Thèses sur le sujet « Europe – Emigration and immigration – Social aspects »

Although the immigrant flow to South Africa has been relatively small compared to that of other immigrant receiving countries, when considered in terms of the size of South Africa's population and the fact that immigrants are restricted to the White population group, the role of immigrants in this society is considerable. Despite this, few comprehensive studies of the experiences of immigrants in South Africa have been attempted. The aim of this study is to examine the adaptation of immigrants from various countries according to a number of dimensions. Adaptation is conceived of as a dynamic and multidimensional process. A mail survey of seven immigrant groups in South Africa was undertaken during 1985. A total of 3,520 completed questionnaires were obtained from respondents representing British, German, Dutch, Italian, Portuguese, British African and Portuguese African immigrants. The relationships among dimensions of subjective adaptation (satisfaction, identification and acceptance) and objective adaptation (social, cultural, economic, religious and political adaptation) are examined. The role of settlement and citizenship intentions are also investigated, as are various factors (country of origin, length of residence, etc.) that affect immigrant adaptation in South Africa. Multivariate analyses are undertaken to explore the nature of the relationships among these variables. Following these analyses a model of immigrant adaptation in South Africa is proposed. This model is intended to serve as a framework to guide future research on the adaptation of immigrants in South Africa.

This thesis is based on ethnographic fieldwork of practicing and performing dances with Indonesian migrant women dancers in Perth, Western Australia and socializing with the women and the communities they belong to. The fieldwork was conducted in 2007 with subsequent annual return trips until 2011, as well as through continued engagement by other forms of communication. This thesis follows the women's journeys and their efforts, firstly to gain recognition as professional cultural performers rather than being seen only as members of an amateur, housewife hobby dance group and secondly to elevate their status beyond that of marriage migrant, specifically within the local Indonesian community. Each chapter is based on particular performances and how each performance evolved from creation to reinvention taking into account factors such as community feedback, and reaction to the group's participation in local multicultural festivals and national celebration days. The thesis discusses how the women negotiate cross-cultural gender structuring discourses and valued ideals of femininity through their performances. Their performances are influenced by transnational and translocal (Jakarta or Bali and Perth) engagements gained through: cultural products; their daily lives amongst the Indonesian migrant community in Perth; their annual return trips to Indonesia; and being involved in the local Indonesian consulate's cultural diplomacy activities. Therefore, within the discipline of anthropology and gender studies this research will contribute to the literature on migration studies, specifically marriage migration of women, migrant's cultural performances, and Indonesian migrants in Australia. The thesis also includes a DVD of two and a half hours which records my edited ethnographic footage, as well as footage given to me by the dancers and their family members. The DVD documents the stories and performances that are related in the thesis. Via a menu, the DVD is organized so that relevant sections can be viewed in conjunction with reading specific chapters within the thesis. Each performance, through the trajectory of its creation and reinvention, tells the narrative of how the Indonesian migrant women try to negotiate representations of themselves and how they deal with the many and varied expectations of their own migrant community, the Indonesian consulate and the larger multicultural Australian audiences as well as the various ideals of Indonesian femininity in migration.

The investigation of the relationships between migration processes and the reconstructions of social identities and of social relations within local, national and international contexts illustrates how social change in an Oaxacan community in Mexico is a complex, multi-faceted process. This study examines how migration processes and social change shape and are shaped by people and practices in specific historical moments interacting dialectically with broader social, economic and political structures. By paying greater attention to the quotidian and to the choices that people make as they go about their daily lives, the heterogeneity and multiplicity of community members' subjectivities and experiences are highlighted. Gender, ethnicity, race, age, class, sexuality, and religion are examined as crucial variables in processes of social differentiation and in the social reproduction of gender/racial/class hierarchies in which women and men are situated. The research applies the concept of hegemony to demonstrate that power is not separate from meaning; the social construction of meanings plays an important role in the creation of consent, collaboration or resistance. Community members have internalized their own domination through hegemonic processes, reproducing the dominant social order, yet they frequently challenge their own particular social locations within this social order. Migration processes and the globalization of communication and consumption in advanced capitalism have played key roles in these processes. New experiences and information technologies have led to a redefining and re-presenting of meanings and practices which have had negative and positive impacts on individuals, on families and on the community.

Thesis (MComm (Industrial Psychology))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.<br>This investigation explored the unique experiences of expatriates who have taken the proverbial first step into the novel and unknown. The main purpose of this study was to bring to the fore the importance of these experiences in a human resources management context. Through the application of the qualitative research methodology based on grounded theory, these experiences were unearthed, analysed and discussed. Various personal and contextual factors that contributed to the experience of success were identified and further elucidated. This study ultimately illustrated the need for organisations to develop adjustment programmes that would assist the expatriation process to provide insights and skills that could empower the individual to achieve true personal fulfilment in pursuit of career success.

Over the past thirty years, Massachusetts has become a hub of Brazilian immigration. Within Massachusetts, the town of Framingham has the highest concentration of Brazilian residents; one census tract in the southern part of this Boston suburb is an astounding 57.4 percent Brazilian. The presence of the Brazilian population in downtown Framingham, also referred to as South Framingham, has transformed the area into a landscape of Brazilian ethnicity. When Brazilians began arriving in South Framingham in the early 1980s, the downtown Central Business District was a blighted landscape. This thesis analyzes how Brazilian identities have become imprinted on the landscape of South Framingham and, in the process, how Brazilian business owners revitalized downtown. Starting with initial Brazilian immigration to Framingham, I present a chronological analysis of how the area developed into an ethnic enclave and, most recently, how the area has become a landscape of ethnic contention. While Brazilian immigrants have improved the economic vitality of South Framingham, the current economic recession and other local factors may diminish the future success of Brazilian business owners and, consequently, their visibility in the landscape of downtown Framingham.

It is sometimes said that the Quebec model of cultural integration constitutes a third way between the French model (republican integration) and the Canadian model (bilingual multiculturalism) for addressing issues relating to immigration. The present thesis analyses that hypothesis by reviewing the history of laws related to language and religion, especially as they concern the integration of immigrants, in France, English Canada and Quebec. In parallel to those legal histories, the thesis presents some statistical data, notably to better understand the motivations of legislators and to assess the degree of conformity between social change and the policies these legislators have sought to pursue.<br>After having demonstrated certain weakness of the Quebec model of integration, this thesis proposes three reforms to improve it. The first one, which concerns language legislation, is of republican inspiration. The other two focus on laws concerning religion and are inspired by the Canadian model of integration.

En Belgique, à l’instar d’autres populations d’origine immigrée, les populations d’origine africaine subsaharienne font face à une relative impuissance. Cette dernière peut-être déterminée en fonction de critères tels que l’accès à l’emploi, au logement, à l’enseignement, ou encore le statut juridico-politique. Dans ma thèse, je m’intéresse aux stratégies mises en place par ces populations afin d’améliorer collectivement leur sort. J’articule la question des conséquences sociales et culturelles de la migration en termes de dialectique de l’identification, focalisée notamment sur l’utilisation couramment synonymique des catégories ethno-raciales « africain », « subsaharien » et « noir », avec celle des formes de l’action collective dégagées dans le cadre des social movement studies. Ma réflexion part d’une proposition théorique formulée de façon synthétique par Pnina Werbner et suggérant que, malgré le climat concurrentiel que la formation et l’expansion d’associations ethniques peut générer, leur développement et leur mise en relation constituerait les prémices incontournables d’éventuelles actions collectives protestataires. Pour Pnina Werbner, cette mise en réseau des associations, si elle s’assortit d’un processus de « convergence idéologique », peut donner lieu à des mobilisations. J’ai enrichi cette proposition de deux manières :d’une part, en affinant la notion de convergence idéologique au moyen de la littérature sur le cadrage et le processus d’alignement des cadres dans la mobilisation collective, et, d’autre part, en articulant dans mon analyse les trois courants théoriques centraux des recherches sur des mouvements sociaux – structure des opportunités politiques, mobilisations des ressources, cadres de l’action collective.<p><p>J’ai ainsi montré que le système politique belge était globalement à la fois favorable à l’expression de potentiels mouvements sociaux issus de l’immigration et peu ouvert à leur reconnaissance officielle. J’ai également mis en évidence que les niveaux infra-nationaux et supra-nationaux véhiculaient des opportunités politiques spécifiques. Je me suis ensuite penchée sur la façon dont les différentes opportunités et contraintes politiques mises à jour ont été saisies par deux associations « africaines » soucieuses de former un groupe d’intérêt représentant l’ensemble de la collectivité d’origine africaine subsaharienne, et sur les conséquences organisationnelles de ces choix. Ces études de cas m’ont permis de mettre en exergue le répertoire d’action accommodateur dans lequel ces organisations s’inscrivent, et la relation de leurs membres avec la structure des opportunités politiques. J’ai souligné comment certaines de ces opportunités, dans la façon dont elles ont été réappropriées par les leaders associatifs, ont eu un impact négatif sur la cohésion interne de leurs associations. Aussi, en me penchant plus spécifiquement sur la façon dont les différentes parties prenantes de ces organisations donnent sens aux activités de celles-ci, j’ai montré que les objectifs de ces associations étaient, de façon générale, investis de sens fort différents par les acteurs, y compris au sein des collèges d’administrateurs. Dans la lignée des travaux de Michael Herzfeld, les résultats de ma recherche soulignent la relation disémique inévitable entre la volonté de représentation communautaire officielle et les pratiques internes à la collectivité. Depuis quelques années, les entrepreneurs de représentation de cette collectivité tâchent d’amenuiser cette disémie en engageant leurs associations respectives, rebaptisées « panafricaines », dans des actions collectives. L’analyse de ces actions rend compte de la construction d’un « répertoire symbolique commun » qui se décline autour du référent panafricain et de politiques identitaires pragmatiques. Enfin, j’ai identifié les formes de sociabilité plutôt élitaires du réseau associatif « panafricain » comme une limite de son extension.<p><p>Ces développements empiriques montrent tout l’intérêt d’observer largement « l’espace des mouvements sociaux », c’est-à-dire la trajectoire des organisations et des acteurs susceptibles de donner forme à l’action collective. Ce faisant, mon travail contribue à décloisonner des études sur les mouvements sociaux trop souvent cantonnées aux actions protestataires directement menées contre l’autorité publique.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Many different categories of people move into South Africa daily. Each category has its defined purposes for coming here such as seeking opportunities, a better life and in some cases a safe haven. Many South Africans have become intolerant towards immigrants entering the country. In some cases immigrants have to endure name calling, harassment and in more extreme circumstances violent attacks. This study proposes to focus on intolerance in South Africa from 1990 to 2001 and describes whether South Africans have become more intolerant towards immigrants over this period. It therefore focuses on certain groups in the South African society based on ethnicity, level of education and category of employment. A quantitative method is used by means of utilising already existing statistics from the World Value Surveys conducted in 1990, 1995 and 200l. It also takes the form of a longitudinal study by describing xenophobic and intolerant attitudes over an elevenyear period.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Elke dag kom verskillende groepe mense na Suid-Afrika. Hulle het ook verskeie redes waarom hulle hierheen kom. Sommige mag gelok word deur die geleenthede wat die land hulle mag bied en ander vlug hierheen op soek na 'n veilige blyplek. Alhoewel hulle hierheen kom vir definitiewe redes, word hulle nie deur alle Suid-Afrikaners verwelkom nie. Hulle word dikwels die slagoffers van aanvalle en word ook gereeld geteister. Die doel van hierdie studie is om verdraagsaamheid in Suid-Afrika te analiseer deur om na vreemdelingsvrees van Suid-Afrikaners teenoor immigrante te kyk. Die studie wil die vlak van verdraagsaamheid tenoor immigrante vanaf 1990 tot 2001 beskryf. Klem word op spesifieke groepe van Suid-Afrikaners geplaas naamlik rasse groep, die vlak van geletterdheid so wel as werkskategorie. Die studie gebruik dus 'n kwantitatiwe navorsingrnetode en statistieke van die World Value Surveys wat in 1990, 1995 en 2001 gedoen is. Dit beoog om die veranderinge in verdraagsaamheid oor 'n periode van elf jaar te beskryf.

