), the interests of the individual SACU countries are diverse and often contradictory, which resulted in complicated EPA negotiations. However, maintaining a favourable long-term trading relationship with the EU is of great importance to the economic and political well-being of the SADC, since the EU is the main trading partner of most African countries. By December 2007, an interim EPA (IEPA) was initialled by the BLNS countries as a result of the pressure to fall back to the unfavourable Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). Due to the bilateral Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) that is in force between South Africa and the EU, South Africa was not negatively influenced by the expiry of the WTO-waiver. The EPA will have a negative impact on regional integration within SADC and will promote distinction within the regional economic communities. Duty free, quota free access was offered to the BLNS countries, but the EU did not extend this offer to South Africa because of the developmental status of the country and the pre-existing TDCA. Consequently, South Africa will be required to export at higher prices and will experience increased competition within the region. The downside of the removal of import tariffs for the BLNS countries is that government revenues will decrease, which might result in income losses and will accentuate poverty. The standstill-clause of the IEPA prevents the SACU countries from diversifying economically and from developing new industries. The Most- Favoured Nation clause primarily impacts negatively on South Africa, since it prevents South Africa from negotiating freely with other countries such as Brazil and China. Furthermore, the strict intellectual property rules of the IEPA undermine access to knowledge and hereby fail to support innovation. The content of a chapter on liberalization of services, that will be included in the full EPA, is still being negotiated. Liberalization of services might lead to more foreign investments in the BLNS countries, as a result of which the quality of services will increase, leading to better education, infrastructure and more job opportunities. However, foreign companies will gain power at the expense of African governments and companies. South Africa is the main supplier of services in the BLNS countries and will therefore be confronted with economic losses when the services sector is liberalized. From an economic nationalist perspective, the EU included numerous provisions in the IEPA that were not necessary for WTO compatibility. However, the EU is aware of the importance of trade agreements for the BLNS countries and found itself in the position to do so to fulfil its own interests. By making use of the expiry date of the WTO waiver; the IEPA was initialled by the BLNS countries within a relatively short period of time. South Africa, in its own national interests, opposed the provisions of the IEPA, which has led to the negotiations deadlock. Because of the economic power and negotiating tactics of the EU and the selfinterested attitude of South Africa in this respect, regional integration is undermined and the poorest countries are once again the worst off. Although Economic Partnership Agreements have to be established, the partnership-pillar is, in my opinion, hard to find.
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Kinney, Mary. « The impact of foreign aid on the HIV/AIDS epidemic in sub-saharan Africa ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3728.
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Messaris, Byron. « The political economy of Indian and Chinese foreign direct investment and multinationals in sub-saharan Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20117.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Africa’s rising international profile and geopolitical significance as well as the continent’s relatively ‘under-exploited markets’ have been pull factors for many emerging economies. Globally, the developing and emerging economies of the world for the first time captured more than half of all global FDI in 2011. Changes in the global investment regime are a clear indication of the changing dynamics in the global economy. Since India and China’s FDI liberalisation processes began to gather steam in the 1990s, they have been amongst the most aggressive of the emerging economy investors. This study appraises the role of the government in facilitating investment by Indian and Chinese firms abroad, specifically Sub-Saharan Africa. The study analyses the motivations for such outward foreign direct invest flows, the sectoral trends, and the entry mode differences of Indian and Chinese firms’ investments in Sub-Saharan African markets. Yet, there is a lack of studies that focus on both Indian and Chinese investments in Sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing from theoretical constructs from political economy, International business /economics and International Political Economy - a framework is provided to assess the influence of these investments. The methodology is interpretive and qualitative and draws largely on secondary material from international organisations, government agencies, academic literature and the media. The study finds that the role of New Delhi and Beijing in facilitating and financing outward investments is strategic and pragmatic. These policies greatly influence firms, and the locations and types of their investments. South-South cooperation provides India and China with a framework for long-term political and economic investments and development cooperation with African states. India and China’s engagements in Sub-Saharan Africa share similar and dissimilar forms and motivations for FDI. Markets and resources are primary motivations for these two countries’ firms to invest in the region. India and China’s growing commercial activities in Sub-Saharan Africa provide the region with opportunities for further international market integration and development.