Thèses : « Europe – Foreign relations – 1945- »

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Lojko, Miklos. « Britain and central Europe, 1919-1925 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248846.

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Packard, Jerrold Michael. « The European neutrals in World War II ». PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3984.

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The thesis begins with a short section on the nature of neutrality in Europe in the 1930s, and briefly introduces the political circumstances of the six nations that remained neutral throughout the war. The primary subject of the paper deals with the relationship between the belligerents and the neutral states, especially the extent to which military strength and preparedness was responsible for the latter maintaining their neutrality.

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Cheek, Marc Randall. « At the Core of the Cold War : Soviet Foreign Policy and the German Question 1945-1990 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625680.

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Martill, Benjamin. « Cold War at the centre : liberalism and the politics of Euratlantic strategy, 1945-1990 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59dc5f4a-5a58-4b0e-8690-9f99595e5200.

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Patterns of domestic political contestation in international affairs often see the centre aligned against both the left and the right of the ideological spectrum. This is observable in a range of issues, from democracy promotion, intervention, international law, European integration, free trade, globalization and the creation of international regimes. Why centre-periphery ideological competition occurs is an interesting puzzle, given the challenge it offers to the idea that partisanship is an inherently left-right phenomenon. Yet the role of the political centre in foreign policy has not been subjected to systematic analysis. This thesis studies the nature and effects of the foreign policy position of the political centre. It argues that the centre is distinguished from left and right by its embrace of distinct elements of liberal ideology. The liberal view of international politics differs in thee important respects from its socialist and conservative competitors: It is particular, rather than pluralist, when it comes to questions of sovereignty and international legitimacy; it views interdependence, rather than independence, as a natural and desirable condition of the international; and it views deterrence, rather than diplomacy, as the best means of achieving security. To test the validity of this thesis I discuss the role of ideology in explaining variation in relations between four Euratlantic states (Britain, France, West Germany and Canada) and the United States during the Cold War. This is a hard case given the intensity of global threat at the time. The thesis tests the claim that the strength of Euratlantic-American relations is a function of the relative influence of the political centre at the time. To do this it outlines a mixed-methods research design that combines in-depth case studies with a quantitative analysis of Euratlantic-US relations. The results from both elements confirm the validity of the theoretical proposition.

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Christie, Ross. « 'Britain's crisis of confidence' : how Whitehall planned Britain's retreat from the extra-European world, 1959-1968 ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2018.

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This thesis attempts to give an account of how Whitehall planned Britain's withdrawal from extra-European commitments in the years 1959-1968, demonstrating that foreign policy development was essentially a cross-departmental process, involving a synthesis of views articulated by the Treasury, Board of Trade, Ministry of Defence, Colonial Office, Commonwealth Relations Office, as well as the Foreign Office. More specifically, the thesis is concerned with the direct effects of the interplay of different departmental policies on British retrenchment from Africa, the Middle East, and the Far East. Most accounts of how ministers and officials approached the subject of withdrawal from international commitments lack any substantive analysis of documentary evidence, a fact attributable to the 'thirty-year rule'. Many academic works also contain a reference to 'delusions of grandeur' as the main explanation as to why Whitehall guided a tentative course in extracting Britain from its remaining overseas obligations. By examining Whitehall's attempts to review future policy, usually on an inter-departmental basis, this thesis questions the commonly held assumption that an outdated imperial sentiment permeated the political establishment until economic reality, namely the devaluation of sterling in November 1967, forced Britain to confront the fragility of its position. Developing and expanding upon previous scholarship, this thesis makes a contribution to historical knowledge by providing the first sustained and unified study of how the highest echelons of Whitehall framed Britain's long-term strategic aims in the late 1950s and 1960s. This thesis is a contribution to administrative, diplomatic and military history, and provokes a number of questions. To what extent, for example, did economic considerations inform the decisions of leading policy-makers? Did a misjudgment over the strength of British 'power' lead to the pursuit of inappropriate foreign policy objectives? How was foreign policy affected by defence policy? What influence did the Treasury exert over high foreign policy? Did the influence of civil servants vary according to policy issues and the personalities involved? In what ways did the views of the departments responsible for economic matters differ from those in charge of defence policy on the priority attached to military expenditure? To what extent did the Foreign Office and Ministry of Defence disagree on matters regarding Britain's overseas commitments and possessions? In answering such questions, this thesis casts new light on how Whitehall, between 1959 and 1968, reduced the scope of Britain's international commitments, redirecting the central thrust of British foreign policy away from extra-European commitments towards Europe.

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Khabbaz-Hamoui, Fayçal. « Le dialogue euro-arabe : un échec inéluctable ? » Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211211.

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Lazar, Peter. « The Mansfield Amendments and the U.S. commitment in Europe, 1966-1975 ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/961.

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This thesis explores international and domestic factors that constitute continuities in U.S. foreign and security policy regarding trans-Atlantic relations. Since the founding of the Atlantic Alliance burden sharing has been one of the major sources of conflict between the United States and its European NATO allies. Despite the reluctance to spend more than minimal amounts on military capabilities in most European NATO countries the issue did not become a major concern in the U.S. Congress between 1951 and 1966. It was only in the late 1960s and early 1970s that proposals - including the Mansfield Resolutions and Amendments - were introduced in the Senate calling for a substantial reduction in the number of U.S. troops in Europe. The debates provoked by these proposals threw light on the various determinants of U.S. policy towards Europe. The contemporary relevance of the issue resides in the fact that most of the elements responsible for the emergence of the Mansfield Amendments are still influential in U.S. foreign and security policy. This circumstance might lead to comparable proposals and debates in the near future.
Civilian, Hungarian Ministry of Defense

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Quessard-Salvaing, Maud. « Propagande, information et diplomatie publique pendant la guerre froide : les stratégies de l'USIA en Europe d'Eisenhower à Reagan ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030124.

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Pendant plus de quarante cinq ans l’atout maître de la diplomatie publique américaine a été l’Agence d’information des Etats-Unis (l’USIA, United States Information Agency), établie en 1953 à l’apogée de la guerre froide pour répondre à la propagande soviétique anti-américaine et coordonner les programmes culturels et d’information à l’étranger. En privilégiant une approche comparative, notre thèse se propose d’apporter un éclairage sur le rôle longtemps ignoré de la diplomatie publique au sein de la machine de la politique étrangère américaine en se concentrant sur trois Administrations présidentielles, Eisenhower, Kennedy et Reagan qui se distinguent comme des périodes charnières. Dans ce cadre, notre étude tente de déterminer le rôle qu’ont pu jouer les stratégies de la diplomatie publique américaine élaborées depuis Washington telles qu’elles furent pratiquées par les agents des services d’information (USIS) dans les pays de « la zone cruciale » (France, Italie et Allemagne) en Europe de l’Ouest, ou dans les nations captives. Notre thèse démontre que des premières campagnes de propagande des combattants de la guerre psychologique, dans les années 1950, aux émissions high-tech des champions de l’information et de la désinformation des années 1980, l’USIA fut au cœur des stratégies de persuasion de la puissance américaine en Europe. Au regard des succès et des échecs des activités officielles et officieuses pour lesquelles l’USIA a œuvré, nous abordons la délicate question de la réception des programmes d’information officiels et de l’efficacité des stratégies d’influence américaines dans les batailles européennes pour la liberté
For 46 years, the centrepiece of U.S. public diplomacy was the United States Information Agency (USIA) established in 1953 at the height of the Cold War to counter anti-American propaganda from the Soviet Union and coordinate foreign information dissemination programs. The purpose of my dissertation - a comparative study - is to try to shed a new light on the too long neglected role of public diplomacy in the American foreign policy process over the course of three key presidential Administrations- Eisenhower, Kennedy and Reagan. Therefore in the course of my dissertation, through field centered case studies, I investigate the strategies set up by the USIA in Washington and by the USIS [United States Information Services] in the field for “the crucial zone” (defined as France, Italy and Germany), and for key “captive nations” (such as Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia and Hungary). In my dissertation I argue that since the first propag! anda campaigns of the cold warriors to the high-tech broadcastings of the champions of information and disinformation, USIA was at the core of the American strategies of persuasion and power in Europe. Indeed, in the field, between 1953 and 1991 the psychological warfare between the US and the USSR turned into a cultural Cold War and a war of information in which both public and private networks were involved. Considering the success and failures of the covert and overt activities of the USIA I may tackle the tricky issue of the effectiveness of American strategies of influence in the European battle for freedom

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Rofe, J. Simon. « 'One chance in a thousand' : the mission of Sumner Welles to Europe (Feb-Mar 1940), Rooseveltian foreign policy and Anglo-American relations, Nov 1937-May 1940 ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.638704.