Situated in a Congolese transnational 'community' in Muizenberg, a suburb of Cape Town, South Africa, the thesis focuses on the lives of three middle class Congolese male informants. Their contingent acquaintance with a South African white Christian man gave them access to valuable social capital; social capital that positioned them advantageously to date and eventually marry European white women and thereby further their culturally-defmed economic/material career goals. To demonstrate the socio-economic trajectory of the three, I compare their social positioning with other Congolese men and women resident in Muizenberg. I show how these men and women, like my three main informants, activate their Congolese 'habitus' to secure access to social networks and the social capital therein. The difference between these Congolese men and women and my three main informants, however, is their strategic use of contingency, and the instrumental capitalisation of their cultural capital through the creation of a client-patron relationship with a South African in order to further their life goals. The thesis reorientates the migration literature on African migration from a focus on the implications of migrant remittances to the home country, to a focus on individual migrants' agency in the host country and the cultural influence of the society of origin. While I acknowledge that my research participants are part of a transnational social field, the focus on one locality and the relatively longitudinal approach of the study grounds the analysis both in the day-to-day lives of these migrants and in their migrant careers in and beyond Muizenberg and South Africa. With this orientation, the thesis is able to reveal that some Congolese migrants are comfortable to create a holding place for themselves in South Africa, while others - ever aware of the Congolese ambition to travel overseas - migrate beyond South African borders. For these Congolese migrants, South Africa is then a transit space. Fundamentally, all of my research participants give expression to Mobutu's edict of on se debrouille (literally, 'one fends for oneself), but some are more able to achieve the ultimate aspiration of settling in the First World -lola.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The migratory flow of Africans to South Africa form the north of Africa was restrained until the early 1990's. Before this period the political ideology of apartheid discriminated against African immigrants, while favouring the migration of people of European descent. Although numerous studies have drawn attention to the implications of the influx of African immigrants to South Africa and their socio-economic adaptation, not much research has been done on reasons for international migration as provided by the migrant. The demographic and economic implications of African migration not only dominate most of the work in this field, but it even seems to be the only concern of researchers investigating international immigration of Africans. The study focuses on factors underlying the decision of African immigrants to migrate to South Africa and who choose Cape Town as their place of destination. Data from in-depth interviews are analysed to determine the motivations for migration to Cape Town. Attention is being paid to the circumstances in the migrants' home countries that motivated their decision to emigrate, the role of social networks in providing information regarding the choice of destination and migration routes, the obstacles they encountered, their adaptation in Cape Town and their perceptions of Cape Town as a place of permanent residence. From the literature review on reasons for migration, is emerges that there are two dominant theoretical approaches (i.e. macro and micro theories) for explaining why international migration begins. The macro theories focus on migration stream, identifying the conditions under which large-scale movements take place and describing the demographic, economic and social characteristics of the migrants in aggregate terms. Micro theories focus on the socio-psychological factors that differentiate migrants from non-migrants, together with theories of motivation, decision-making, satisfaction and identification. Although each theory ultimately seeks to explain the same phenomenon, they employ different concepts, assumptions and frames of reference. The various explanations offered are not necessarily contradictory in nature but are, in fact, a reflection of how social realities could be studied and understood from various angles. This study employs an eclectic approach by using insights from both macro and micro levels of analysis. The study also considers the appropriateness of a qualitative research design in researching specific aspects of migration and employs a qualitative case study method. This method allows for a deeper reflection on the part of the individual on factors responsible for their decision to move. Semi-structured in-depth interviews have been conducted with four African immigrants in the central business district of Cape Town. The study found that in certain instances the immigrants migrate for different reasons, but under similar circumstances. It emerged from the case material that the same issues sometimes hold different significance for each migrant. One aspect shared by all four immigrants, is that it seems that circumstances in their countries of origin forced them to move and that they did have much of a choice - their lives were threatened. Their relatively high level of training and access to funding most probably assisted them in their move. Those people in not such a favourable position are left behind. The study also found that exchange and free flow of information and social networks directs destination of movement, rather than determine whether migration takes place. However, the information immigrants receive is not always correct and tends not to focus on the negative aspects of immigration. Once in Cape Town the immigrants felt isolated, experienced prejudice, and suffered hostility and discrimination at the hands of South Africans. It appears that many South Africans do not distinguish between asylum seekers, refugees and economic migrants. The common denominator of their "foreignness" appears to be all that is necessary for many to harbour negative attitudes. Xenophobia not only manifests itself in negative attitudes, but also increasingly in victimisation against the immigrants. Because of these factors and the problems they experience in finding jobs where they can apply their skills, the immigrants indicated that they do not intend staying permanently in South Africa.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die migrasie van inwoners van die noorde van Afrika na Suid-Afrika was tot die vroeë 1990s relatief beperk. Voor hierdie tydperk het die politieke ideologie van apartheid gediskrimineer teen inwoners van die res van Afrika, terwyl die migrasie van Europeërs aangemoedig is. Alhoewel verskeie studies die aandag gevestig het op die sosio-ekonomiese aanpassing en die implikasies van die invloei van immigrante uit Afrika na Suid- Afrika, bestaan daar weinige navorsing oor die redes vir internasionale migrasie soos verskaf deur die migrant self. Die demografiese en ekonomiese implikasies van immigrasie domineer nie slegs die meeste van die werk in hierdie verband nie, maar blyk ook die enigste besorgdheid te wees van navorsers wat die internasionale migrasie van Afrikane bestudeer. Die studie fokus op onderliggende faktore wat immigrante uit Afrika motiveer om na Suid-Afika te immigreer en Kaapstad as bestemming kies. Data van indiepte onderhoude word ontleed ten einde die motiverings vir migrasie na Kaapstad vas te stel. Aandag word gegee aan die omstandighede in die migrante se lande van oorsprong, die rol van sosiale netwerke in die verskaffing van inligting oor die keuse van 'n bestemming en migrasieroetes, die struikelblokke langs die pad, hulle aanpassing in Kaapstad en hulle persepsies oor Kaapstad as 'n permanente bestemming. Dit blyk uit die literatuuroorsig oor redes vir migrasie dat daar twee dominante teoretiese benaderings (makro en mikro benaderings) vir die verduideliking van internasionale migrasie bestaan. Die makro benaderings fokus op migrasiestroom en identifiseer die omstandighede waaronder grootskaaaise bewegings plaasvind en beskryf ook die demografiese, ekonomiese en sosiale eienskappe van die migrante in groepsverband. Daar teenoor fokus mikro teorieë op die sosiaal-sielkundige faktore wat migrante van nie-migrante onderskei, tesame met teorieë oor motivering, besluitneming, bevrediging en identifikasie. Alhoewel elke teorie uiteindelik dieselfde verskynsel verduidelik, word verskillende konsepte, aannames en verwysingsraamwerke toegepas. Hierdie studie gebruik 'n eklektiese benadering waarin insigte uit beide mikro- en makrovlak ontledings gebruik word. Die studie oorweeg ook die geskiktheid van 'n kwalitaitiewe navorsingsontwerp vir die bestudering van spesifieke aspekte van migrasie en maak gebruik van 'n kwalitatiewe gevallestudie metode. Die metode fasiliteer 'n dieper refleksie van individue betreffende die faktore wat bygedra het tot hulle besluit om te migreer. Semi-gestruktureerde indiepte onderhoude is met vier immigrante gevoer. Daar is vasgestel dat immigrante oor verskillende redes migreer, maar onder dieselfde omstandighede. Uit die materiaal van die gevallestudies blyk dit dat dieselfde kwessies partykeer uiteenlopende betekenis vir elke migrant het. Een aspek wat deur al vier immigrante gedeel word, is die feit dat omstandighede in hulle lande van herkoms hulle forseer het om te migreer - hulle lewens is bedreig. Hulle . relatiewe hoë opleidingspeil en toegang tot fondse het hulle heel waarskynlik daartoe in staat gestelom te trek. Diegene in 'n minderbevoorregte posise het agtergebly. Die studie bevind ook dat die uitruil en vrye vloei van inligting en sosiale netwerke eerder die plek van bestemming bepaal as om die besluit om te migreer beïnvloed. Dit blyk egter dat die inligting wat immigrante ontvang soms verkeerd is en nie op die negatiewe aspekte van migrasie fokus nie. Wanneer die immigrante eers in Kaapstad is, voel hulle geïsoleerd, ervaar hulle vooroordeel, vyandigheid en diskriminasie van Suid-Afrikaners. Dit wilook voorkom asof baie Suid-Afrikaners nie 'n onderskeid tref tussen asielsoekers, vlugtelinge en ekonomiese migrante nie. Net die feit dat hulle vanaf 'n ander Afrika land afkomstig is, maak baie mense negatief teenoor hulle. Xenofobie manifesteer egter nie slegs in negatiewe ingesteldhede nie, maar daar is ook toenemende viktimisasie. Weens hierdie faktore en die probleme wat hulle ondervind om werksgeleenthede te vind waarin hulle hul vaardighede kan toepas, dra daartoe by dat immigrante Suid-Afrika nie as 'n permanente tuiste beskou nie.