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika se ontluikende internasionale profiel en geopolitieke belang tesame met die vasteland se relatief ‘onderbenutte’ markte is ’n trekfaktor vir baie ontluikende ekonomieë. Terwyl vloeie uit buitelandse direkte investering (BDI) na Afrika, wat ’n hoogtepunt in 2008 bereik het, in 2010 steeds afgeneem het, was die ontwikkelende en ontluikende ekonomieë van die wêreld vir die eerste keer in besit van meer as die helfte van alle wêreldwye BDI in 2011. Veranderings in die internasionale beleggingsregime is ’n duidelike aanduiding van die veranderende dinamika in die wêreldekonomie. Sedert Indië en China se liberaliseringsprosesse met betrekking tot BDI in die 1990’s begin ontwikkel het, is hulle van die aggressiefste beleggers onder opkomende ekonomieë. Die gebrek aan streekstudies wat op Indiese en Chinese beleggings fokus, verg egter verdere aandag. Die doel van die studie is om die rol van die regering in die fasilitering van Indiese en Chinese maatskappye om in die buiteland te belê te ontleed. Die fokus val veral op Afrika suid van die Sahara, en op die motiverings vir hierdie BDI-vloeie, die sektortendense en wyse van toetreding van Indiese en Chinese maatskappye se beleggings in Afrikamarkte. Bestande uit teortiese konstakke uit internasionale sakestudie, internasionale politieke ekonomie en politieke ekonomie, word ‘n raamwerk waarin die invloed van hierdie beleggings op wat assesseer word is interpritiet en kwalitatiet en stan op sekondêre materiaal en data van regeringsagentskappe, akademiese literatuur en die media. Die gebruik van ’n veelsoortige teoretiese raamwerk wat ekonomiese en politieke beleggingsverskynsels uitbeeld, illustreer die versoenbaarheid van politiek, ekonomie en sakegebaseerde akademiese gebiede en die moontlikheid om grondliggende uitkomste uitkomste vir navorsing oor beleggingstendense en -strategieë in ontluikende ekonomieë te bied. Die studie bevind dat die rol van New Delhi en Beijing in die fasilitering en finansiering van buitelandse beleggings strategiese en pragmaties is, en dat beleide maatskappye grootliks beïnvloed ten opsigte van waar hulle belê en watter soort beleggings hulle maak. Verder, verskaf Suid–Suid-samewerking, ‘n raamwerk vir verbintenis langtermyn- politieke en ekonomiese beleggings en ontwikkelingsamewerking met Afrikastate. Indië en China se betrokkenheid in Afrika toon ooreenstemmende en verskillende vorme en motiverings vir BDI, en markte en hulpbronne is primêre motiverings vir hierdie twee lande se maatskappye in die streek te belê.
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Duursma, Allard. « African solutions to African challenges : explaining the role of legitimacy in mediating civil wars in Africa ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:054ebfd1-ee08-4dee-b694-cb462361fece.
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The current scholarly literature on the international mediation of armed conflicts predominantly draws on a rationalist-materialist perspective. This perspective suggests that the ticket to mediation success is the material manipulation of the bargaining environment by third parties with a high degree of economic and military resources. In this dissertation I argue against those that highlight material power when explaining outcomes of international mediation processes. Indeed, this dissertation shows that legitimacy, far more than capacity, determines outcomes of mediation. The reason why legitimacy matters so much is that if a mediator has legitimacy, it can continue to look for a mutual satisfactory outcome and try to pull the conflict parties towards compliance, but if a mediator loses legitimacy, no amount of material resources will prove sufficient in mediating the conflict. In other words, material capacity in the form of economic and military resources may be useful to successfully mediate a conflict, but it is rarely sufficient. Through scrutinising international mediation processes in civil wars in Africa, I develop a theory that explains how mediators are effective because of a high degree of legitimacy rather than military or economic capacity. More specifically, I show how legitimacy matters through comparing the effectiveness of African and non-African third parties. African third parties are typically referred to as ineffective because of a low degree of economic and military capacity. However, African third parties are effective in mediating civil wars in Africa because of a high degree of legitimacy, which is a result of a strong conviction within the African society of states that African mediation is the most desirable type of mediation in conflicts in Africa. Drawing on data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program supplemented with unique data, which together cover all mediation efforts in Africa between 1960 and 2012, I find quantitative evidence supporting the effectiveness of African third parties. Compared to non-African third parties, African third parties are far more likely to conclude peace agreements and these peace agreements are more likely to be durable. Two case studies, in which several mediation efforts in civil wars in Sudan are examined, further probe the causal mechanisms that I put forward to explain the effectiveness of African mediation. While I do not claim causal generalisability on the basis of these two case studies, the mediation efforts in Sudan nevertheless suggest that third party legitimacy is central to mediation success. This is the first systematic study that compares African and non-African mediation efforts. Theoretically, this study deviates from much of the literature that solely puts forward rationalist-materialist explanations of mediation success. By bringing legitimacy to the forefront, this dissertation overcomes key limitations in the current mediation literature, in which material sources of power are emphasised and social structures are ignored.
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Toich, Peter. « The AGOA : assessing the opportunities' ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53085.