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This work presents a new analysis of the mission undertaken by Under Secretary of State Sumner Welles to Europe on behalf of President Roosevelt in February-March 1940. The thesis asks what Roosevelt’s motivations were for undertaking the mission, and what he sought to achieve from it. It considers that the Welles mission was an expression of a number of influences upon Roosevelt that date back to late 1937. These influences, or themes, which provide the broader context and run throughout the period up to the beginning of 1940, are as follows: firstly the integral role in Rooseveltian foreign policy played by Sumner Welles is considered. The second theme concerns the position of his superior, Secretary of State Cordell Hull, who was to counsel caution in the face of an increasingly serious world situation, whilst a third influence was the limits upon American foreign policymaking itself, especially from American opinion. The last element to be considered throughout this study is the influence of Anglo-American relations upon the Welles mission. Further these themes are not distinct and are interrelated. And all were subject to the influence of an American public who were deeply interested in, but firmly against intervention in, European affairs. This work concludes that the mission that resulted developed multiple objectives after being born out of a discussion between Roosevelt and Welles on the role the United States could play in achieving a sound and lasting peace in Europe. Such a hope, reckoned by Roosevelt to be ‘one chance in a thousand’, was at the outset incongruous with the situation in Europe. Roosevelt and Welles knew this to be the case, and pressed ahead because of the existence of other objectives that such a mission could achieve. These were the gathering of first-hand information by Welles from the four capitals Europe, the perpetuation of Italian neutrality and the prolonging of the ‘phony war’. These objectives were never clarified by the protagonists and evolved in themselves through the deployment of the mission, thus requiring the analysis provided here.

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Clark, John Denis Havey. « British, French, and American attitudes and policies towards the rebirth of Poland, 1914-1921 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:21becc10-e2b5-49cc-ad6e-f568157992f4.

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This thesis considers how attitudes shaped British, French, and American policy regarding the rebirth of Poland. From the outbreak of war in 1914 to the plebiscite in Upper Silesia in 1921, Allied and American policy-makers first considered whether Poland should be an independent state and then where its borders should be. As they did this, they developed attitudes about these questions, for instance about Poles and the right or ability of the Polish nation to administer a modern state. Such considerations assumed that national character exists and is important in the success or failure of a country. My research draws on literature from social psychology in defining the development of such understandings as consistent with stereotyping, in other words using generalisations about social groups to understand those groups or individuals. Allied and American policy-makers considered Poles to be, for instance, quarrelsome, aggressive, anti-Semitic, pitiable, passionate, or loyal. The thesis begins by examining pre-war attitudes to Poland and the impact of the war on these and on the diplomacy of the Polish question. It then discusses the re-emergence of an independent Poland in 1918 and the impact on policies and attitudes of the Polish delegation’s claims at the Paris Peace Conference, of events on the ground, and of the Russo-Polish War. Allied and American decision-making on the rebirth of Poland was central for European diplomacy not only because the attitudes they expressed left lingering grudges on both sides, but also because Poland’s frontiers were an irritant throughout the interwar period until Germany and Russia invaded Poland in September 1939. Moreover, the conclusion that attitudes were a factor in decision-making contributes to a growing recognition among international historians and international relations theorists that it is necessary to look beyond individuals' 'rational' motivations.

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Tollardo, Elisabetta. « Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.

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This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.

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Vercauteren, Pierre. « Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS : la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.

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Mesta, Espinosa Mara Eugenia. « Mexico's relations with Western Europe, 1945-1997 ». Thesis, University of London, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271362.

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Revauger, Guilène. « Fonctions, pouvoirs et influences d’un acteur de la politique étrangère britannique : le Foreign and Commonwealth Office (1968-1985) ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA037/document.

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Cette recherche s’attache à l’étude d’une institution britannique, à son rôle et son organisation depuis la fusion, en 1968, du Commonwealth Office et du Foreign Office, jusqu’à l’année 1985.Il s’agit ainsi de voir comment le Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) fonctionne et comment il a su évoluer au gré du temps, du changement de la place de la Grande-Bretagne dans le monde, et des conflits internationaux. Ainsi, on peut se demander quelles influences le contexte a eu sur l’institution en elle-même. Dès lors, une place particulière est accordée à l’Europe, la ‘relation spéciale’ avec les États-Unis et la décolonisation.La politique étrangère britannique semble aujourd’hui être principalement dans les mains du pouvoir politique : du ministre des Affaires étrangères (Foreign Secretary), et du Premier ministre. Quelle place le FCO occupe-t-il alors, et quelles relations entretient-il avec le pouvoir politique ?Il s’agit ainsi de considérer la place du FCO au sein des différents acteurs internes et externes de la politique étrangère britannique en analysant trois cas concrets : une réorganisation interne de l’institution (la fusion de 1968), une gestion de crise (l’indépendance retardée de la Guyane britannique, 1953-1966), et une négociation d’accord en temps de paix (l’échec des négociations de la Convention des Nations unies sur le droit de la mer, 1973-1982).Ce travail de recherche tente ainsi d’offrir une interprétation allant au-delà du fonctionnement interne de l’institution. Il s’agit de mettre en relation le Foreign and Commonwealth Office et le pouvoir politique, et ainsi d’étudier les pouvoirs et influences du FCO tout en s’attachant à des périodes clés à l’orée de changements
This research work is devoted to the study of a key British institution, its function and its organization, from the merger of the Commonwealth Office and the Foreign Office in 1968, until 1985.Of particular interest is the way the changing role of Britain in the world and international conflicts bear upon the functioning and the evolution of the FCO. The point is to assess to what extent the context influences the institution itself.British foreign policy seems to be mostly determined by the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister. It is therefore well worth gaging what the function of the FCO is, and its relationship with the holders of political power.The role of the FCO as one of the internal and external agents of British foreign policy is assessed here, through three cases: the internal reorganization of the service in 1968, the management of a crisis – the postponements of independence for Guiana from 1953 to 1966, and the failure of a negotiation in peacetime – the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea from 1973 to 1982.Beyond the internal functioning of the institution, this research work strives to offer an interpretation of the changes. The relationship between the FCO and the holders of political power, the real power and influence of the FCO are under consideration, in particular during key moments of particular significance for the institution

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Martin-Paneda, Pablo. « D’un incommode voisin. Les remodelages de l’appareil diplomatique français face à la réintégration de l’Espagne en Occident, 25 février 1957- 5 février 1979 ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040082.