International Social Survey Programme 2003 found that about 90% of the people in Japan favour the idea of maintaining the ethnic minorities' culture, rather than their adaptation to the dominant majority's culture. It is outstandingly high percentage, compared internationally. The result is consistent with the fact that multicultural coexistence ("Tabunka kyosei") policy is welcomed in many local governments to support the immigrants. However, it contradicts to some academics' argument that Japan puts assimilative pressure to ethnic minorities. Therefore, this thesis analyses why the idea of maintaining the ethnic minorities' culture enjoys such outstanding support in Japan. The mixed method approach of quantitative and qualitative study was used to solve this puzzle. International comparison based on the statistical analysis of national identity and attitude toward the ethnic minorities' culture revealed that (i) about 80% of the Japanese people have ethnic conceptualization of national identity, which is exceptionally high percentage than other countries, and (ii) the vast majority of both the people with ethnic and civic national identity favour the idea of maintaining the ethnic minorities' culture. Therefore, the qualitative analysis of interview data with schoolteachers of the immigrants' children were conducted to examine why, of which aspect and to what extent teachers expect the immigrants' children to maintain their ethnic identity and distinct culture, and expect them to adapt themselves to the dominant Japanese culture. It was found out that it is expected for the immigrants' children to maintain their ethnic minority identity and traditional culture in private, and to adapt themselves to group oriented and rule-based Japanese culture in public. However, such group orientated and rule-based culture is not regarded as "culture", but simply as "rules" to give an order to ethnic and cultural diversity. The findings of this thesis imply that multicultural coexistence is a new form of cultural nationalism in Japan ("tertiary nationalism"), meaning a nationalism which (i) has been brought about by confronting the growing ethnic and cultural diversity within a nation, particularly after '90s in Japan, and (ii) tries to preserve its rule-based culture and to spread it to the ethnic minorities by taking off its label of "culture", (iii) though not incorporating them to a member of a nation, but (iv) expecting them to maintain their ethnic identity and traditional culture in private.

La thèse a pour objet l'émancipation des femmes issues de l'immigration. Elle propose d'évaluer les effets de la migration et de l'accès au marché du travail sur l'émancipation des filles de migrantes d'origine marocaine en Belgique francophone.<p>L'étude tente d'abord de mettre en lumière le rôle des femmes immigrées dans l'histoire de la Belgique en le ré-articulant à l'histoire sociale, l'histoire des femmes et l'histoire de l'immigration. Ensuite, elle montre que l'approche dominante des travaux sur les migrations ne prend pas en compte la dimension du genre, ce qui a pour conséquence de masquer la différenciation des expériences migratoires selon le sexe. Enfin, elle replace l'analyse du statut des femmes immigrées et de leurs descendantes dans la complexité des rapports sociaux de sexe, de race et de classe afin de mieux rendre compte des réalités concrètes et de sortir du simplisme des approches culturalistes.<p>La thèse développe une analyse des politiques d'intégration (politiques éducative, de l'emploi et de lutte contre les discriminations) visant l'émancipation des immigrées et en évalue l'impact sur les filles de migrant-es d'origine marocaine. Elle présente enfin les trajectoires individuelles des filles de migrant.es marocain.es et examine les facteurs individuels et collectifs favorisant leur émancipation.<p><br>Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Student mobility policies have become a high priority of the European Union since they are expected to result in private and social returns. However, at the same time these policies risk leading to unwanted geographical consequences, particularly brain drain from lagging to core regions, as formerly mobile students may not return on completion of their studies. Accordingly, this thesis focuses on both the private returns to student mobility and the determinants of return migration. It is important to note that, currently, the literature about the mobility of students is scarce and provides mixed evidence regarding both these issues. We contribute to the current academic debate in this field by doing a case study on the Master and Back programme, which was implemented since 2005 by the Italian lagging region of Sardinia. The programme is co-financed by the European Social Fund and consists of providing talented Sardinian students with generous scholarships to pursue Master's and Doctoral degrees in the world's best universities. Concerning the private returns to migration, we evaluate the impact of this scheme on the odds of employment and net monthly income of the recipients. Moreover, we assess whether the scheme has been able to improve their job matching. To perform this analysis we access unique administrative data on the recipients and a suitable control group, complemented by a purpose-designed web survey. In addition, we enquire into the determinants of return migration and the underlying decision-making process by using a mixed-methods approach, which is particularly well-suited for very complex phenomena like the one at hand.

Evidence on comparative quality of life and housing of Italians at origin, and emigrants in two destinations was gathered from field research, and from three surveys: one, of residents of the town of origin (n = 153), Larino, in the province of Campobasso, and the other two, of residents of major destinations of Larinesi emigrants--Montreal (n = 118), and Milano (n = 73). The main working hypothesis was tested that the best quality of life is found among emigrants living in Montreal. The research also explicated the historical connection between policies of migration and housing concerns in Canada and in Italy.<br>Quality of life was measured using a battery of structural, objective and subjective indicators that were calibrated for relative comparisons between the two cities of destination by the re-analysis of two large surveys (Milano n = 966; Montreal n = 461), and by the use of of official statistics.<br>Multivariate analysis results showed that in comparison to the town of origin, Montreal produced the best and most distinguishable socio-demographic context and Milano the best geographic context. The objective indicators based on the ratios of income to need and those based on income relative to each city, are most influential in Montreal. Subjective indicators such as attitudes and lifestyles are more consistently related to levels of education than to place of residence.<br>High rates of house ownership among the Larinesi in Montreal, and changes in their patterns of use of space which accompany permanent resettlement--especially those regarding the use of an extra kitchen--were found to be explainable in terms of the "housing culture" of the town of origin.