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Study project (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The African Growth and Opportunity Act was signed into law in May 2000 to allow qualifying SSA countries to export eligible products duty free to the US. The act is a non-reciprocal "agreement" designed solely by the US, with the objective of promoting increased trade and investment between the US and SSA. The US insist that trade will lead to development on the African continent if SSA countries liberalise their markets and become integrated into the global economy. The theory behind trade liberalisation is that it promotes allocative efficiency by exploiting comparative advantage. I however argue that trade liberalisation can realise its potential only if the US start dismantling the protectionist barriers that have been described in this report. The AGOA does reduce tariff barriers for a number of African products. However new non-tariff barriers have been erected which are less transparent, but just as effective as tariff barriers. The report documents the significance of existing trade barriers that seek to protect the US industries from harm, and evaluates the problems that are created in spite of the intentions of the AGOA. A number of specific issues that will be significant for the future outcomes of the Act were also dealt with. These included: the anti-dumping steel duties, US Farm Bill, NEPAD and the textiles and apparel debate. The problems found with the AGOA included: • Protectionism that is sector specific, involving the cases of the antidumping steel duties and the Farm Bill. • The unfavourable terms of trade associated with the Act, caused by the non-negotiable, non-reciprocal and temporary nature of the AGOA. • The eligibility conditions of the Act, which serve to bind African countries to the rules of the World Trade Organisation and exclude some countries on the African continent from obtaining benefits. • Internal reform problems within the SSA countries involving government departments, infrastructure and the macroeconomic environment. The evidence over the short time since it was enacted reveals that the SSA countries will not gain much from the extended trade benefits of the AGOA, unless their capacity to produce and supply the US market is enhanced. Furthermore, most of the AGOA benefits have gone to oil exporting countries and SA, who is the only non-oil country benefiting from a number of sectors at present. The Act has failed to increase trade flows from eligible countries to the US, as most of the SSA countries are not at the economic development to take advantage of the preferences that have been provided under the AGOA. Furthermore the liberalisation of many of the African economies has not been reciprocated by the US. The actions of many interest groups in the US indicate that they are "yes" to free trade but "not" at the expense of jobs and profits. This is evident, as the AGOA provides no exceptions to any of the US retaliatory measures and the fact that interest groups in the US influence many of the product decisions when domestic market share is threatened. One of the positive outcomes of the AGOA is the joint US Africa Trade and Economic Co-operation Forum that will provide future avenues for beneficial US-Africa trade relations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: geen opsomming
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Mlombo, Abraham. « Contemporary and past dynamics in Japan’s relationship with sub-Saharan Africa : the role of aid ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71917.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Japanese-African aid relationship has evolved since World War Two. The majority of studies on Japan’s role in Africa have focused on the economic aspect, while Japan’s aid relationship with Africa remains a relatively underexplored area of enquiry. This thesis aims to contribute to the study of Japanese-African relations by focusing on the role of aid in Japan’s involvement with the continent. The research question focuses on the evolution of Japan’s aid relationship with sub-Saharan Africa and the factors that have shaped this relationship. The study is qualitative and exploratory in nature and makes use mostly of secondary sources. Theoretically, the study analyses the aid relationship with reference to three sources of motivation for the provision of aid, namely economic, political and moral rationales. The findings of this study highlight the fact that, before 1990, Japan’s aid relationship with Africa was motivated by all three rationales. From an economic perspective, aid served as security for resources from Africa especially after the oil crisis of 1973. From a political perspective, Japan’s aid relationship served a number of objectives that changed over time. The study highlights these changes, suggesting that, from a political perspective, Japan’s aid in respect of Africa initially served to play a critical role in the Western camp in its anti-communist struggle on the continent. It was also used to curb criticism directed at Japan by African countries for its pro-Pretoria policy. After 1990, Japan’s aid relationship with Africa from political perspective served Japan’s ambition to be recognised as a political power, most importantly to receive the support from Africa that would allow Japan to secure a permanent seat on the United Nations (UN) Security Council. From an economic perspective, it served to secure strategic natural resources for Japan that would sustain its growing economy and help to achieve its ambition of attaining global economic supremacy. From a moral perspective, the aid relationship served to promote a development path for Africa similar to that experienced in Japan’s Asian neighbourhood. Japan’s aid relationship with sub-Saharan Africa can be explained from a realist perspective, since the country’s national interests played a key role in the distribution of aid in this region. It has been important for Japan to maintain its momentum regarding global economic prominence and influence and for it to try to secure a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. By distributing aid to Africa, it has hoped to improve its chances of achieving its economic ambition and importantly its elevation to the Security Council. The study thus suggests that political ambitions have been the primary motivating factor in the distribution of aid in sub-Saharan Africa. The areas for further investigation, as highlighted by the findings of this study, are as follows: Japan’s aid relationship with Africa remains a relatively new area of inquiry and more research could therefore be done given the available data. The study also highlights the political perspective as the primary motivating factor for Japan’s aid relationship with Africa. This served Japan’s ambitions of being recognised as a global political player that would find its greatest expression in securing a permanent seat on the UN Security Council with the assistance of African nations. Future studies could investigate whether Japan has managed to achieve its global political ambition and whether African countries played a significant role in this process. Finally, future studies could study the effectiveness of the TICAD process and whether Japan’s non-Western approach to development remains a popular model.