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La politique espagnole de la France de 1957 à 1979 est abordée autour de trois périodes aux temporalités marquées. Trois étapes, trois étages : observation (1957-1963), marchandages commerciaux (1963-1970), engagements politiques et prise de risques (1970-1979). Face aux mutations du franquisme puis de la démocratie, Paris se repositionne sans cesse. La diplomatie espagnole s’avère très incisive : l’Espagne est un voisin instable et pugnace. Néanmoins, le Quai d’Orsay perçoit un atout pour la quête de grandeur gaullienne. Pays de haute croissance économique, l’Espagne reste un débouché propice aux exportations françaises. Pays méditerranéen, l’Espagne est susceptible de modifier le centre de gravité de l’Europe communautaire au profit d’une France dont le rôle de carrefour serait renforcé. Pays latin, l’Espagne est un relais des ambitions françaises en Amérique du Sud. Pays en développement, l’Espagne apporte un appui aux élans tiers-mondistes de la politique française. Sous l’angle bilatéral, cette thèse recentrer et d’actualiser des travaux qui balisent l’étude. Par ailleurs, il ne serait pas judicieux d’ignorer les griefs ou les attentes des Espagnols à l’égard de la France. Dans le domaine multilatéral : parrainage européen fourni par la France ; tactique espagnole de surenchères attisées entre Washington, Bonn, et Paris ; désirs d’une coopération méditerranéenne articulée autour de Madrid, Rome et Paris. Aussi cette recherche s’insère-t-elle dans trois champs historiographiques : l’histoire des relations franco-espagnoles, l’histoire politique de l’Espagne, l’histoire des représentations parmi les élites françaises
France's Spanish policy from 1957 to 1979 is approached through three very distinct periods. Three steps, three levels : observation (1957-1963), trading negociations (1963-1970 ), political commitments and daring relationships (1970-1979). Confronted with the evolutions of Franco's dictature and then democracy, the French government is constantly adapting. The Spanish foreign policy turns out to be sharp: Spain is a restless and pugnacious neighbour. Yet the French Foreign Affairs Department considers this situation as an opportunity to enhance the prestige of de Gaulle's policy. With a high economic potential, Spain offers many opportunities for French exports. As a Mediterranean country, Spain is likely to change the centre of gravity of the European Community in favour of France, whose role of platform would be reinforced. As a Latin country, Spain represents a link between an ambitious France and South America. As a developing country, Spain provides a support for the French attempt to deal with the Third World. From both perspectives - Spanish and French - this PhD gathers and updates previous works which were used to build this study. Besides, one should not ignore Spanish grievances or expectations regarding France. From a larger perspective : France provides a European partnership, Spain tries to outbid between Washington, Bonn and Paris, while a Mediterranean cooperation structured around Madrid, Rome and Paris is highly wished for. This study is carried out into the frame of three different historiographic schools: the history of Franco-Spanish relationships, the political history of Spain and the history of representations among French elites

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Merle, Georges. « L'idée européenne en Grande-Bretagne de 1945 à 1994 ». Montpellier 3, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995MON30011.

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Le royaume-uni a toujours occupe une place un peu speciale au sein de la communaute economique europeenne. Son passe historique et son entree tardive dans la c. E. E en font un partenaire qui semble peu actif et peu engage. Cependant, pour se garder de tout jugement hatif, il convient d'examiner le point de vue de ce pays au sujet des relations qu'il entretient avec l'europe. Pour cela, une analyse est faite sur trois niveaux differents: tout d'abord les faits historiques, puis l'avis de l'opinion publique britannique tel qu'il apparait a travers une serie de sondages gallup; enfin, l'analyse politique avec l'etude des memoires de madame thatcher, les propositions du depute britannique europeen sir leon brittan et les performances du gouvernement major. Tout bien considere, la position du royaume-uni dans l'europe parait constructive et efficace sur de nombreux points tels que la supranationalite, le federalisme, la monnaie unique, l'extension de la communaute, comme sur l'application du traite de maastrich
The united kingdom has always been perceived as somewhat of a lone wolf within the european economic community. Due to its historical past and its late entrance into the e. E. C, the united kingdom has come across as a relatively inactive and uninvolved member. However, in order to avoid any hasty judgment of the u. K. 's role, the relations between the united kingdom and europe must be closely examined. This complex relationship has been analysed on three different levels: the historical facts, followed by british public opinion as it has been expressed in several gallup polls, and lastly, a political analysis which includes the study of margaret thatcher's memoirs in the downing street years , the proposals made by sir leon brittan, the british member of the european parliament, and the accomplishments of john major's government. All things considered, the united kingdom's membership in the european economic community appears most constructive and efficient on issues such as supranationality, federalism, single european currency,widening e. E. C membership or the maastricht treaty

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Kourd, Salem. « Le dialogue euro-arabe à la lumière de nouveaux évenements survenus sur la scène arabe ». Le Havre, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992LEHAA001.

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Autran, Jean-Marie. « Truman, "faith-based" diplomatie et ambigüités du Plan Marshall : cas de la France de l'après-guerre ». Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30023/document.

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La "Faith-based" diplomatie américaine et les ambiguïtés du plan Marshall : le cas de la France dans l’après-guerre. Le Président Harry S. Truman (1945-1953) affirme dès 1946 que les E.U. doivent s’armer d'une « diplomatie fondée sur la foi » pour encourager la reconstruction spirituelle d'une Europe « déchristianisée » face au communisme. Pour faire barrage au marxisme de l’Union Soviétique, il fallait commencer par la France, vue comme la pierre de voûte spirituelle. Plus que toute autre nation, elle bénéficie avec le plan Marshall d'un puissant soutien financier militaire, économique et d'une conquête des cœurs et des esprits. De multiples agences interviennent dans cette période alors que les Églises américaines redécouvrent cette terre de mission. Généralement articulées autour de la conviction religieuse des Présidents, les initiatives sont relayées sur le terrain par l’engagement d’acteurs privés. Officialisée en 1998 par le président Clinton dans la promulgation de l’Acte international sur la liberté religieuse, cette approche a justifié la ténacité des missionnaires de 1945 à nos jours dans une France catholique religieusement peu diverse. Encouragées par le quatrième Réveil la plupart des missions américaines, églises protestantes historiques, nouvelles religions ou NMR (mormons, adventistes, témoins de Jéhovah etc...) et Évangéliques ont bien accueilli cette opportunité, phase d’introduction pour certaines ou de redémarrage pour d’autres déjà présentes dès le 19ème siècle. Bien que l'entreprise de « nation building » économique et culturelle de la France ait été perçue par l’opinion américaine de l’époque comme l'une des plus décevantes de l’après-guerre, les résultats de la transformation de la société française sont apparus avec un décalage dans le temps. Pouvons-nous alors retracer les sources des mutations transatlantiques des religions d'origine américaine et l’évolution du paysage religieux français aux activités gouvernementales et missionnaires en ce début de la Guerre froide ?
President Harry S. Truman (1945-1953) claims in 1946 that the U.S. should advance a "faith-based" diplomacy to encourage the spiritual reconstruction of a “dechristianized” Europe .To stand in the way of a Marxist and Godless Soviet Union, it has to begin with France, seen as the spiritual stone arch. More than in any other nation, the Marshall Plan brings a financial, economic and military support, willing to conquer hearts and minds. Many key governmental agencies are involved in this time period, while American churches engaged in aid relief are rediscovering France as a new mission territory. Usually strongly influenced by the religious conviction of the Presidents, "Faith-based policies” supporting Foreign policies are reinforced on the ground by the engagement of private voluntary organizations (PVOs). Formalized in 1998 by President Clinton as a tool in Foreign policy in the enactment of the Act on International Religious Freedom, this approach justifies the tenacity of missionaries from 1945 to the present day in a secular and catholic France. Encouraged by the Fourth Awakening, most American missions, mainstream Protestant churches, new religions like NRM (Mormonism, Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses, etc...) and Evangelicals, welcome this mixed opportunity: a comeback for a few denominations already presents in the 19th century and for others a chance for a fresh beginning. Although the business of "nation building”, the reshaping of the economic and cultural life of France, is perceived by the American public opinion as one of the most disappointing of the post-war, a deeply transformed French society will later emerge. The overlapping of American public and private organizations, of American churches and missionaries lay the groundwork for the radical transformation of a French monolithic religious landscape. Without doubt this can be traced to this short and critical experimental period of the Early Cold War

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Kobzar, Svitlana Anatolievna. « 'The return to Europe' : Ukraine's foreign policy, 1994-2004 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609777.