Os Livros de Registro de Ofícios Eclesiásticos podem colaborar com a investigação dos elementos socioculturais da área de imigração alemã-evangélica. Para isto, identifica elementos, tais como: dados demográficos, número de nascimentos por ano, prática da transmissão dos nomes de batismo, local dos batizados, evolução do número de nascidos/batizados, nomes que se repetiam, relação entre nomes de padrinhos e batizandos e profissão dos pais das crianças. Nos casamentos: a identificação da origem dos nubentes, religião, profissão desempenhada pelos noivos; os locais da realização das cerimônias de casamentos; a idade e a faixa etária com a qual se casavam. Nos registros de óbitos: idade e sexo, a causa mortis de homens, mulheres e crianças na região, que, no período da imigração alemã, denominava-se Picada dos Conventos e/ou São José dos Conventos, entre os anos de 1860 a 1903. Hoje, a localidade corresponde ao Bairro Conventos, na cidade de Lajeado, no Rio Grande do Sul. Por meio da fonte referida, é possível vislumbrar a teia de relações socioculturais que se organizava através do ofício dos pastores, no momento da identificação dos fiéis em seus livros. Estes registros assumem caráter de testemunho genealógico, colaborando para a manutenção de um determinado status ao grupo de ascendência alemã e protestante. No último capítulo, está a apresentação do blog, que é a complementação do trabalho, uma ferramenta de diálogo e troca de conhecimentos com a sociedade, relacionados ao tema, como instrumento para divulgação e compartilhamento dos dados produzidos pela pesquisa.<br>Submitted by Ana Guimarães Pereira (agpereir@ucs.br) on 2017-07-11T13:10:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcos Alberto Dal Cin.pdf: 5884197 bytes, checksum: 41808aade2f8aac085118ae5be8739c5 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-11T13:10:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcos Alberto Dal Cin.pdf: 5884197 bytes, checksum: 41808aade2f8aac085118ae5be8739c5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-11<br>The Ecclesiastical memo files Registry Books may collaborate in investigating the sociocultural elements in the area of evangelical German immigration. For this purpose, it identifies elements like demographic data, number of births per year, the transmission practice of baptism names, the location of the baptized, the evolution in the number of the born/baptized, the repeated names, the relation between godparents and baptized and the children parents’ profession. Marriages, with the bride and groom origin of identification, religion, bride and groom’s professions, location of the wedding ceremonies holding, the age and the age group in which they married. In the death records, age and sex, the men, women and children’s death cause in the region that, in the German immigration period, was called Picada Conventos and/or São José dos Conventos, between the years 1860 and 1903. Today, de location comprehends the Conventos district in the city of Lajeado in Rio Grande do Sul. By means of the referred source is possible to visualize the sociocultural relation net organized through the preachers’ office at the moment of the believers in their books. These registers assume the character of a genealogic witness collaborating to the maintenance of a certain status of a group with German and protestant ascendance. In the last chapter, there is the presentation of the blog, which is the work supplement, a dialogue and knowledge-sharing tool with society as instrument to promote and share data produced by this research.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-08-22T12:13:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Diane Portugueis.pdf: 2871516 bytes, checksum: b7e2068a892e31710565afdf3e5221e5 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T12:13:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Diane Portugueis.pdf: 2871516 bytes, checksum: b7e2068a892e31710565afdf3e5221e5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-03<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES<br>Our focus is to investigate how the process of constitution, metamorphosis and identity rearrangement is organized, from the perspective of liminality, a condition individuals encounter on their paths in the quest for greater financial autonomy. We also strive to understand the crisis inherent to their whereabouts while travelling between different living spaces, in different countries. Our subjects are Italian-Brazilians who work in ice-cream parlors in Germany. These are young people who have been encouraged to acquire an Italian passport through the network in place between the cities of Urussanga (State of Santa Catarina, Southern Brazil) and Longarone, Italy, which enables them to be recruited, trained for jobs at these gelaterias, and then later sent to Germany. They develop relationships with these different countries, since they continue to visit their hometowns, where they buy property with the intent to come back permanently one day. We address issues related to the relationships that are built with these countries: inclusion/exclusion, the creation of subjectivities, forms of oppression and identity politics. In this thesis, we address how these individuals deal with living life between places and how this changes their identities. The methodology chosen for data collection was the life story narratives, which have been analyzed based on the identity-metamorphosis-emancipation phrase proposed by Antônio da Costa Ciampa, as well as multi-situated ethnographies and interviews. The past, the present, as well as identity politics all become intertwined in the projects of these ice-cream parlor workers creating a living space that lies between (no) places. These configurations arise due to a constant lack of definition regarding their status, triggered by the socioeconomic, historical and political relationship in which they were socialized and that they recreate, leading to permanent liminality<br>Nosso foco é a investigação de como se organiza o processo de constituição, metamorfose e rearranjo identitário, dentro da perspectiva de liminaridade que atravessa a vivência de indivíduos em sua busca por maior autonomia financeira. Procuramos também compreender as crises implícitas aos seus movimentos no trânsito entre distintos espaços de vivência, em diferentes países. Nossos sujeitos são ítalo-brasileiros que atuam como trabalhadores em sorveterias na Alemanha. São jovens estimulados a adquirir o passaporte italiano pela rede existente entre as cidades de Urussanga-SC e Longarone, na Itália, que possibilita o recrutamento, o treinamento para o trabalho em gelaterias e a inserção na Alemanha. São relações com territórios diversos, uma vez que continuam a visitar sua cidade natal, onde adquirem propriedades para um futuro retorno definitivo. Englobam-se questionamentos acerca da relação construída com os territórios, inclusão/exclusão, produção de subjetividades, modos de opressão e políticas de identidade. Como os indivíduos lidam com a vida entre lugares e como isto transforma suas identidades são questões exploradas nesta tese. A metodologia escolhida para obtenção de dados é a de narrativas de histórias de vida, que são analisadas com base no sintagma identidade-metamorfose-emancipação proposto por Antônio da Costa Ciampa, entrevistas não diretivas e a etnografia multi-situada. Passado, presente e políticas de identidade se misturam nos projetos dos sorveteiros constituindo um espaço de vidas entre (não) lugares. Essas configurações surgem em resposta à indefinição de status, desencadeada pela relação socioeconômica, histórica e política em que os sujeitos são socializados, ocasionando a permanência na liminaridade

Diasporas have been occurring for thousands of years, and today globalization has facilitated the quick rate at which diasporas occur on a global scale. Diasporas entail the mass movement of refugees across international borders, and diasporic peoples today now find themselves journeying across oceans and continents to the safety of host cities in a matter of weeks or days. My research analyzes the effects that Bosnian immigrants have had on the cultural landscape of Bowling Green, Kentucky. When people move, they bring their cultures with them, and this type of cultural diffusion impacts the landscape of the host cities. As geographic research on diasporas is limited, this study aims to fill the gap that exists. Bowling Green, Kentucky, was selected for this analysis due to its large refugee population. Some of Bowling Green’s refugee population is comprised of immigrants from Iraq, Burma, Cambodia, and Sudan. Bosnians comprise the largest population of refugees in the city. In addition to examining immigrant policies and theories, the impacts of the Bosnian diaspora on Bowling Green’s cultural landscape will also be identified. Understanding how those cultures modify landscapes is an important part of diasporic research. The data used for this study were acquired through surveys, census details, telephone directories, interviews, and the extant literature. The hypothesis of this study is that Bosnian immigrants have a stronger visual impact on Bowling Green’s cultural landscape than other immigrant ethnic groups due to their large representation in the city.

Using a mixed methods, interdisciplinary case study approach, this research project explores the benefits, risks, and challenges of male migration for women who reside in San Juan Guelavía, Oaxaca, Mexico. In a unique approach in the field of migration studies, this project considers not only women whose husbands have migrated--absent husbands--but also the impact of male migration on women whose husbands have returned as well as women whose husbands have never left--anchored husbands. Women with returned husbands and even women with anchored husbands feel the threat, worry, and fear that male migration could, at an unknown point in the future, fragment their family. This case study approach looks at how women's work responses are differentiated by husbands' migration status, by age, and by husband's control over women's activities. Women with absent husbands tend be income-producing women as well as women ages 35 to 50 far more than women 35 and under and 50 and over. With motherhood as a cultured priority of rural Mexican women, women's income-producing opportunities are primarily limited to options within the home or in venues that can accommodate their children until the children enter school. Although this case study showed little or no connection between male migration and educational attainment, substantial policy-worthy findings suggest that the lack of value that residents of San Juan Guelavía place on the local public high school curriculum negatively impacts educational attainment of children beyond middle school. Women's traditional and cultural emphasis of marriage for their daughters as well as their reluctance to expose daughters to the negative influences of the city sway the decisions that women make for their daughters.