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hulpverhouding tussen Japan en Afrika het sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog ontvou. Die studie van Japan se rol in Afrika het tot dusver grootliks op die ekonomiese aspek gekonsentreer, terwyl Japan se hulpverlening aan Afrika’n betreklik onderontginde studieveld bly. Hierdie tesis wil tot die studie van Japan-Afrika-betrekkinge bydra deur op Japan se hulpverlening aan die vasteland te konsentreer. Die navorsingsvraag handel oor die ontwikkeling van Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika suid van die Sahara, en die faktore wat hierdie verhouding gevorm het. Die studiemetodologie is kwalitatief en verkennend, en maak hoofsaaklik van sekondêre bronne gebruik. Wat teorie betref, ontleed die studie die hulpverhouding aan die hand van drie motiverings vir hulpverlening, naamlik ekonomiese, politieke en morele beweegredes. Die studieresultate toon dat Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika voor 1990 deur ál drie bogenoemde beweegredes aangevuur is. Uit ’n ekonomiese hoek het hulp as sekuriteit vir hulpbronne uit Afrika gedien, veral ná die oliekrisis van 1973. Uit ’n politieke hoek het Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika ’n aantal oogmerke help bevorder wat mettertyd verander het. Die studie beklemtoon hierdie veranderinge, en doen aan die hand dat, wat politiek betref, Japan se hulpverlening aan Afrika aanvanklik belangrik was in die Westerse kamp se stryd teen kommunisme op die Afrikavasteland. Dit is ook gebruik om Afrika-kritiek op Japan se pro-Pretoria-beleid te smoor. Ná 1990 het die hulpverhouding met Afrika Japan op politieke gebied help naam maak en veral Afrikasteun help werf om ’n permanente setel vir Japan in die Veiligheidsraad te bekom. Uit ’n ekonomiese hoek het dit as waarborg gedien vir strategiese natuurlike hulpbronne wat Japan se groeiende ekonomie kon ondersteun en tot sy strewe na wêreldwye ekonomiese heerskappy kon bydra. Uit ’n morele perspektief wou Japan Afrika ’n soortgelyke ontwikkelingsroete as dié van Japan se Asiatiese bure laat inslaan. Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika suid van die Sahara kan aan die hand van die realistiese perspektief verklaar word, aangesien die land se nasionale belange ’n kernrol in die verspreiding van hulp na hierdie streek gespeel het. Vir Japan was dit belangrik om sy stukrag in die strewe na wêreldwye ekonomiese statuur en invloed te behou en ’n permanente setel in die Veiligheidsraad te probeer bekom. Deur hulp aan Afrika te verleen, het Japan gehoop om sy kanse op sukses in sy ekonomiese strewes en veral ook sy verheffing tot die Veiligheidsraad te verbeter. Die studie gee dus te kenne dat politieke ambisies die hoofbeweegrede was vir hulpverlening aan Afrika suid van die Sahara. Gebiede vir verdere navorsing wat uit die bevindinge van hierdie studie spruit, is soos volg: Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika bly ’n betreklik nuwe studieveld met min beskikbare data, dus is verdere navorsing daaroor nodig. Meer bepaald beklemtoon die studie die politieke perspektief as hoofbeweegrede vir Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika: Dit het Japan as internasionale politieke speler help vestig, en Afrikalande sou Japan uiteindelik help om die gesogte permanente setel in die Veiligheidsraad te bekom. Toekomstige studies kan verken of Japan in sy internasionale politieke strewe geslaag het en watter rol Afrikalande daarin gespeel het. Laastens kan verdere studies ook ondersoek instel na die TIKAO-proses en of Japan se nie-Westerse benadering tot ontwikkeling ’n gewilde model bly.
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Malgas, Pucuka Penelope. « Regional economic co-operation in Sub-Saharan Africa with special reference to the Southern African Development Communities ». Thesis, Peninsula Technikon, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/980.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MTech (Business))--Peninsula Technikon, Cape Town, 2002South Africa has long been a part of the region although it may be a new comer to some institutions established. One of the reasons why SADC was established was to reduce economic dependence on South Africa. The latter has since its first democratic elections been integrated into the region of South African Development Community which comprises of 14 members. South Africa commands an economy three times the size of all SADC economies. It is believed that the economic spread effects from integration with the South African economy will act as an engine of growth in the region. The effect of South Africa's economic dominant role on other SADC member states is a concern. The study seeks to determine the extent to which South Africa can be of assistance to other member States given its own internal problems such a unemployment and poverty. South Africa has a major role to play in terms of stabilising the region and given the expectations from the international community. It has vested interest in the region as it exports more than it imports from the region. The region has potential for investment opportunities and that is made impossible by political instability and political intolerance in the region. The SADC is faced with a serious question whether a member state can enter in the internal affairs of another member state whose internal activities adversely affect the economy of that particular country and that of other member states.
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Edmonds, Gina Frances. « The next scramble for Africa ? A critical analysis of the implications of foreign investment in sub-Saharan African land : a study of Mozambique ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3762.