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Hallsey, Joshua. « U.S. Foreign Policy and the Cambodian People, 1945-1993 ». Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/HallseyJ2007.pdf.

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Sandu, Traian. « La France, la Roumanie et la sécurité en Europe de 1919 à 1933 ». Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040191.

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La France a incontestablement eu, en 1918, le projet d'intégrer la Roumanie à un dispositif qui assura la sécurité continentale des vainqueurs de la première guerre mondiale. Néanmoins, cette volonté connut de sérieuses variations liées à l'incompatibilité des objectifs stratégiques français et roumains. Le dysfonctionnement des projets bilatéraux et zonaux de sécurité fut constant, alors que la coopération plus anonyme à la société des nations fut plus durable. A la fin de 1921, après une période troublée d'élaboration, la France dut se contenter d'une assise centre-européenne fragile : la Roumanie ne parvint pas à peser auprès de Prague et de Varsovie pour unifier la petite entente et l'alliance polono-roumaine dans un système antiallemand et antirusse. Bucarest ne put pas jouer le rôle de charnière entre ces deux volets du système français. Après Rapallo, et malgré les allégations des historiographies communiste et conservatrice qui, pour des raisons inverses, exagèrent l'engagement antirusse de Poincaré, la politique de sécurité française se soucia de plus en plus du danger allemand, tandis que les roumains gardèrent les yeux fixés sur la Russie, en espérant le maintien de l'entente cordiale : leur soutien dans l'affaire de la Ruhr fut tiède. Herriot tira les conséquences et avança la sécurité collective; devant le refus britannique, Briand dut restreindre la sécurité française au Rhin. Le déclin des alliances de revers ne connut pas d'embellie avec le traité franco-roumain de 1926. Mais la crise politique et économique obligea la France à réagir. Mais la Roumanie ne pouvait plus refuser la domination commerciale de l’Allemagne révisionniste : elle se replia sur ses alliances zonales. Il fallut les chocs du pacte franco-soviétique et du pacte à quatre pour que les roumains acceptent de s'entendre avec les soviétiques. Ces derniers créèrent ainsi la possibilité d'un pont diplomatique, voire stratégique, avec la France
Paris tried, after the First World War, to include Romania in an eastern European system which would have ensured active security against Germany and defense in front of the soviets. But the weak Romanian link between the anti-Hungarian little entente and the anti-Russian Polish-Romanian alliance, obliged France, after Rapallo and the Ruhr, to abandon reverse security projects and to set its security system on the Rhine at Locarno. Therefore, the bilateral treaty with Romania provided no supplementary security. Cooperation continued nevertheless on disarmament and anti-revisionism at the League of Nations. After 1928, France had to react to the political and economic crisis, which surrendered Romania to the German commercial power. It required the franco-sovietic pact of 1932 and the four powers pact of 1933 to lead Romania into signing the aggressor’s definition pact, thus creating the possibility of a diplomatic, or even strategic bridge between France and soviet union, against Germany

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Al-Imam, Jamal D. « U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western Europe ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc663015/.

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This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.

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Goyette, Jean-Sébastien. « Franco-Japanese relations in East Asia from 1932 to 1945 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83105.

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This paper relates to Franco-Japanese relations between 1932 and 1945 in East Asia. In order to do this, it examines French behavior towards the Japanese in Shanghai and Indochina, France's position during incidents such as the 1932 Shanghai Incident, its policy during the Sino-Japanese conflict as well as its changing role and position in East Asia during the 1930s and 1940s, especially with the changes brought upon by the Second World War. This paper also pays attention to how France, as well as other Western nations, viewed Japan and East Asia, as well as how it affected East-West relations during this period. Finally, the paper describes the complex relations that existed between Vichy France, Free France, Indochina as well as Japan. It ends with events such at the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, that led to the eventual Japanese takeover of French territories in East Asia and the irreparable damage to France's position in East Asia.

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Ioannidis, Eudoxia. « British foreign policy toward southeastern Europe and the restoration of the Dodecanese Islands to Greece ». Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61105.

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The aim of the thesis is to analyze Britain's Mediterranean strategy and his relationship to the acquisition of the Dodecanese islands to Greece. Chapter I of this study includes a historical background of the islands prior to the Second World War. Chapter II examines British policy toward Greece and the Dodecanese between 1923-43. Chapter III provides an analysis of the role of the Dodecanese within British policy and military operations in the eastern Mediterranean. The last section deals with the actual restoration of the Dodecanese islands to Greece.

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Liao, Kunming. « La politique de la République populaire de Chine à l'égard de l'Europe occidentale ». Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1990IEPP0012.

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La présente thèse étudie, d'une manière complète, les origines, la naissance, l'évolution, l'état actuel et les perspectives, les objectifs et les moyens, de la politique européenne de la République populaire de Chine. Elle essaie de prendre l'Europe occidentale pour une entité dans les relations internationales et ainsi un objet d'une politique étrangère. Cette recherche se divise en 3 parties. La première étudie les origines de cette politique, sa position sur de grands problèmes européens, les relations entre la Chine et quelques grands pays ouest-européens dans les années 1950-1960, et l'environnement dans lequel est née cette politique. Par là, on essaie surtout de montrer certaines forces profondes qui pèsent souvent sur la politique étrangère, et ainsi sur une éventuelle politique européenne de la Chine. La deuxième partie démontre la naissance et l'évolution de cette politique en étudiant son contenu, ses objectifs et moyens, ses réussites et échecs, dans les années 1970 et au début des années 1980. Cette partie comprend à la fois des époques maoiste et post-maoiste, ou l'essentiel de cette politique demeure identique. La troisième partie se consacre à l'état actuel de cette politique, ses continuités et discontinuités dans les années 1980 et ses perspectives dans les années à venir. Comme la rédaction de la thèse a été achevée avant la chute du mur de Berlin, qui a, pour la première fois depuis la fin de la deuxième guerre mondiale, déséquilibré l'échiquier des rapports de forces entre l'est et l'ouest, des points de vue de l'auteur sur les perspectives de cette politique méritent d'être reconsidérés et modifiés après cet événement. Enfin, la conclusion générale démontre quelques caractéristiques fondamentales de cette politique
This thesis intends to give an overall study of the Western-Europe policy of the People's Republic of China: its origins, birth, evolution, present state and perspective. It tries to treat the western Europe as an entity in international relations and therefore, as an object of a foreign policy. The researches here are divided in three parts. The first studies the origins of Beijing's European policy, its political standpoint on some major European problems, China's relations with some big European countries during 1950s and 1960s, and the environment in which this policy was born. By this study are shown some profound forces often weighing on China's foreign policy and her eventual European policy. The second part describes the birth and the evolution of this policy from 1970s to early 1980s, and expounds its content, means and objectives, successes and failures. Both the maoist era and the post-maoist era are included in this part because the nature of this policy remained identical during the periodes. The third part discusses developments of this policy, its continuity and discontinuity, in 1980s and its perspective in a foreseeable future. As the thesis has been achieved before the fall of berlin wall, which has broken, for the first time, the balance of power between the east and the west since the end of world war II, author's some points of view shoulds be reconsidered and modified. At the end, the general conclusion of this thesis gives some fundamental characteristics of this policy

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Gotikian, Guevork. « La question arménienne : de la veille de la Grande guerre au traité de Lausanne, d'après les archives françaises ». Saint-Etienne, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997STET2045.