Les changements politiques qui ont eu lieu dans les pays de l’Est européen depuis 1989 ont eu pour conséquence l’ouverture des frontières des ex-pays communistes, facilitant les départs et les retours des leurs citoyens. La transformation économique qui se poursuit dans cette région de l’Europe a toutes ces conséquences :la hausse du chômage, les salaires très peu élevés, les difficultés économiques observées notamment dans les régions rurales etc. Tout cela provoque un déplacement de personnes qui, cherchant leur terre d’exile, cherchant une vie meilleure, se dirigent de l’Est vers l’Ouest du continent. <p>En 1991, le Royaume de Belgique a changé la législation concernant les citoyens polonais en leur accordant l’entrée libre, sans visas, pour un séjour touristique de trois mois. Cette modification de la loi a initié une nouvelle vague migratoire provenant de Pologne. <p><p>Notre étude concerne le milieu immigré polonais de Bruxelles, avec une prise en considération particulière de la question de la naissance et le fonctionnement d’un nouveau type d’organisation sociale qu’est la communauté transnationale. L’approche théorique de cette recherche est basée sur les études récentes relatives aux communautés transnationales. A partir de travaux de Alejandro Portes, Douglas Massey et Saskia Sassen, Robert Cohen et Steven Vertovec nous pouvons définir une communauté transnationale comme une nouvelle forme de vie sociale qui est composée d’immigrés vivant dans le pays d’accueil, des familles et des enfants des migrants qui sont dans le pays d’origine, d’anciens immigrés qui sont déjà rentrés dans leur pays d’origine et des migrants potentiels. Les communautés transnationales développent leurs propres entreprises, organisations, institutions et différentes formes de dépendances qui permettent à leurs membres de vivre et travailler dans le pays d’immigration, même sans avoir ni le permis de séjour ni le permis de travail. Le réseau de liens et d’organisations aide aussi la circulation des biens, des fonds financiers, ainsi que des informations entre le pays d’accueil et le pays d’origine. <p><p>Le but de cette recherche est de vérifier l’hypothèse qu’actuellement à Bruxelles se développe une communauté transnationale d’immigrés polonais illégaux. Cette communauté aide les migrants à exister en même temps dans les deux pays ;par exemple gagner de l’argent à Bruxelles et continuer la construction d’une maison dans le village natal, travailler en Belgique et élever des enfants qui sont en Pologne. Nous analysons la formation, les logiques de fonctionnement et l’évolution de la communauté transnationale polonaise implantée à Bruxelles ainsi que les organisations et les institutions, entre autres informelles, aidant les Polonais qui vivent sur le sol belge. Les questions liées à la problématique de l’emploi des immigrés polonais à Bruxelles constituent des éléments importants de notre recherche. L’accès des immigrés polonais au marché informel de l’économie belge, le fonctionnement du secteur du travail illégal, les métiers ethniques, la dynamique d’insertion des Polonais sur le marché de l’emploi bruxellois, les relations entre les patrons belges et les employés polonais ainsi que l’existence du secteur informel des entreprises polonaises nous semble particulièrement intéressant à développer dans le cadre de notre recherche. <p><p>Une analyse approfondie de la communauté polonaise de Bruxelles représente un intérêt non négligeable tant pour la Région de Bruxelles – Capitale que pour l’Etat belge, notamment à cause de l’ampleur de cette immigration. Les ressortissants polonais séjournant en Belgique constituent le premier groupe migrant parmi tous les immigrés originaires de l’Europe centrale et orientale. Dans ce contexte, il nous semble intéressant de connaître cette communauté qui se développe sur le sol belges depuis déjà 15 ans sans aucun statut officiel pendant plusieurs années. <p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Due to the ever growing numbers of immigrants entering this country, school districts are faced with ever greater challenges for educating newly arrived immigrant students. Often these students arrive with little to no English ability and little to no school experience. Several educational program models, including ESL and bilingual education, have been popularized in school districts experiencing immigrant population growth. Recently, a supplemental model, the newcomer center/program, has gained popularity. The newcomer model seeks to educate and nurture newly arrived immigrant students with little to no English ability in the social and school expectations of the United States. Due to difficulties in conducting research and the relative newness of the program, there is a lack of quantitative research on the effectiveness of the newcomer model. The purpose of this study was to examine the effectiveness of the newcomer program in one city school district by comparing students who had completed the newcomer program to students who had been unable to attend and were instead directly mainstreamed into their regular assigned schools. The study used a questionnaire design in which the mainstream teachers were asked to rate the students using a Likert scale. Students were rated on their social and school adjustment. In addition to comparing students by program model group (newcomer and pre-beginner), statistical analyses were also used to determine any possible differences among gender, language groups and student ages. Although no significant difference was found between the group of students who successfully completed the newcomer program and the group of students who were directly mainstreamed, there were a few significant findings among gender, age and language comparisons.

This study focuses on the rhetoric of racial politics and the ideology of exclusion it produces. This study analyzes the political rhetoric constructed by David Duke, white supremacist, disavowed neo-Nazi, Ku Klux Klan member, and former Louisiana State Representative. The topics of affirmative action, reverse discrimination, immigration, and welfare were chosen for analysis. Using ideological criticism, this study reveals the role Duke pays in America's increasingly exclusionary political environment. Specifically, this study uses the concepts employed by Louisa Martin Rojo in exploring the rhetorical process of demonization which is used to turn someone or something into an enemy. The process needed to demonize an enemy involves two rhetorical strategies: division and rejection. Division establishes the opposing categories in the conflict, manifesting itself as an arguments between "us verses them" or "good verses evil." Rejection further demonizes the enemy by rhetorically marginalizing, segregating, or creating a negative image about them. Through his rhetoric, Duke strives to provoke feelings of resentment by utilizing demonization to reject and divide whites from minorities. In his rhetoric, Duke excludes people of color from society by portraying affirmative action as minority special privilege, reverse discrimination as white exclusion, welfare as a bastion of illegitimacy, and immigration as the downfall of American culture. Attempting to exclude minorities from society, Duke moves beyond Rojo's concept of demonization and uses scapegoating to blame minorities for America's social ills. By using people of color as a scapegoat, Duke effectively excludes them from participating in the debate over social concerns.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 259-270) Based on 18-months fieldwork, 1997-1999, in various organisations, social clubs and radio programs that were constructed by participants and 'outsiders' as an expression of a local migrant community. Attempts to answer and challenge what it means to be a Latin American in Adelaide and in what sense Latin American migrants and refugees in Adelaide can be spoken about as members of an 'ethnic/migrant community' in relation to the official multiculturalism discourse and popular representations of migrants in Australia.

International workers are a vulnerable population within the hospitality industry. Their challenges, and needs have an impact on productivity, loyalty and satisfaction of international workers towards the organizations that employ them. The social and cultural impacts of labor migration are felt in their new environment by both domestic and immigrant populations. It is important to understand international workers' acculturation process in order to provide them with tools necessary to succeed; it is also important to create responsible practices that translate into positive migration outcomes for both domestic and foreign populations. This study collected data on the motivations, processes, challenges, and alternatives experienced by international workers when relocating to the United States. It documents the cultural adaptation process followed by international workers laboring in the hospitality industry, and based on the data collected from interviewers' responses, it creates new constructs intended to assist hospitality organizations in their operations. By providing tools to support international workers in the acculturation process, and by providing new understandings of the cultural adaptation process undertaken by international workers when relocating, it is plausible to convert a challenge and limitation into an opportunity for hospitality organizations to create value out of their international human capital.<br>ID: 031001425; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Adviser: Youcheng Wang.; Title from PDF title page (viewed June 19, 2013).; Thesis (M.S.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 90-97).<br>M.S.<br>Masters<br>Hospitality Services<br>Hospitality Management<br>Hospitality and Tourism Management

Dans cette thèse nous étudions, d’abord, le développement du Mouvement « universel » de la « jeunesse chrétienne » en tant que réseau transnational dans l’espace occidental au cours de la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle. Nous y analysons ensuite l’interaction entre les agents de la branche américaine du Mouvement, la YMCA, et les représentants des élites politiques, économiques, religieuses et intellectuelles russes en Russie depuis la fin des années 1890, en Europe avec les émigrés russes dans l’entre-deux-guerres, ainsi que les tentatives faites par les agents de l’Association américaine pour se fixer en URSS dans les années 1920.Le Mouvement chrétien des jeunes était conçu comme un espace mondial dépassant les frontières nationales. Cette forme d’internationalisme avait pour ambition de surmonter les nombreuses barrières qui divisaient l’humanité en factions nationales, politiques, économiques, sociales, religieuses ou raciales. Il s’agissait d’un projet utopique construit sur la base du protestantisme évangélique. L’universalisme du Mouvement reposait sur l’idée de la « catholicité » de la « communauté chrétienne » et sur la logique des grandes religions de conversion. Les leaders du Mouvement propageaient le « christianisme vivant ». Réfutant une conception du religieux comme besoin mystique et du christianisme comme ensemble de croyances défini une fois pour toutes, centré sur un dogme rigide et sur un rite religieux, ils prônaient un activisme social des chrétiens et leur participation à la résolution de problèmes sociaux concrets. Initialement axé sur la mission d’évangélisation, ce projet universaliste était lui-même un résultat de la sécularisation à laquelle il devait faire face. Affirmant son « respect » vis-à-vis des structures ecclésiastiques « traditionnelles », le Mouvement était guidé par des laïcs. Manifestant une préoccupation relative aux moyens à utiliser pour soigner les malaises de la société industrielle moderne et pour assurer le progrès de l’humanité, ses leaders prétendaient élaborer un « modèle » de l’action chrétienne « moderne », « organisée », capable d’assurer le développement « intégral » (moral, intellectuel, physique et social) des individus, mettant un accent particulier sur la formation des élites. Dans une perspective de long terme, leur ambition était d’assurer une transformation sociale, politique et économique des sociétés humaines. Plusieurs problématiques sont explorées : 1. Le rapport entre, d’une part, les engagements « universalistes » et « nationaux » et, d’autre part, les facteurs qui influençaient les rapports de force entre des cultures nationales différentes et, donc, déterminaient les vecteurs de la circulation d’idées, d’expériences et de pratiques dans ce type de mouvance internationaliste ; 2. Le mécanisme de la pénétration de la YMCA américaine dans un autre pays, en l’occurrence en Russie, et les motifs invoqués pour le justifier ; 3. Le rapport entre la religion et la politique ; 4. Les relations entre les protestants et les chrétiens orthodoxes. L’étude de ces problématiques se décline en plusieurs dimensions structurées par quatre dichotomies principales : « universel » versus « national », « laïque » versus « religieux », « modernité » versus « tradition », « politique » versus « apolitique »<br>In this thesis we first investigate the creation of a transnational network by the advocates of the Young People’ Global Christian Movement in the West in the latter half of the 19th century. Secondly, we analyze the interaction between the agents of the American branch of the Movement, the American YMCA, and the representatives of the Russian political, economic, religious and intellectual elites in Russia from the end of the 1890s and in Europe with the Russian émigrés in the period between the two world wars. Attempts to implant the American Association in the USSR in the 1920s are also considered.The Young People’ Christian Movement was conceived as a global space transcending national boundaries. The ambition of the advocates of this form of internationalism was to break the barriers of nationalities, politics, economic and social inequalities, religion or race. This utopian project was founded on the values, beliefs and principles of Evangelical Protestantism. The Movement’s universalism was founded on the concept of Christian communities’ “catholicity” and was following the logic of religious conversion. Its leaders were propagating the Vital Christianity. Refuting the conception of religion as a mystic quest and that of Christianity as a set of beliefs defined once and for all and focused on the rigid dogma and on the performance of a religious belief, the leaders of the Global Christian Movement were calling for a social activism of Christians and propagating their capacity to engage in practical problem solving in their own communities. With an initial focus on the mission of evangelization, the Young Christians’ Movement should be a bulwark against the growing secularism of society. However this Universalist project was itself the result of the secularization. Affirming “respect” for the “traditional” ecclesiastical structures, the Movement was guided by laypersons. Demonstrating an active concern for the means to treat the ailments of the modern industrial societies and to assure the progress of humanity, the leaders of the Young Christians’ Movement had an ambition to elaborate a “model” of a “modern” and “organized” Christian action, capable of ensuring the “integral” (moral, intellectual, physical and social) development of the individuals, with a particular emphasis on the training of the elites. Set in a long-term perspective, the ambition of the leaders of the Movement was to assure a complete social, political and economic transformation of human societies. Several problematic issues were explored: 1. The relationship between the “globalist” and “national” commitments, and the factors affecting the power relations between the different national cultures and determining the direction of circulation of ideas, experiences and practices within this internationalist movement; 2. The mechanism of and the motives invoked to justify the penetration of the American YMCA in the other countries, i.e. in Russia; 3. The relationship between religion and politics; 4. The relationship between Protestants and Orthodox Christians. This study addresses four key dichotomies: “universal” versus “national”, “laic” versus “religious”, “modernity” versus “tradition”, “political” versus “apolitical”