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Asanzi, Mbeyata Philippe. « The role and behaviour of Chinese agricultural enterprises in sub-Saharan Africa : case studies of Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85606.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study aims to understand the motivations underlying the activities of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating on the African continent as well as the way in which institutional contexts – the physical and legal environments – shape their behaviours and/or modes of entry into local industries. Understanding the strategic motives of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in Africa as well as the extent to which they implement those motives on the ground and the way in which they respond to local laws is crucial for assessing the medium- to long-term impacts of their activities on the welfare of African populations and forests. This dissertation relies on Dunning‟s eclectic paradigm to understand the motivations informing the activities of Chinese agricultural enterprises as well as on new institutional theory to study the behaviours and/or modes of entry of Chinese agricultural enterprises into local industries. This research is based on two case studies: Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo. As far as data collection is concerned, it relied on secondary sources of data such as scholarly articles and books; official documents and legislation; and newspaper articles. This study also drew on primary sources of data, which consisted of documents obtained during the fieldwork such as contracts between Chinese agricultural enterprises and African governments, official documents from Chinese agricultural enterprises as well as semi-structured interviews. Thirty-two semi-structured interviews were conducted with various stakeholders – including managers of Chinese agricultural enterprises, employees of these enterprises, farmers, officials from ministries of agriculture and researchers – in Mozambique and the DRC between April to June 2011. The data collected were analysed with the help of the qualitative analysis software: atlas.ti. The preliminary results collected and analysed in this study suggest that the motivations of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in Mozambique and the DRC are: 1) to acquire farmlands in order to grow food crops and sell them mainly in local markets; 2) to supply agricultural commodities – cash and food crops – for Chinese markets; and 3) to provide agricultural aid by introducing new varieties of crops imported from China and offering training to farmers, students and technicians. However, the provision of agricultural aid is a secondary motivation of Chinese agricultural enterprises. The motivations informing the activities of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in Mozambique and the DRC are globally consistent with China‟s foreign policy as these enterprises primarily aim to better position themselves in local markets and to access agricultural commodities for the benefit of Chinese markets. Furthermore, the preliminary results of this study also indicate that the institutional contexts in Mozambique and the DRC appear to affect the behaviours and/or modes of entry of Chinese agricultural enterprises into local industries. As such, the poor provision of infrastructure in rural areas appears to delay further investments by Chinese agricultural enterprises. Also, the complex process of gaining access to land and the weak regulatory capacity in the monitoring and implementation of the land laws appear to hinder investments by Chinese agricultural enterprises and in some instances lead to the cancellation of investments. In the specific case of the DRC, the weak enforcement of land titles appears to discourage further investments. The unfavourable institutional context depicted above has prompted Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in the DRC to adopt new models of business revolving around less risky or smaller agricultural projects.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ontleed die motiewe van Chinese landbou-ondernemings werksaam op die Afrika-vasteland, asook hoe die institusionele konteks, te wete die fisiese en wetlike raamwerke, sulke ondernemings se werkverrigtinge en/of toetreewyses tot plaaslike industrieë beïnvloed. 'n Begrip van wat die strategiese motiewe van Chinese landbou-ondernemings is, hoe hulle daardie motiewe op voetsoolvlak implementeer, en hoe hulle aan landswette gehoor gee, is noodsaaklik om die middel- tot lang-termyn impakte wat die ondernemings op die welstand van Afrika bevolkinge en op woudgebiede het, te peil. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van Dunning se eklektiese paradigma om Chinese landbou-ondernemings se motiewe te ontleed. Dit pas ook die nieu-institusionele teorie toe om die werksaamhede en marktoetredes van die ondernemings na te spoor. Die navorsing is op twee gevallestudies gebaseer: Mosambiek en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK). Dit het van sekondêre bronne soos vakwetenskaplike referate en boeke; amptelike dokumentasie en wetsakte; en persartikels gebruik gemaak. Die studie het ook primêre databronne gebruik. Laasgenoemde bestaan uit dokumentasie wat deur die loop van die veldnavorsing ingesamel is, onder meer kontrakte tussen Chinese landbou-ondernemings en Afrika staatslui; amptelike dokumentasie van Chinese landbou-ondernemings; en semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude. Daar is met verskeie belangegroepe in Mosambiek en die DRK - soos die bestuurders van Chinese landbou-ondernemings en hul werknemers, boere, landbou-amptenare en navorsers – onderhoude gevoer. In geheel is 32 semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude in die periode April – Junie 2011 gevoer. Die data is met behulp van die kwalitatiewe ontledingsprogrammatuur atlas.ti ontleed. Die voorlopige bevindinge en ontledings stel voor dat die volgende motiewe die werksaamhede van Chinese landbou-ondernemings in Mosambiek en die DRK bepaal: 1) om landerye te bekom om sodoende kos aan te kweek en dit veral aan plaaslike markte te verkoop; 2) om landbouware, te wete kontant en kos, aan Chinese markte te voorsien; 3) om hulpverlening te verskaf deur die bekendstelling van nuwe tipes gewasse uit China, en deur die opleiding van boere, studente en tegnici. Die verskaffing van hulpverlening in die landbou bedryf is egter van sekondêre belang vir Chinese landbou-ondernemings. Die motiewe van Chinese landbou-ondernemings werksaam in Mosambiek en die DRK strook met China se oorhoofse buitelandse beleid omdat hierdie ondernemings primêr daarop uit is om hulself beter in plaaslike markte te posisioneer en om tot die voordeel van Chinese markte landbouware te bekom. Voorts, die voorlopige bevindinge dui ook aan dat die institusionele kontekste in Mosambiek en die DRK die werksaamhede en/of die toetrede van Chinese landbou-ondernemings in plaaslike industrieë beïnvloed. Swak infrastruktuur in landelike gebiede blyk meer beleggings deur Chinese landbou-ondernemings te striem. Die ingewikkelde proses om grond te bekom en gebrekkigheid in die regulering, monitering en implementering van landbouwette blyk ook Chinese beleggings te kortwiek, en in sommige gevalle lei dit tot die opskorting van beleggings. In die geval van die DRK, wil dit voorkom asof gebrekkige afdwinging van grondaktes verdere belegging ontmoedig. Die ongunstige institutionele konteks wat hier geskets is, het Chinese landbou-ondernemings werksaam in die DRK aangemoedig om nuwe sakemodelle toe te pas, wat belegging in kleiner landbou projekte of met minder risiko's, beteken.