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Basée sur des documents d'archives françaises, cette thèse traite de l'ultime phase de la question arménienne, de 1914 à 1923. Elle examine le génocide arménien perpétré au cours de la Première guerre mondiale et les multiples répercussions qu'il engendra. Alors qu'il venait à peine de prendre fin, des évènements à caractères révolutionnaires disloquèrent l'empire russe provoquant la création d'états indépendants. Ce fut dans ce contexte qu'une éphèmere République arménienne vit le jour en 1918. Cet État disparut en 1920 sous le feu conjugué de l'axe Moscou-Ankara, des guerres avec ses voisins transcaucasiens et de l'inertie des puissances de l'entente. Après la grande guerre les puissances alliées se désintéressèrent progressivement de la question arménienne et retardant la conclusion d'un traite de paix avec la Turquie. Chaque puissance alliée avait donc suivi sa propre politique en Asie mineure. Jusqu'à son abandon à Lausanne, le problème arménien fut rythmé par les faits d'armes et non par les négociations interalliées qui n'ont fait que sanctionner diplomatiquement la réalité militaire. Après son enterrement en 1923, la question arménienne laissa la place à la cause arménienne
Based on documents issued from the French records, the main purpose of this ph. D. Deals with the ultimate stage of the Armenian issue from 1914 to 1923. This ph. D. Examines the Armenian genocide which was perpetrated over the World war I as well as the numerous repercussions generated by it. When this genocide nearly come over, revolutionary events dismembered the Russian empire and creating independent states. As a consequence a short-lived Armenian republic arised in 1918. This state disappeared in 1920 under the combined fire of the Moscow-Ankara axis, wars with its Transcaucasians neighbours and inertia of the entente's powers. After the great war, allied powers took no further interest in the Armenian issue by delaying the conclusion of a peace treaty with turkey. As a consequence, each allied power applied its own policy in Asia minor. Until its abandonment in Lausanne, the Armenian problem has been punctuated by feats of arms and not by interallied negotiations. Consequently, this situation has only diplomatically sanctionned militarian reality. After its funeral in 1923, the Armenian issue gave birth to the Armenian cause

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Carver, Michael M. « “A CORRECT AND PROGRESSIVE ROAD” : U.S.-TURKISH RELATIONS, 1945-1964 ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1300992155.

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Mataix, David. « L' Europe des révolutions nationales : l'impossible Union Latine ». Montpellier 3, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004MON30045.

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L'histoire de l'Espagne, l'Italie, la France et le Portugal durant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale a toujours été étudiée dans le cadre d'une histoire nationale plus large –souvent le XXème siècle - ou bien confondue dans celle de la guerre. A l'heure de l'Europe, croiser et comparer ces histoires peut donc permettre de mieux comprendre certains faits. Car comme ne le voyons dans cette étude, beaucoup de divergences apparurent dès la mise en place de ces régimes, entre eux, mais aussi avec l'Allemagne nazie. L'anticommunisme, la place de la religion, les ambitions nationales et celles de leurs chefs sont autant d'éléments qui expliquent en effet nombre de décisions et d'événements nationaux et internationaux pendant et après la guerre. Voilà donc l'histoire de l'Europe latine de 1940 à 1942, des similitudes et des différences entre ces nations mais aussi du rôle qu'elles entendaient jouer et de la place qu'elles pensaient occuper dans l'Europe de l'après-guerre
The history of Spain, Italy, France and Portugal during the Second World War had always been studied in a larger picture – often the XX century - or mixed in the history of the War. Today, comparing and contrasting these histories can help us to understand certain events. As we can see in this thesis there were differencies from the begining of this regimes, but also with nazi - Germany. Anticomunism, the importance of religion, national ambitions and the ambitions of theirs leaders for their countries ans themselves are some elements that explain the decisions and events during and after the war for all these authoritarian regimes. This is the history of the latin Europe from 1940 to 1942, the similitaries and the differencies between these nations as well as the role and they position they wanted to have in post-war Europe

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Peterson, Jody L. « Anglo-American Relations and the Problems of a Jewish State, 1945- 1948 ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501226/.

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This thesis is concerned with determining the effect of the establishment of a Jewish state on Anglo-American relations and the policies of their governments. This work covers the period from the awarding of the Palestine Mandate to Great Britain, through World War II, and concentrates on the post-war events up to the foundation of the state of Israel. It uses major governmental documents, as well as those of the United Nations, the archival materials at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the memoirs of the major participants in the Palestine drama. This study concludes that, while the Palestine problem presented ample opportunities for disunity, the Anglo-American relationship suffered no permanently damaging effects.

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Hamid, Mahmud Shakir. « US foreign policy and Germany (1933-1949) ». Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683058.

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Bàtonyi, Gàbor. « Britain and Central Europe, 1918-1932 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4364e5ed-bbf2-44c3-8d4b-587cb14f69cc.

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This thesis is a study of British policy towards three Central European states in the wake of World War I. The aim of this thesis is to illustrate the continual British attempts to promote a union or at least economic cooperation in 'Danubia'. The first section concerns Anglo-Austrian relations. Chapter I. deals with British plans for the federalisation of the Habsburg Monarchy during the war. Chapter II. compares the Austrian policy of the British Delegation in Paris, the Foreign Office in London, and the Military Representative in Vienna. Chapter III. explains British involvement in the reconstruction of Austria. Chapter IV. traces the reasons for British disentanglement from Austrian affairs after the failed * Eastern Locarno'. The second section deals with the x special relationship' between London and Budapest. Chapter I. highlights the role of two British individuals in exploding the x Hungarian myth' in London. Chapter II. shows how the Bolshevik Revolution affected British diplomatic activities in Hungary. Chapter III. documents British involvement in the establishment of the Horthy regime. Chapter IV. analyses the impact of Anglo-French rivalry in Budapest on the whole of Central Europe. Chapter V. elaborates on British economic policy and the rehabilitation of the 'Pariah of the New Europe'. Chapter VI. illustrates the gradual cooling in Anglo-Hungarian relations. The third section concerns Czechoslovakia. Chapter I. examines the conflict between Czechophiles and Czechophobes in London. Chapter II. is an account of British efforts to prevent French domination in Prague. Chapter III. deals with the manoeuvres of Benes in London and Paris, and the cooling in Anglo-Czech relations. Chapter IV. explores the origins of British indifference towards Czechoslovakia, which resulted in the Munich crisis. The thesis concludes that Britain lost interest in Central Europe because of its failed efforts to promote reconcilation in the Danubian triangle.

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Bast, Oliver. « La politique étrangère de la Perse et la première guerre mondiale (1917-1921) ». Paris 3, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA030143.

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Cette étude porte sur la réponse donnée par la diplomatie persane à la Première Guerre mondiale. Elle met en valeur la politique étrangère poursuivie par les gouvernements iraniens, et particulièrement celui de Vosuq od-Dowle, vis-à-vis des puissances européennes entre 1917 et 1921. A l'encontre des tendances eurocentristes de l'historiographie habituelle pour laquelle le côté persan est quantité négligeable, et qui se borne à analyser la politique des grandes puissances, et surtout celle de la Grande-Bretagne, à l'égard de la Perse, cette étude s'intéresse expressément aux protagonistes persans. En insistant sur le point de vue persan ce travail donne la priorité aux documents iraniens (archives du MAE, Archives Nationales, recueils de documents récemment publiés), mais il utilise également des sources britanniques, françaises et russes. Il aboutit ainsi à une évaluation entièrement nouvelle de l'histoire diplomatique de l'Iran dans la période considérée
This study asks how Persia's diplomacy responded to the challenges of World War I. It analyses the foreign policy adopted by various Iranian cabinets, especially the one led by Vosuq od-Dowle, vis-à-vis the Great Powers in the crucial period between 1917 and 1921. This work concentrates on Persia's own foreign policy makers defying the euro-centrist tendencies of a traditional historiography that has limited itself to the study of the Persian policies pursued by the Great Powers, treating the Persians more or less as nonentities. Insisting on the Iranian point of view, this work is primarily based on hitherto unused Iranian documents stemming from the archives of Iran's Foreign Ministry, the National Archive and numerous recently published document collections, but it also uses published British as well as French and Russian archival sources. As a result of this novel approach we are able to present a totally new interpretation of Iran's diplomatic history in the period under question

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Dullin, Sabine. « Diplomates et diplomatie soviétiques en Europe (1930-1939) : structures et méthodes d'une politique extérieure sous Staline ». Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010645.