Defence date: 13 May 2008<br>Examining Board: Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) - supervisor; Prof. Bartolomé Yun (EUI); Prof. Eric Vanhaute (Ghent University); Prof. Lewis Fischer (University of Newfoundland).<br>First made available online on 24 August 2018<br>Why, yet another study on the long 19th century European mass-migration movement to the US, when during the last decade migration historians have encouraged a shift away from the Atlanto-centrism and Modernization-centrism that has dominated the sub-discipline (Lucassen and Lucassen, 1996, 28-30; Hoerder, 2002, 10-18)? For many, the topic seems saturated, yet one particular and reoccurring question has not yet received a satisfying answer: how did the migrant trade evolve and influence the relocation of approximately thirty five million migrants across the Atlantic, of whom an ever increasing percentage returned and repeated the journey during the steamship era? More than half a century ago Maldwyn Jones, Frank Thistletwaite, and Rolf Engelsing drew attention to the fact that transatlantic migration was determined by trade routes (Jones, 1956, Engelsing, 1961; Thistletwaite, 1960). Migrants essentially became valuable cargo, on a shipping route made up of raw cotton, tobacco or timber from the New World; a route that had room to spare on the return leg of the journey. Rolf Engelsing in particular documented how the maritime business community reacted to this trade opportunity, by erecting inland networks, directing a continuous flow of human cargo to the port of Bremen during the sailship-era. Marianne Wokeck later stressed the Atlantic dimensions of these networks, by dating the origins of non-colonial mass migration movements to the 18th Century (Wokeck, 1999).

Defence date: 11 June 1998<br>Supervisor: Prof. Bernhard Giesen, Universität Giessen ; Co-Supervisor: Prof. Laurence Fontaine, European University Institute<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017<br>Why are national identities imagined in one way rather than in another? The book analyses national imaginations as an on-going reconstruction process in a political and social context in which several imaginations of the nation struggle to impose their conception. Focusing on a fundamental element of any collective identity, namely the «Other», the book looks at the reconstruction of national identities by actors in political debates on immigration in the late 1980s and 1990s, particularly associations and political clubs which were in favour of and against the presence of immigrant minorities in their respective countries. Thus, the book investigates different ways of imagining the same nation in two old European nation-states, namely France and Denmark, which differ with regard to their nation-building processes, their Second World War history, their memory of colonialism and their experience of immigration. It is thus possible to illustrate that existing ideas of the nation and memories of historical events shape the way in which the nation could be re-imagined in the 1980s and 1990s.

Immigrants from Western Europe to the United States are commonly assumed to be racially white. Almost no attention has been paid, however, to recent changes occurring within the composition of the Western European immigrant population: individuals who were born in Western Europe but whose families have origins outside of Western Europe have been migrating to and settling in the US in growing numbers. This study examines the growing diversity of this migratory stream, investigating seven groups of immigrants from Western Europe to the US. I analyze data from the European Social Survey, the US census, the American Community Surveys, the Migrant Integration Policy Index, the UN database, and the World Bank database. First, this study analyzes these origin groups' economic and social characteristics' within Western Europe. I show that while immigrants within Western Europe present an improvement in economic indicators over time and generations, they show no improvement in social indicators. Furthermore, immigrants from less developed regions report on higher rates of being socially excluded, which, in turn, correlate with lower economic achievements. Furthermore, I disentangle the economic `ethnic penalty' of minorities in Western Europe by dividing it into four components: individual characteristics, country characteristics, the social environment in host country, and the policy environment in host country. Then, I analyzed the 'educational penalty' of minority youths in Western Europe and its nature. I show that only intercultural policies help in advancing minorities in Western Europe, due to the poor social acceptance they experience. Given this background on the condition of minorities within Western Europe, I turn to investigate the move that some of them make to the US. I show that immigrants from Western Europe of non-European descents carry a higher `ethnic penalty' when they come to the US, but most of them advance faster economically than the majority of Western Europeans who migrate to the US. I test three plausible explanations for this phenomenon, finding that the level of discrimination experienced by a given ethnic group is the most determinant factor. Minorities who experience a higher discrimination level in Western Europe integrate faster in the US. Social differences between Western Europe and the US, therefore, appear to affect immigrants and their integration patterns. This phenomenon represents a new type of migration: `social migration'. While immigration has been understood overwhelmingly in terms of the two fundamental categories of economic and political (refugee) immigration, the new category of social migration is now emerging between them. I end with examining the far-reaching implications of this new development.

Defence date: 8 July 2010<br>Examining Board: Maurizio Ambrosini (Univ. Milan); Margarita Gomez-Reino Cachafeiro, UNED, Madrid); Virginie Guiraudon (CERAPS-CNRS, Lille Centre for Politics) (External Co-Sipervisor); Peter Mair (EUI) (Supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>In the early 1990s, Italy and Spain, traditional labor exporters, started to acknowledge their new position as ‘immigration countries’. This dissertation examines how both states have coped with the consequences of this rapid and unexpected shift. Combining discourse and policy analysis, we look mainly at political elites’ (parties and their members) discourses and practices, during the first decade of the immigration turn (from early 1990s until the early 2000s). The literature has often treated Italy and Spain as examples of the same ‘Mediterranean’ group, also usually assuming that they have followed a very similar route towards immigrants’ criminalization and a populist mobilization of the immigration theme. Adopting an innovative analytical perspective, this thesis arrives at an original understanding of both immigrants’ representation and immigration politics in Italy and Spain. The predominant categories mobilized by Spanish and Italian political elites in the construction of the immigration ‘problem', as well as the strategies used to seize the (political) opportunities offered by the immigration theme are more diverse than they seem. While in Italy a ‘grammar’ of insecurity has been reiterated and institutionalized by nearly all political groups throughout the 1990s, in Spain, parties have mostly treated immigration as a matter (problem) of social integration, politicizing (‘criminalizing’) the issue quite late in the decade. This dissertation concludes moreover that the rising influx of immigrants during the 1990s has triggered a revival of particular ways of framing the Italian and Spanish ‘nations’ and nationhood, which have strongly marked political actors’ approach to immigrants and immigration politics. In this way, while in Italy the post-Fascist idea of a bounded Italianità, grounded on family ties and blood connections, have underlie immigration policy-making; the post-Franquist conception of a ‘new’, open and plural Spain has overruled in Spain. We show how these different national ‘mythologies’ were instrumental for legitimating quite similar (restrictive) policies.

Defence date: 9 December 2010<br>Examining Board: Rainer Bauböck (EUI); Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor); Marco Giugni (Université de Genève); Michal Wieviorka (École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>This thesis investigates how progressive social movements deal with religious pluralism and religious political activism by engaging in a cross-country comparison of Muslim activists and their participation within the movement against neo-liberal globalisation (also known as the Global Justice Movement). Taking the example of two nation states which have a similar post-colonial history of migration and settlement, Britain and France, the thesis seeks to explain why we observe such differences in the reactions of social movement leaders to the novel development of Muslim activism within the movement. Using concepts developed in the study of social movements; in particular political opportunity structures (POS) and framing processes, three main findings emerge. Firstly, religion itself is not an explanatory factor behind the involvement of Muslims in this movement, although it may be strategically employed to encourage others. Secondly, reactions to Muslim participation by social movement organisations can be largely attributed to the respective philosophies of integration in each nation state. Social movement leaders in Britain are keen to show how diverse their organisations are by encouraging Muslim participation. In France, such diversity is perceived as weakness because it challenges their collective identity. Counterintuitively, we find more French Muslims willing to participate in social movements despite hostility to their presence by others. This is due to a stronger tradition of mobilisation within the left. Thirdly, different biographical outcomes of activism by Muslim activists within the GJM can be accounted for due to external political opportunity strucutures. British Muslim activists went on to form an electoral alliance with the radical left because of favourable opportunity structures but their French counterparts failed to do the same because opportunities were closed.