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Conradie, C. F. G. « Is the US Farm Bill undermining the objective of AGOA ? » Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50000.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates both the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) that was signed into US law in May 2000 and the subsequent US Farm Bill, signed in May 2002. AGOA is a temporary, non-negotiated, non-reciprocal law by the USA to allow dutyfree and quota-free access to almost all products produced in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Many people in SSA are dependant on agriculture to provide employment and livelihood. In the agricultural sector The Farm Bill is a unilateral law by the USA granting enormous subsidies to its farmers for a wide variety of products. It is the purpose of this study to investigate both these laws and to determine whether or not the Farm Bill undermines the objectives of AGOA. AGOA was studied and the real reasons for US interest in SSA determined. The main reason found for the inception of AGOA was US interest in the oil resources of SSA as well as other commodities like precious metals and textiles. The USA is also interested in SSA to find new markets for its own products as it can produce far more food and fibre than it can utilise in its domestic market. The study investigated the potential benefits of AGOA for SSA as well as the real benefits that were realised in the first two and a half years since its inception. It was found in the study that the real benefits were far less than the potential benefits and several reasons are offered for this phenomenon. The trade data between the USA and SSA was analysed to determine the effect of AGOA on trade and the major products traded. It was found that by far the largest product group was in the petroleum sector. The Farm Bill was investigated to determine the provisions of the Bill, the products involved and the conditions for subsidy payments. The payments include direct payments, counter-cyclical payments and marketing loan gains or loan deficiency payments. The detail of the calculation methods for the payments and a sample calculation of the subsidies are given, other provisions of the Farm Bill that apply to specific commodities like sugar and dairy products are also listed as these are important commodities for SSA. The Farm Bill was investigated in terms of AGOA and it was found in the study that the Farm Bill does indeed undermine the objectives of AGOA by reducing commodity prices. Both AGOA and the Farm Bill were further investigated in the context of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) to determine their consistency with the rules of the WTO. It was found that AGOA is consistent with the WTO rules, but the subsidies of the Farm Bill are trade distorting and therefore not consistent with these rules. There is a WTO limit set for the US support programmes and it is expected that the payments would exceed the limit during times of low commodity prices.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word beide die 'African Growth and Opportunity Act' (AGOA) wat in Mei 2000 deel van die Amerikaanse wetgewing geword het sowel as die daaropvolgende 'US Farm Bill' wat in Mei 2002 goedgekeur is, ondersoek. AGOA is 'n tydelike, eensydige, nie-wederkerige wet deur Amerika wat tariefvrye en kwotavrye toegang tot die Amerikaanse mark toelaat vir bykans alle produkte wat in Afrika Suid van die Sahara (SSA) geproduseer word. Baie mense in SSA is afhanklik van landbou vir werk om vir hulle families te kan sorg. Dit is juis in die landbousektor waar Amerika die 'Farm Bill' as eensydige wet goedgekeur het wat enorme landbousubsidies vir 'n wye reeks produkte aan sy boere toeken. Die doel van die studie is om beide hierdie wette te ondersoek en vas te stel of die 'Farm Bill' die doelwitte van AGOA ondermyn, al dan nie. AGOA is eerste ondersoek en die werklike redes vir Amerika se belangstelling in SSA is bepaal. Daar is bevind dat die hoofrede vir die ontstaan van AGOA die strategiese belangstelling van Amerika in SSA se olie en ander kommoditeite soos edelmetale en tekstiele is. Amerika stel ook belang in SSA om nuwe markte te vind vir sy eie produkte omdat Amerika baie meer voedsel en vesel kan produseer as wat sy plaaslike mark kan absorbeer. Die studie het die potensiele voordele van AGOA vir SSA asook die werklike voordele wat in die eerste twee en 'n half jaar gerealiseer het, ondersoek. Die studie het getoon dat die werklike voordele baie minder as die potensiele voordele was en verskeie redes word vir die verskynsel aangevoer. Die handelsdata tussen Amerika en SSA is ondersoek om die effek van AGOA op handel asook die hoofhandelsprodukte vas te stel. Die data het getoon dat by verre die grootste produkgroep wat verhandel is, olie en verwante petroleumprodukte is. Die 'Farm Bill' is ondersoek om die bepalings van die wet vas te stel, watter produkte betrokke is en onder watter voorwaardes subsidiebetalings van toepassing is. Hierdie betalings sluit direkte betalings aan boere, wederkerige betalings en bemarkingslenings in. Die detail van die berekeningsmetodes van die verskillende dele van die subsidies asook 'n voorbeeld-berekening word getoon. Ander bepalings van die wetgewing wat van toepassing is op spesifieke kommoditeite soos suiker en suiwel word ook gelys omdat hierdie produkte baie belangrik vir SSA is. Die 'Farm Bill' is ook met betrekking tot AGOA ondersoek en daar is getoon dat die 'Farm Bill' inderdaad die doelwitte van AGOA ondermyn deur die pryse van kommoditeite te laat daal. Beide AGOA en die 'Farm Bill' is verder ondersoek in die konteks van die Wereldhandelsorganisasie (WHO) om vas te stel of elkeen van hierdie wette voldoen aan die handelsreels van die WHO. Daar is bevind dat AGOA wel voldoen aan die WHO reels, maar dat die subsidies van die 'Farm Bill' handel verwring en daarom nie voldoen aan die vereistes van die WHO nie. Daar bestaan 'n WHO-beperking vir Amerika op die hoeveelheid ondersteuning wat aan die boere toegestaan mag word en daar word verwag dat die beperking oorskry kan word in tye van lae kommoditeitspryse.