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Cette thèse est une étude du commissariat du peuple aux affaires étrangères (NKID) entre 1930 et 1939, période où Litvinov est le chef de la diplomatie. S'inscrivant dans le champ des études historiques sur le processus de décision en politique étrangère, elle s'appuie, grâce à l'ouverture des archives à Moscou, sur une documentation nouvelle qui permet d'analyser de manière plus précise qu'avant les relations de travail existant entre le NKID et les dirigeants du parti. Elle permet aussi d'évaluer la place qu'avait l'appareil diplomatique par rapport au Komintern ou à d'autres institutions soviétiques comme les commissariats au commerce extérieur et à la défense. Cette étude de cas recoupe la question plus vaste du rôle que peuvent jouer les appareils gouvernementaux dans un état-parti à tendance totalitaire. Ces problématiques sont abordées à travers l'histoire de la politique extérieure de l'URSS en Europe. A des moments clé comme l'adhésion de l'URSS à la politique de sécurité collective en décembre 1933, son entrée à la SDN en septembre 1934 ou la conclusion du pacte d'assistance mutuelle avec la France en mai 1935, l'analyse du processus de décision montre l'influence acquise par Litvinov auprès de Staline ainsi que les fonctions d'information et de propagande dévolues aux ambassades soviétiques en Europe et aux délégués de l'URSS à Genève. Ces diplomates soviétiques possèdent des caractéristiques personnelles qui favorisent l'intégration de l'URSS au "concert européen". A partir de la fin 1936 en revanche, dans le contexte de la grande terreur et dans un climat de guerre imminente, le NKID, forge par Litvinov, s'affaiblit avant de disparaitre. Face à des dirigeants, revenant à un anti-impérialisme indifférencié et à une politique isolationniste, les options de Litvinov sont contestées, tandis que Staline, s'efforçant de faire disparaitre toute parcelle d'autonomie, utilise les purges pour prendre en main, sans plus d'intermédiaire, l'outil diplomatique
This thesis is a study of the people's commissariat for foreign affairs (NKID) between 1930 and 1939, when litvinov is the chief of the diplomacy. Belonging to the historical field of studies on the decision-making process, it is based, thanks to the opening of archives in moscow, on a new documentation which offers the possibility to analyse more precisely than before the working relations between NKID and the party's leading circles. It makes it also possible to evaluate the place of the diplomatic institution in regard to the comintern but also to soviet institutions, such as commissariats for foreign trade and for defense. Underlying this study-case, rests the larger question of the role played by higher administrations inside a party-state with totalitarian tendencies. These issues are treated throughout history of soviet union's foreign policy in Europe. At some key-moments, such as the soviet decision to follow a policy of collective security in december 1933, ussr's decision to join the league of nations in september 1934 or the signature of the mutual assistance pact with france in may 1935, the analysis of the decision-making process shows the influence gained by Litvinov amongst soviet leaders in the diplomatic field, and gives a better understanding of the job asked to soviet embassies in Europe and to soviet delegates in Geneva, charged of information and propaganda. Soviet diplomats have a profile allowing a good adaptation and a successful integration of the ussr in the "concert europeen". But, after the end of 1936, in the context of the great terror and a pre-war atmosphere, the NKID, forged by litvinov, becomes weaker, before disappearing totally. Facing party leaders coming back to the theory of undifferentiated anti-imperialism and to an isolationnist policy, Litvinov's projects become questioned, while stalin, doing his best to eliminate any scrap of autonomy, uses the purges to take control over diplomacy with no more go-between

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Kim, Nam G. (Nam Gyun). « US-Japan Relations during the Korean War ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278651/.

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During the Korean War, US-Japan relations changed dramatically from the occupation status into one of a security partnership in Asia. When North Korea invaded South Korea, Washington perceived Japan as the ultimate target. Washington immediately intervened in the Korean peninsula to protect the South on behalf of Japanese security. Japanese security was the most important objective of American policy regarding the Korean War, a reality to which historians have not given legitimate attention. While fighting in Korea, Washington decided to conclude an early peace treaty with Japan to initiate Japanese rearmament. The issue of Japanese rearmament was a focal point in the Japanese peace negotiation. Washington pressed Japan to rearm rapidly, but Tokyo stubbornly opposed. Under pressure from Washington, the Japanese government established the National Police Reserve and had to expand its military forces during the war. When the Korean War ceased in July 1953, Japanese armed forces numbered about 180,000 men. The Korean War also brought a fundamental change to Japanese economic and diplomatic relations in Asia. With a trade embargo on China following the unexpected Chinese intervention in Korea, Washington wanted to forbid Sino-Japanese trade completely. In addition, Washington pressed Tokyo to recognize the Nationalist regime in Taiwan as the representative government of the whole Chinese people. Japan unsuccessfully resisted both policies. Japan wanted to maintain Sino-Japanese trade and recognize the Chinese Communists. The Korean War brought an economic boom to Japan. As a logistical and service supporter for United States war efforts in Korea, Japan received a substantial amount of military procurement orders from Washington, which supplied dollars, technology, and markets for Japan. The Korean War was an economic opportunity for Japan while it was a military opportunity for the United States. The Korean War was the beginning of a new era of American-Japanese military and economic interdependence. This study is based on both American and Japanese sources--primary and secondary.

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Mandalenakis, Helene. « Recognizing identity : the creation of new states in former Yugoslavia ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102808.

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This dissertation examines the emergence of norms and the process through which these influence state behaviour. State identity conceptualized in ethnic or civic terms, shapes state preferences concerning the recognition of new states. Hence, the ethnic or civic identity of Germany, France, Greece and Italy influenced their policy on recognition of the former Yugoslav republics of Slovenia, Croatia, FYROM (Macedonia) and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Nevertheless, the examination of these policies indicates that these preferences were tempered by security concerns and perceptions of threat. Hence, although this thesis supports the constructivist claim on the power of principles such as identity, it also incorporates the realist claims on the significance of geopolitics in foreign policy. Consequently, it does not claim the supremacy of one theory over another instead it attempts to provide a better framework for understanding the sources of foreign policy.

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Wang, Chian 1955. « The Republic of China's Foreign Policy 1949-1988 : Factors Affecting Change in Foreign Policy Behavior ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277809/.

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The Republic of China (ROC) has faced severe foreign policy challenges since its relocation from mainland China to Taiwan, and it has had to modify its position several times as its environment has changed. Its foreign policy since 1949 has gone through three distinct phases of development. A series of diplomatic adversities befell the ROC following its defeat in the United Nations in 1971, which presented the nation with an unprecedented challenge to its survival. These calamitous events for the ROC presented it with a frightening identity crisis: it was isolated in the international community and had become a "pariah" state. This case study examines and analyzes the various changes in the ROC's foreign policy behavior and attempts to determine what has influenced or induced changes in its foreign policy.

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Assila, Henri. « La France et le problème de la sécurité européenne de 1953 à 1963 ». Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040063.