In any act of household migration, there are movers (the migrant) and stayers (those left behind), and both of these two groups have expectations. The movers expect to make some benefits at the destination while the stayers expect the migrant to send or do something at home of origin. Some work, though limited, has been done to improve our understanding of how potential migrants form their expectations of what they can get from the destination country in studies involving determinants of individual migration. But for those left behind very little is known about how they form their expectations of what they can get from the migrant. The few studies that have been done on this have only used observed flow of remittances to estimate what people left behind expect from migration. Hence these studies equate observed flow of remittances to expected flows. And by this equation, these studies also assume perfect information flow between migrants and relations left behind as well as perfect knowledge to help those left behind to form realistic expectations: expectations that reflects exactly what can be sent to them. Obviously these assumptions are not tenable. These untenable assumptions also leave a hole in our ability to explain why a household will choose to either continue supporting members for migration or not. This is because we cannot tell from observed data alone whether or not the desire to continue to support migration of a household or a family member is as a result of well-informed subjective expectations or not. The crust of the problem here is therefore that by relying on observed data alone we fail to account for the important role subjective expectations or beliefs of those left behind play in decisions for further migration movements, especially within the family. To be able to unravel this problem we need elicitation of subjective expectations of remittance flows from those left behind. Using data from a specially designed survey in two districts in Ghana, I construct time-adjusted subjective remittance expectations of migrant families at home of origin and analyse the factors that determine the formation of these expectations and how formation of these expectations can help us explain perpetuation of migration within a household. The key analytical models employed in these investigations are summarised below In order to understand the exogenous determinants of remittance expectations of migrant households, I first of all estimate factors that influence performance of migrant at home of origin and general flow of information between the migrants and the household members left behind. In order to see the effect of remittances on formation of subjective expectations, remittance flow was measured in terms of migrant performance by adjusting the flows to the time period during which the migrant could do what he or she has done. The items were limited to the popular ones people receive: money for living expenses, establishment of a house and business investment. The theoretical explanation for this adjustment is that if the observed trend in remittance flow has any effect on expectations it would be through individual household’s evaluation of what migrants have achieved within a certain number of years. In other words, all things being equal, families whose migrants took much longer period to achieve certain things would have lower levels of expectations than a comparable family whose migrant took relatively shorter period. This is because taking a long time to achieve something at home of origin would breed some kind of skepticism and uncertainty among those left behind as to what they can get from migration. And this skepticism can lead to low levels of expectations. This is also in line with the reference people left behind often make when talking about achievements of migrants at home of origin as they always point to what XYZ has done. Ordinary least squared regression is then used to estimate factors determining level of migrant performance at home of origin after the transformation of the dependent variable: migrant performance. Heckman selection model is also applied to control for possible effect of bias since some households have migrants who have done nothing at home. Kinship ties are the major factors under this investigation. To determine the main factors influencing information flow, ordinary least squared estimates are used while a generalised ordered logit model, with maximum likelihood method, is used to estimate the factors influencing the likelihood of a household getting higher categories of private/dedicated information from the migrant. Major factors for this investigation are kinship ties and performance of migrant at home of origin. Since information flow and remittance flows are suspected to have endogenous relationship, instrumental variables (IV) technique is employed to estimated impact of remittance flow on both private and public information flows. This is important for us to understand how information flow act as exogenous determinant of subjective remittance expectations, and resultant effect on perpetuation of migration. Once current information flow and performance of migrants have been examined and effects of their exogenous factors estimated, the next stage of the analysis is the examination of effects of these past performance and information flow on household subjective remittance expectations while controlling for other major exogenous factors such as kinship ties, level of education and household wealth. Ordinary least square regression technique is used to estimate major determinants of these levels of expectations. However, to control for possible bias resulting from the fact that a select group of households may not expect anything, Heckman selection model is applied. The final analysis is the estimation of impact household subjective remittance expectations on migration-support intentions. Due to the problem of endogenous relationship between expectations and migration decisions, ordinary maximum likelihood estimates would not be very effective in identifying the real impact expectations have on migration decisions. Hence I use maximum likelihood with endogenous repressors to estimate or identify the influence of expectation on potential migration decisions, applying the probit model with selection model (heckprob) technique. Ordered probit analysis is also used to investigate what determines household’s desire to support more than one person for migration. The results are summarised below. Summary of Findings Economics and sociology literature makes us aware that in order to understand formation of expectations of any kind we first have to investigate two important factors: past events and current information flow, because these are the two factors that hugely influence expectations. Hence, for us to understand remittance expectations, we first have to understand two issues: observed past flows of remittances and current flow of information between the migrant and relations left behind at home of origin. If remittance flows should influence household or family’s (including the extended family members) subjective expectations and the support to move abroad, it should largely do so in terms of what has been observed in the past. In Chapter Six, I investigated the influence of kinship ties on receipts of remittances. As expected, closer migrant relations such as spouse and head of family stand a much better chance of having better performance from migrant than distant kinship ties such as friendship. However when it comes to performance in individual items such as house or business investment, a household cannot rely only on kinship ties with migrant. It should also have some wealth. Specifically, among the kinship ties only spousal relationship was found to have positive effect on migrant performance in areas such as housing and business investment. Thus the influence of kinship ties on observed flow of remittances is mostly limited to money for living expenses, unless the family left behind is wealthy enough to enable allocation of what is sent into other things such as investment in housing and business. With kinship ties being very influential in the determination of past performance of migrants one would expect that these ties would also influence information flow if the assumption of remittance and information flow being together holds. It has always been assumed by cumulative causation theories of migration that together with the flow of remittances from migrant to relations back at home is the flow of information that connects migrant, potential migrants and those left behind (Massey et al, 1993). If this is the case then relationship should be a key factor in determining information flow from the migrants, because these ties influence flow of remittances. Results from the 2SLS model show that remittance flow has impact only at the lower levels of private information flow, reinforcing the point that information that comes with remittance flow may just be social issues such as size of family, marital status, and not economic ones. In spite of their strong effect on remittance flow or migrant performance, all the types of kinship ties generally have negative effects on private information flow. Thus kinship ties are not enough for those left behind to get more private information from the migrant relations residing abroad. It should not be surprising that remittance flows do not lead to higher levels of information flow from the migrants to those left behind. This is because remittances are mostly made up of monetary transfers for living expenses which may not carry much information with it as, in most cases, migrants do not require monitoring. And with electronic transfers of these days, it becomes more implausible to assume that remittance flows, which are mostly limited to monetary transfers, would generate private information as the interpersonal exchanges in these transfers become more and more reduced. But since the lower levels of private information flows only contain pieces of information such as marital status, household size and education levels, it follows that remittance flow may not be the best channel through which relations get important information about the socioeconomic conditions of the migrant. Perhaps this assumption was more plausible about 30 years ago when migrants mostly relied on methods such as using other migrants going home. Families left behind have to rely on their wealth or good level of education to be able to source information from the migrants. On the other hand, remittance flow or migrant performance has highly significant and positive influence on public information flow, suggesting that what migrants do at home influence some perceived knowledge of the migrants’ socioeconomic conditions. It is also interesting to note that factors such as average household education and wealth that have significant positive effect on private information flow have negative effect on public information flow. One can therefore deduce that the more families are able to access information from the migrants themselves, the less they rely on migration information from nonmigrant sources or the general public in the community of origin. Unfortunately remittance flow is unable to help those left behind to get more information from the migrant. Hence most of them will have to rely on public information. With the flow of crucial information such as economic conditions of migrants lacking or being inadequate, it can be concluded that there would be some level of uncertainty about conditions. And this level of uncertainty may lead to some guess-work or reliance on information from other sources in the formation of remittance expectations. That is, would their inability to access crucial information on economic conditions of the migrants “push” them to rely on information reaching them from other sources in the formation of expectations? Also if the wealthy and the more educated families are more likely to know more about the migrants, and if knowing more about the migrant is most likely to temper high expectations with realism as hypothesized in this study, would it be fair to conclude that wealthier and more educated families may have ambivalent, if not negative expectation levels? Results from Chapter Seven show that families would use their experience of what migrants have done at home of origin as a starting point in the formation of their remittance expectations in terms of whether or not they should expect something. But once their expectation status is assured, families are much more influenced by other factors than migrant performance in the formation of their subjective remittance expectation levels. In other words at lower levels of information, remittance expectations seem to be more adaptive to past trends of observed remittance flows. Kinship ties become very significant in this respect in spite of its insignificant influence on information flow. This raises a question of whether or not the effect of kinship ties on formation of remittance expectations is informed by information from the migrants. All the results point to the contrary. The effects of kinship ties on subjective remittance expectations are informed more by past experience of remittance receipts than current dedicated/ private flow of information between the families and the migrants. When kinship ties are interacted with private information their effects on remittance expectations are, however, significantly reduced, indicating that when people take private or dedicated information into consideration their high expectations are very much checked. What are the implications of subjective remittance expectations form under low levels of dedicated information flow for migration decisions? Chapter Eight sought to provide the answer to this question. The results confirmed the hypothesis that subjective remittance expectations formed under inadequate flow of dedicated information would lead to increasing desire to support more migration from the family and the opposite should also true. That is under inadequate information flow, subjective remittance expectations have highly positive effect on desire to perpetuate migration more than the demonstrative effect of migrant performance, emphasizing the importance of expectations in perpetuation of migration. However, the strong effect of expectations and kinship ties on desire to support migration could be reduced if high levels of dedicated information are taken into consideration. Further investigation into why some families with remittance expectations would still not want to support members to migrate revealed that, in addition to private or dedicated information flow, average household education level is a major factor that discourages families with remittance expectations from further supporting members to migrate. This is in sharp contrast with the generally accepted view that education selects families and individuals into migration, especially international migration. This is true in the general population. When only migrant families are sampled, as in this study, the effects of education on migration are tempered with information flow. Education allows the family to access more and more of private/dedicated information which has negative effect on remittance expectations. It is therefore not surprising that education may discourage families with expectations to continue supporting migration. But since most people do not get the private information or do not even consider it as, expectations which are hugely informed by past performance, public information and mere kinship ties would continue to drive perpetuation of migration, at least, at the household level.