Livres sur le sujet "Europe – Foreign relations – Africa, Sub-Saharan"
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Northrup, David. Africa's discovery of Europe : 1450-1850. 2e éd. New York : Oxford University Press, 2008.
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Northrup, David. Africa's discovery of Europe : 1450-1850. New York : Oxford University Press, 2002.
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Rouvez, Alain. Disconsolate empires : French, British, and Belgian military involvement in post-colonial Sub-Saharan Africa. Lanham, Md : University Press of America, 1994.
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The European communities' single market : The challenge of 1992 for Sub-Saharan Africa. Washington, D.C : World Bank, 1990.
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Perceptions of the EU in Eastern Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa : Looking in from the outside. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.
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J, Faber G., et Orbie Jan 1978-, dir. Beyond market access for economic development : EU-Africa relations in transition. New York, NY : Routledge, 2009.
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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute et Army War College (U.S.). Press, dir. Russian interests in Sub-Saharan Africa. Carlisle, PA : Strategic Studies Institute and U.S. Army War College Press, 2013.
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United States. White House Office, dir. U.S. strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa. Washington, D.C : The White House, 2012.
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United States. Department of State. Bureau of African Affairs. Investment climate reports : Sub-Saharan Africa. Washington, D.C.?] : U.S. Department of State, Bureau of African Affairs, 1994.
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United States. Dept. of State. Bureau of African Affairs., dir. Investment climate reports : Sub-Saharan Africa. [Washington, D.C.?] : U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of African Affairs, 1994.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Europe – Foreign relations – Africa, Sub-Saharan"
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Kiamba, Anita, et Veit Bachmann. « Kenya-EU Relations : Perspectives and Expectations ». Dans Perceptions of the EU in Eastern Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa, 145–64. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137405470_9.
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Buehler, Matt, et Kyung Joon Han. « Integrating African Migrants ? » Dans Mobility and Forced Displacement in the Middle East, 165–86. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197531365.003.0008.
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Given historically amicable relations between North Africa’s native citizens of Arab and African descent, it is counterintuitive that prejudice against foreign African migrants from sub-Saharan countries seems to be rising. Discrimination seems to be intensifying against African migrants who have recently arrived from Congo, Nigeria, Senegal, Cameroon, Mali, and elsewhere. Where conflict and poverty proliferate in these countries, migrants flee to North Africa seeking clandestine access to Europe by boat across the Mediterranean, or by foot through Spain’s North African enclaves of Melilla and Ceuta. In response, Spain, Italy, and North African countries have increased border and maritime security. Thus, as an alternative, many sub-Saharan African migrants have decided to resettle in North Africa. Previously, articles have appeared depicting North African states as “sender” countries of migrants. Yet, more recently, they have also become “recipient” countries of African migrants.
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Callaghy, Thomas M. « Between Scylla and Charybdis : The Foreign Economic Relations of Sub-Saharan African States ». Dans Africa, 382–99. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429502538-22.
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Jenkins, Rhys. « China’s Economic Expansion in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Dans How China is Reshaping the Global Economy, 113–48. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198738510.003.0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The chapter documents the growth of economic relations between China and Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), focussing on trade, foreign direct investment, Chinese construction and engineering projects, loans, and aid. The chapter highlights the way in which these are sometimes combined in resources-for-infrastructure deals. It shows the variety of different actors involved in these relationships, including state and non-state actors, on both the Chinese and African sides. It then discusses the role of strategic diplomatic, strategic economic, and commercial objectives in the growing Chinese involvement in SSA. It also addresses questions of African agency and the interests of African actors in economic relations with China. The impact of political, strategic economic and commercial factors on different types of economic relations is then analyzed econometrically.