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Le problème de la sécurité européenne tel qu'il est abordé dans cette thèse ne correspond nullement à la question de la sécurité de l’Europe. Par sécurité européenne il faut entendre dans cette recherche sécurité en Europe et plus précisément les différents plans qui furent présentés par l'est comme par l'ouest afin de favoriser ou d'entériner un équilibre après Yalta et Postdam. Dans ces plans il était essentiellement question de trois thèmes : l’Allemagne, le désarmement et les contacts est/ouest. La France bien que fragilisée joue un rôle important sur cette question. Dans une large mesure la politique française à l'égard de la sécurité en Europe a peu varié depuis Richelieu. Paris a toujours voulu maintenir l'équilibre des puissances sur le continent en favorisant le statu quo dans certains cas ou en poussant au conflit dans d'autres. La politique de la France à l'égard de la question de la sécurité européenne nous permet également de nous demander dans quelle mesure une puissance de second ordre peut avoir une politique étrangère indépendante dans un contexte d'équilibre bipolaire
After Stalin’s death, the attitude towards detente changed on both sides of the iron curtain. In this study, the European security is more related to ideas such as disarmament, the future of Germany and the relationship between the east and the west. France though being in a difficult situation had to face the challenge. French diplomacy was indeed very concern by the future of Germany and disarmament problems (geographical situation). The focus of the present study lies on its diplomacy during this short period

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Tully, John Day. « Identities and distortions : Irish Americans, Ireland, and the United States, 1932-1945 ». The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1095347712.

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Akbaba, Turgay. « FROM NEUTRALITY TO ACTIVE ALLIANCE : TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY, 1945-1952 ». Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/282183.

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History
M.A.
Basing its foreign policy on the Wilsonian internationalism, the new Turkish Republic established good relations with countries around the world. It signed neutrality and friendship treaties, and pursued a neutral foreign policy. However, at the end of World War II, it abandoned its longtime neutral foreign policy and aimed to establish closer ties with the American-led West. This thesis examines how and why Turkey shifted its foreign policy from neutrality to active alliance. In the first half of the thesis, I closely deal with what role international developments played in that shift. First, I focus on how Josef Stalin's efforts to obtain bases and joint-control with Turkey over the Turkish Straits created a threat to Turkey's national security. Then, I explore how this threat forced Turkey to leave its neutral foreign policy and seek closer ties with the U.S. In the second half of the thesis, I examine how Turkey's search for economic aid and military commitment accelerated and intensified the shift from neutrality to active alliance. First, I focus on how Turkish officials aggressively sought economic assistance from the U.S. and how U.S. officials became resistant to the Turkish requests for additional aid beginning with the second half of 1947. Considering that Turkey was less vulnerable to the Soviet threat, U.S. officials judged that Turkey did not need aid as much as Western Europe did. In order to overcome the resistance, Turkish officials exaggerated the Soviet threat and used the problem of high defense spending. Then, I explore how Turkish officials sought a military commitment from the U.S. A U.S. military commitment could alleviate the problem of high defense spending and facilitate the flow of economic aid from the U.S. Therefore, Turkish officials carried on a diplomatic offensive to secure a military commitment from the U.S. In doing so, they distanced themselves from neutrality and became an institutional ally of the U.S. in 1952.
Temple University--Theses

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40

Schirmann, Sylvain. « Les relations économiques et financières franco-allemandes : 24 décembre 1932 - 01 septembre 1939 ». Strasbourg 3, 1994. http://books.openedition.org/igpde/2150.

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Le but de cette thèse est de mettre en évidence les liens entre les aspects économiques et les aspects diplomatiques des relations franco-allemandes. Les relations économiques et financières ont-elles freiné ou favorisé la marche à la guerre? Inscrits dans un crise de type planétaire, les échanges entre la France et l'Allemagne ont sans cesse été marqués par un recul pendant la période évoquée par cette étude. Les relations économiques et financières ont des lors un impact limité sur le jeu diplomatique. La première partie de la thèse montre comment les deux pays doivent entre 1932 et 1934 trouver une nouvelle règle du jeu. La seconde explique pourquoi, à partir de l'accord de clearing de 1934, la compensation profite surtout à l'Allemagne. A partir de 1936, les questions politiques imposent une marque décisive aux relations économiques et financières entre les deux pays. C'est ce que décrit la troisième partie. La dernière période, objet de la quatrième partie, est enfin dominée, à partir de 1938, par la question de "l'economic appeasement". Le "Munich economique" prend fin avec l'invasion de la Tchécoslovaquie en mars 1939, suffit à prouver que les relations économiques et financières ont peu pesé sur les relations diplomatiques. Pour l'Allemagne les échanges ont pour fonction de mieux préparer l'économie de guerre ; pour Paris, ils devaient permettre de mieux faire face à la crise et éviter, à la veille de la guerre, un affaiblissement français
The aim of this thesis is to bring to the fore the links between the economic and diplomatic aspects of relations between France and Germany. Did economic and financial relations delay the onset of war, or did they encourage it? Within the context of a world-wide crisis, exchanges between France and Germany were continually marked by a decline during the period evoked by this study. Henceforth, economic and financial relations had a limited impact on the field of diplomacy. The first section of this thesis shows how, between 1932 and 1934, the two countries are forced to alter the rules of the game. The second explains why, from the 1934 clearing agreement onwafds, Germany benefitted the most from compensation. From 1936 onwards, political questions are to have a decisive influence on economic and financial relations between the two countries. This is the subject of the third section. The final period, dealt with in section four, is dominated from 1938 onwards by the question of "economic appeasement". The notion of "economic munich" ends with the invasion of Czechoslovakia in march 1939. The oubreak of war, on the first of september, 1939, is sufficient proof that economic and financial relations had little impact on diplomatic relations. For Germany, the role of these exchanges was that of preparing the war economy more efficiently ; for paris, it was a way of facing the crisis and of avoiding, on the eve of war, a weakening of France

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41

James, William Andrew Philip Justin. « Trust and the transformation of the German question, 1960-1970 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609881.

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Gwozdziowski, Joanna Monica. « Soviet doctrine justifying military intervention from 1945 to 1989 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90e7a6c9-6f60-4e9f-8e75-2df68a018e03.

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This thesis is about the Soviet doctrine used to justify or threaten military intervention since 1945. This interventionist doctrine achieved greater currency in 1968 in the form of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". This doctrine, generally associated with the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, stipulated that Moscow reserved the right to intervene militarily or otherwise if developments in any given socialist country inflicted damage on socialism within that country or the basic interests of other socialist states. The ideological justification for the Soviet invasion was assumed by many observers to have been a quickly engineered reaction to the crisis, rather than a long-standing doctrine. This thesis suggests, however, that the "Brezhnev Doctrine" was not an original formula, but a newer version of a previous doctrine. The thesis traces the origins of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". It examines four crises in Soviet-East European relations for evidence of the doctrine. The thesis looks at how the effectiveness of the doctrine as a tool of Soviet foreign policy began to decline in the mid-1970s. While the doctrine appeared to be extended to the Third World - Afghanistan 1979 - and was "self-administered" by an East European country - Poland 1981 - it proved far less successful than in the past in suppressing opposition. Finally, the thesis examines the demise of the doctrine under Mikhail Gorbachev. The conclusions drawn by this thesis are: that the Soviet interventionist doctrine was not a new phenomenon; that it contained political, ideological, and military components; and, that it served a number of functions within the socialist community.

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Dai, Ke. « Theoretical analysis of US's foreign aid ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595544.

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Lomas, Donna Louise. « Canada’s evolution towards dominion status : an analysis of American-Canadian relations, 1919-1924 ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25458.

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The purpose of this study has been to address an imbalance existing in the historiography relating to American-Canadian relations in the period between 1919-1924. Relying primarily on American sources, this study has attempted to argue that the Canadian government had a unique opportunity to inititiate and execute an independent foreign policy by exploiting her position within the British Empire as well as her close relationship with the United States. In contrast to a number of Canadian studies which have argued that the United States impeded Canada's diplomatic growth in the post World War I period, this work maintains that the United States tried to encourage Canada to assume a more autonomous position because it was in America's interest to do so. Canada's similar attitudes with the United States towards the questions of the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Asian immigration and Article Ten in the League of Nations' Covenant convinced the United States that the Canadian government was potentially useful to the American government in helping to protect its international interests in institutions where it was not represented. The evidence presented in this study maintains that it was the Canadian and British governments that were reluctant to carry out the final steps of appointing a separate Canadian representative to Washington in the early 1920s. As a result, Canada lost her opportunity to establish an independent policy because the United States found alternative methods of protecting its international interests.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate

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Tian, Han Bo. « The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.