This ethnography explores the disjunctures, tensions and convivialities experienced by Chinese migrants in Japan. Chinese migrants now constitute the largest group of registered "foreigners" in Japan, with over 600,000 documented in 2009. The size of this group is the result of a Chinese government-sponsored drive for educational and economic success, and Japan's flexible student visa cum proxy labour migration system. The migrants are situated in a complex world of conflicting imperatives and confusing mobility regimes. Based on 20 months fieldwork in Tokyo's unofficial Chinatown, Ikebukuro, this dissertation demonstrates the value of an existential focus in the Anthropology of migration. I do not represent migrants as harbingers of a new epoch of transnational flexibility nor as mere subjects of global capital and the nation{u00AD} state. Rather, I present them as an example of how we all negotiate complex social worlds amplified by disjunctures and mobility. I situate my existential focus with reference to the work of Jean Luc Nancy, particularly his use of the term "being-with." I also take inspiration from Michael Jackson's work, showing how relational materialities, affects and events shape migrant lives. The chapters of this dissertation consider existential dilemmas as they manifest themselves across a number of spatial scales. I examine everyday practice in the small spaces of conviviality found in Ikebukuro, the dilemmas of living in the large metropolis of Tokyo and how Ikebukuro is situated within the broader field of international Chinese migration. I explore the ways Chinese migrants struggle to define themselves at these multiple levels, often leading to a sense of ambivalence in their lives. As much as this struggle creates a sense of ambivalence however, the place of kinship in their transnational imaginaries gives a particular shape to their sense of "being-with." I conclude by showing how events such as the Tohoku earthquake create new imperatives for Chinese migrants, suggesting potential sources of hope for the relationship between Ikebukuro Chinese and Japanese locals.

Talent management is a source of competitive advantage and will be achieved by those organisations that are able to attract, develop and retain best in class individuals. It is thus not just a human resources issue but rather an integral part of any organisation’s strategy. Due to negative perceptions about South Africa, skilled workers are immigrating to countries such as Australia to the detriment of the South African economy. This loss is not necessarily being replaced by graduates or through immigration. Government policies such as Broader- Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE), Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) and Affirmative Action (AA), compound the issue by then decreasing the pool of skilled applicants that may occupy skilled and senior posts in organisations. Globally there is a shortage of skills and due to employee mobility they can use any opportunity that presents itself. The objectives of this study was to determine the factors which lead to the emigration of skilled South African’s to Australia and then once these factors are known to propose retention strategies to role players to stem the emigration tide. To achieve these objectives a survey was prepared based on previous studies and a link to the web questionnaire was distributed to the population via an Australian immigration agent. The link was sent to all the agent’s clients around the world and thus consisted not only of South Africa respondents but also elicited international responses, which will be used for comparison purposes only. Only 48 South Africans responded to the survey and although limited, it was sufficient for the purposes of this study. The demographic profile was mainly male and dominated by Generation X. Using a Likert scale respondents were questioned on their levels of satisfaction in their country of origin and in Australia through an adaptation of a study by Mattes and Richmond (2000). The study of Hulme (2002) was adapted and incorporated into the questionnaire, where respondents were given the opportunity to rank considerations for leaving South Africa and factors that would draw them back. Respondents were provided with the opportunity for responses to open-ended questions to include other considerations for leaving and factors that would draw them back. Results from these survey items revealed that the primary reasons driving skilled South Africans to emigrate was safety and security, upkeep of public amenities, customer service and taxation. In contrast, South African migrants had high levels of satisfaction with safety and security, upkeep of public amenities and customer service in Australia. Respondents indicated that factors that would draw them back to South Africa would be improvements in safety and security and government, followed by family roots, good jobs and schools. The study also looked at the permanence of the move. If skilled individuals returned with new-found skills and experience then it could be a potential brain gain for South Africa. The results of this study found that 43% of respondents had no intention to return, 42% did not supply a response and only 10% were undecided on whether to return or not. To attract, retain and develop talent, the South African government and the private sector would need to work in partnership to develop policies that would satisfy the lower-order needs of individuals, such as physiological and safety needs.<br>Emigration of skilled South African migrants to Australia<br>Business Management<br>M.Tech. (Business Administration)

A Research Report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, School of Social Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, Johannesburg, 2017.<br>Migrant social networks and their effects have dominated international migration discourse over the past few decades. The importance of social networks and social capital in migration decision-making is underscored by large volumes of research across many disciplines. There are however few comparative analyses of the refugee experience across disparate geographical spaces particularly cities in the so-called global ‘South’. Drawing on original survey data collected from refugees in Pakistan, Turkey and Nairobi in mid-2016, this paper argues that access to social networks and the value of the social capital embedded in these networks, is strongly dependent on the pre-migration social, political, cultural and economic contexts of migrants and refugees. Social networks generate positive social capital in some contexts and negative social capital in others. Logistic regression and correlational tests of association were used to analyse the relationship between social networks, employment, and well-being of refugees in the three cities mentioned. The findings speak of the complex economic and social environments refugees often find themselves, and networks of personal relations either hamper or facilitate the ability of refugees to secure employment.<br>XL2018

The phenomenon of migration has given rise to prolific research emphasising the psychological adaptation of persons post-immigration. This study focuses on psychological preparation pre-immigration. Literature study and empirical research establish that an immigrant's adaptation is influenced by migration motivation and expectations. Several phases of adaptation occur, during which time individual stress is influenced by one's perception of the balance between the stresses of the new environment and one's personal and external resources. Various migration stressors could be identified in the sample group of South Africans living in Australia. Personal and external resources include effective coping strategies, a positive, committed outlook, strong self-esteem as well as a cohesive family and an acquired support system. Finally, guidelines were produced reflecting that the preparation for immigration is a complex and highly individualised task comprised of providing information, encouraging self-assessment and supplying training to improve the coping startegies of the individual.<br>Educational Studies<br>M. Ed. (Guidance and Counseling)

The aim of this study was to analyse teacher migration between South Africa (SA) and the United Kingdom (UK). An understanding of teacher migration and migration patterns is of vital importance especially to SA. As a developing country, SA is losing valuable assets, namely professionals (teachers, doctors, nurses) to developed countries. There is a return stream as evident in a cohort of teacher migrants returning to SA. However, increased mobility is a direct occurrence of the forces of globalisation, and neither the loss of professionals (brain drain) nor the brain gain is unique to SA. Nevertheless, the need to understand migrant teachers' decision-making is salient: firstly, as a step in creating avenues for discourse on addressing the flight of 'home-grown' professionals and attracting ex-patriots back to their home country. Secondly, in furthering an understanding of global labour migration, and finally in developing and expanding on existing migration theories in a globalised world. This study was multi-layered. It investigated two distinct cohorts of teachers: ninety experienced teachers (part of the teaching fraternity) and thirty novice teachers (student teachers in their final year of study at Edgewood College of Education in SA). Within the category of experienced teachers, three separate divisions of teachers were identified for examination, namely premigrants (teachers about to embark on their first migration), post-migrants (SA teachers already teaching in the UK) and return-migrants (teachers who had returned to SA after a period of teaching in the UK). Various theories influenced the study: economic theories of migration, identity theories in education and Marxist labour theory. Within this theoretical framing the influence of globalisation as a process in facilitating cross border mobility was emphasized. Quantitative and qualitative methods were used in the study. Teachers' voices were favoured in the study as an expression of the complexity of their thinking, attitudes, behaviour and hence, identities. The study commenced by examining the reasons for novice and experienced teachers exiting the SA teaching fraternity, to work in schools in London in the UK. Then it explored the latter teachers' experiences in those schools and society with a view to revealing their integration into new socio-cultural and political milieus, and highlighting their transnational identities. Finally, experienced teachers' reasons for returning to SA were probed. In tracing teachers' trajectory from pre-migration (before migration) to post-migration (in the host country) to return migration (back to the home country), the study attempted to analyse patterns of transnational migration in a globalised context. The study identified the emergence of a new breed of teachers: transnational teacher-travellers. These are teachers who traverse a country's national boundaries at will. They are at ease trading their services in a global market, all in the pursuit of attaining a kaleidoscope of goals simultaneously. SA teachers were generally leaving their home country for multiple reasons of finance, travel opportunities and career progression. None of these reasons were mutually exclusive of each other. Migrant teachers' experiences in the UK were extensive, from professional growth to salary satisfaction and travel. However, teacher stress from incidents of reduced classroom discipline and loneliness stemming from family separation impacted on migrant teachers abroad, and contributed to return migration. An evaluation of the data on migrant teachers' motivations, experiences and goals led to the development of a model to understand the transnational migration patterns of teachers traversing from developing to developed countries. The model is sculptured from Demuth's (2000) three phases of migration: pre-migration, post-migration and return-migration. A basic tenet of the suggested model is that teacher migration is a non-linear process. It is initiated and sustained by complex, concurrent push or pull factors in the home country and pull or push factors in the host country. Further, teacher migration is propelled and perpetuated by the influences of globalisation and socio-cultural networks between countries.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2005.