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Jenkins, Rhys. « China’s Economic Expansion in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Dans How China is Reshaping the Global Economy, 117–54. 2e éd. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192866356.003.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The chapter documents the growth of economic relations between China and Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) focussing on trade, foreign direct investment, Chinese construction and engineering projects, loans, and aid. It highlights the way in which these are sometimes combined in resources-for-infrastructure deals. It shows the variety of different actors involved in these relationships including state and non-state actors on both the Chinese and African sides. The chapter then discusses the role of strategic diplomatic, strategic economic, and commercial objectives in the growing Chinese involvement in SSA. It also addresses questions of African agency and the interests of African actors in economic relations with China. The impact of political, strategic economic and commercial factors on different types of economic relations are then analysed econometrically.
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Murphy, Dawn C. « Belt and Road and China’s Relations with the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa ». Dans China's Rise in the Global South, 236–53. Stanford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503630093.003.0009.
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This chapter examines what the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is and how it relates to China's approach to the Middle East and Africa. It then analyzes specific foreign policy tools encompassed by BRI. Overall, China's behavior through Belt and Road is competitive, but some elements are norm convergent and some norm divergent. China competes inside and outside the economic and political order with various foreign policy tools supporting BRI (e.g., cooperation forums, state support for Chinese companies, aid, free trade agreements, special economic zones, agricultural demonstration centers, strategic partnerships, antipiracy, UN peacekeeping operations, and China's base in Djibouti). Through Belt and Road and the foreign policy tools used to support the initiative, China is building a new order that reflects its values. China portrays itself as a driver of connectivity, development, trade, and globalization as it defends sovereignty and advocates for developing country causes.
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Yueh, Linda. « China’s Economic Emergence and Implications for Africa ». Dans China-Africa and an Economic Transformation, 19–34. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198830504.003.0002.
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China’s emergence as the world’s second-largest economy has transformed the world economy by creating a source of consumers as well as a place for production. As is consistent with becoming a major economy, China has become a net capital exporter, investing more abroad than it receives in inward foreign direct investment. The clearest manifestation of this outward investment is seen in the ‘Going Global’ policy for Chinese firms launched in the early 2000s and in the Belt and Road Initiative that began to invest in infrastructure overseas in 2013. The latter has significant implications for Africa as well as the Middle East, eastern parts of Europe, and South-east and Central Asia. This chapter explores the drivers of China’s emergence as an economic superpower and analyzes its wider potential impact, including on sub-Saharan Africa’s economic development, notably in respect of Chinese infrastructure investment in Kenya.
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Mawdsley, Emma. « 30. India’s Development Partnerships in the Twenty-First Century ». Dans Politics in the Developing World. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737438.003.0030.
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This chapter examines the main trends and issues of South–South development cooperation, using India as a case study. Over the last few decades, India has been both a recipient of foreign aid and a provider of concessional loans, grants, technical assistance, peacekeeping forces, humanitarian assistance, debt relief, and so on. The chapter explores how and why India, a country that still has more absolutely poor people than the whole of sub-Saharan Africa, gives development assistance to countries in Asia, Africa, and beyond. It first considers the issue of the ‘(re-)emerging’ development actors before discussing India’s development cooperation. It then shows how India and other developing countries are becoming bigger players in the international foreign aid regime. It also analyses India’s South–South relations and suggests that the benefits of India’s development cooperation are shared unevenly, both domestically and abroad.
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Haerpfer, Christian W., Patrick Bernhagen, Ronald F. Inglehart et Christian Welzel. « 1. Introduction ». Dans Democratization. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199233021.003.0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This text examines a number of perspectives, approaches, and insights that have informed research on democratization. Throughout the text, democracy and democratization are discussed together, and each approach to democratization is presented. The text is divided into four parts based on four aspects of democratization. Part One deals with theoretical and historical perspectives; Part Two focuses on causes and dimensions of democratization; Part Three looks at actors and institutions; and Part Four is concerned with regions of democratization such as Southern Europe, Latin America, Middle East and North Africa. Sub-Saharan Africa, and East Asia. Topics include the distinction between democratic and undemocratic states, the role of democratization in foreign policy, and the contributions of social movements, protest, and transnational advocacy networks to democratic transition.
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Jenkins, Rhys. « Conclusion ». Dans How China is Reshaping the Global Economy, 363–77. 2e éd. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192866356.003.0014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The Conclusion focuses on the likely future relations between China and Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). This involves analysing key trends at the global level, within China and in SSA and LAC. At the global level these include the future of globalization in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic and increased tension between China and the West. Within China key aspects include the ‘new normal’ of slower economic growth, a more assertive foreign policy and the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, and the domestic impacts of COVID-19. Developments in SSA and LAC have also been affected by the pandemic, the US-China trade war, and the extension of the BRI to the two regions. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the continuing tensions that derive from the asymmetric economic relations between China and the two regions and whether steps will be taken to resolve them.