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Bosquelle, Dominique. « L' Allemagne au coeur de la politique culturelle de la France en Europe centrale et nordique dans l'entre-deux-guerres ». Aix-Marseille 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001AIX10070.

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Cette thèse a pour sujet l'élaboration dans l'entre-deux-guerres d'une politique culturelle par l'Etat français. En Europe centrale et nordique, cette politique s'est définie par rapport à l'Allemagne et à son hégémonie culturelle (et non par rapport à l'émergence de l'anglais comme première langue de commerce et de diplomatie dans le monde). Dans la première partie sont exposées les conditions générales d'une telle politique à travers l'étude des différents acteurs de cette politique culturelle : la perception des relations internationales et la conception de la politique culturelle qui transparaissent des rapports du budget des Affaires étrangères à la Chambre des députés ; le Service des oeuvres au ministère des Affaires étrangères qui est chargé de mettre en oeuvre cette politique ; le ministère de l'Education nationale et ses organismes associés qui collaborent avec les oeuvres. La deu xième partie est une suite de monographies consacrées aux Instituts français créés dans les capitales autour de l'Allemagne (Prague, Varsovie, Vienne, Amsterdam, Stockholm) et Berlin même, ainsi qu'aux centr es culturels patronnés par le Service des oeuvres qui, pour des raisons politiques, ne purent jamais recevoir les statut d'Institut (pays baltes, Cologne). Les annexes fournissent des listes aussi détaillées que possible des pensionnaires des Instituts, des cours, des concerts et des manifestations de prestige organisés par les Instituts.

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Trolley, de Prévaux Florent. « La politique culturelle de la France en Europe de l'Est (Pologne, Tchécoslovaquie, Hongrie) entre 1948 et 1968 ». Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010581.

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En 1948, la France menait une politique culturelle très active à destination des pays d'Europe centrale, bien que ses positions dans ce domaine aient déjà été fort affaiblies par la Seconde Guerre mondiale et l'occupation allemande. Mais la mainmise des régimes communistes en Europe de l'Est et les débuts de la Guerre froide allaient fortement perturber cette politique. Les événements devaient plus particulièrement concerner la Pologne, la Tchécoslovaquie et la Hongrie, trois pays d'Europe centrale avec qui la France eut une ancienne et intense tradition d'échanges et de liens culturels. La période stalinienne qui couvrit les années 1948-1955 marqua un très net affaiblissement des positions françaises dans ces trois pays ainsi que des échanges entre les deux camps. Les années de détente de 1956 à 1960 consacrèrent une relance des échanges et des activités françaises dans le domaine culturel, parallèlement à un apaisement des relations diplomatiques entre Paris d'une part, Varsovie, Prague et Budapest d'autre part. La période suivante, de 1960 à 1968, fut surtout caractérisée par une nette stabilisation de la situation, aussi bien au niveau des relations diplomatiques que des échanges culturels, ainsi que par la reprise des accords bilatéraux entre les deux camps. Sur l'ensemble du sujet, il s'agira d'étudier quelle vision géopolitique a servie la politique culturelle française en Europe centrale et quels furent ses succès et ses échecs. Il faudra également observer quelles furent les similitudes et les différences entre chacun des trois pays dans leurs rapports avec la France.

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Law, Yuk Fun. « Revolution or rediscovery ? : Post-World War Two American foreign policy at a crossroad ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 1994. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/41.

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Gomez, Ricardo. « Strategic action in EU foreign policy : the Euro-Mediterranean partnership ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1999. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1611/.

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Elmas, Hasan Basri. « Les ambiguites de la politique europeenne de la turquie ». Paris 8, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA081195.

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Les difficultes de l'integration de la turquie a l'europe trouvent leurs origines dans la nature du rapprochement qui lie les deux parties et dans l'evolution de la politique exterieure et interieure turque depuis 1945. L'adhesion de la turquie au conseil de l'europe et a l'otan des l'immediat apres- guerre, ainsi que son association a la cee en 1963, ont ete favorisees par une situation internationale marquee par "la guerre froide". Mais a partir de 1963, a la suite du recentrage de la politique exterieure turque -devenu particulierement important dans les annees 70 et 80- l'europe n'est plus le centre de gravite autour duquel la turquie recherche une reponse a ses problemes economiques et un soutien politique; le pays s'oriente vers l'urss et le moyen-orient. Si l'importance accordee aux pays du moyen-orient s'est accompagnee de l'islamisation du pays, celle-ci ne peut lui etre entierement imputee. En effet, le processus d'islamisation de la turquie a debute dans les annees 50, avec la mise en oeuvre de politiques en rupture avec les reformes laiques. L'utilisation de l'islam dans la competition electorale par les partis de droite, puis la participation du parti islamiste a diverses coalitions gouvernementales durant les annees 70, ont legitime ce dernier en tant que force politique autonome. Apres la prise de pouvoir des militaires en 1980, le referent religieux a ete institutionnalise comme ideologie officielle, fondement d'une "reconstruction de l'unite nationale". Ces deux evolutions, sur les plans exterieur et interieur, ont contribue a l'affaiblissement des relations turco-europeennes. Ainsi, l'accord d'association cee-turquie a perdu tout son interet et les objectifs fixes n'ont pas ete atteints, d'autant plus "facilement" que la communaute n'a jamais fait preuve d'une reelle volonte politique d'integrer la turquie a l'europe. La recente conclusion de l'accord de l'union douaniere entre les deux parties ne s'inscrit pas dans la perspective de l'adhesion de la turquie, mais dans une nouvelle approche, par laquelle l'europe tend a etablir un "partenariat strategique" avec la turquie, consideree comme un element de stabilite dans une aire geographique marquee par les incertitudes; or, cette approche ne prend pas en compte les ambitions hegemoniques et expansionnistes de la turquie, qui, avec la solution militaire apportee a la question kurde et les pro
Turkey's difficulties in becoming integrated to europe have their roots in the nature of the rapprochement between the two parties and in the evolution of turkey's domestic and foreign policy since 1945. Turkey's entry into the council of europe and nato shortly after world war ii and its association with the european economic community in 1963 were favored by the circumstances of the cold war. But after 1963, turkish foreign policy turned more toward the ussr and the middle east - this recentring of external turkish policy became specially important during the seventies and the eighties- ; europe was non longer the center of gravity of turkey's search for political and economic support. Although the greater emphasis laid on relations with middle eastern countries have been accompanied by a growing "islamization" of the country, the latter phenomenon cannot be entirely attributed to the former. In fact, the process of islamization began in the 1950s with the implementation of policies that broke with earlier secular reforms. The use of islam in electoral competition by the parties of the right, and the participation of the fundamentalist refah party in various governmental coalitions in the 1970s, served to legitimate this party as an autonomous political force. After the military takeover in 1980, the religious reference became institutionalized as an official ideology, the basis of the "rebuilding of national unity". These international and domestic developments have contributed to the weakening of turkish-european relations. Thus the formal association between turkey and the ec lost all its interest and failed to attain its objectives, all the more so because the community never dispayed a strong political will to integrate turkey. The recent turkish-european customs union agreement does not imply turkey's entry into the community but signals a new approach whereby europe has established a "strategic partnership" with turkey, seen as an element of stability in a zone of uncertainty. However, this approach does not take into account turkey's hegemonic and expansionist ambitions which, with the military treatment of the kurdish question and the problems of democracy and human rights in the country, are destined to condition the future of turkish-european relations

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Thèses sur le sujet « Europe – Foreign relations – 1945- »

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